New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915 eBook

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915

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Table of Contents

Table of Contents
Section Page

Start of eBook1
The New York Times3
MAY, 19153
The Surrender of Przemysl9
Lord Kitchener Advertises for Recruits16
Battle of the Dardanelles16
Official Story of Two Sea Fights21
The Greatest of Campaigns30
War Correspondence52
Three Weeks of the War in Champagne53
The Germans Concrete Trenches57
The Spirits of Mankind60
American Reply to Britain’s Blockade Order75
Germany’s Conditions of Peace80
The Allies’ Conditions of Peace83
South Africa’s Romantic Blue Paper86
Warfare and British Labor92
Britain’s Peril of Strikes and Drink96
Italy’s Evolution as Reflected in Her Press107
(Respectfully submitted to the British Government.)112
Facsimile of a Belgian Bread-Check114
America’s Neutrality115
Neutral Spirit of the Swiss121
A Swiss View of Germany123
America and Prohibition Russia134
Pan-American Relations As Affected by the War142
An Interview on the War With Henry James150
A Talk With Belgium’s Governor156
A New Poland160
General Foch, the Man of Ypres169
Canada and Britain’s War Union175
American Aid of France185
Stories of French Courage188
American Unfriendliness195
Chronology of the War199

Page 1


Battle of the Dardanelles (With Map) 219
  The Disaster that Befell the Allies’ Fleet

Official story of two sea fights (With Maps) 223

Between midnight and morning (Poem) 231
  By Sir Owen Seaman

The greatest of campaigns (With Map) 232
  The French Official Account Concluded

Sonnet on the Belgian expatriation 250
  By Thomas Hardy

War correspondence (With Map) 251

The spirit of mankind 258
  By Woodrow Wilson

What the Germans say about their own methods of warfare” 259
  (With Facsimile Letters)
  By Professor Bedier of the College de France

The recruit (Poem) 274
  By Hortense Flexner

American reply to Britain’s blockade order 275
  By William J. Bryan

Germany’s conditions of peace 279
  By Dr. Bernhard Dernburg

The alliesconditions of peace 282
  By Sir Edward Grey

South Africa’s romantic blue paper (With Map) 284

The bells of Berlin (Poem) 289
  From Punch of London

Warfare and British labor 290
  By Earl Kitchener

Saviors of Europe 292
  By Rene Bazin

Britain’s peril of strikes and drink 293
  By Lloyd George


Some ruses de guerre (Poem) 304
  By A.M.  Wakeman



Page 2

To A German apologist (Poem) 329
  By Beatrice Barry

America’s neutrality 330
  By Count Albert Apponyi

Neutral spirit of the Swiss 335
  An Interview with President Motta

To king and people (Poem) 336
  By Walter Sichel

A Swiss view of Germany 337
  By Maurice Millioud

The land of maeterlinck 344
  By Alfred Sutro

America and prohibition Russia 345
  By Isabel F. Hapgood

The mother’s song (Poem) 350
  By Cecilia Reynolds Robertson

Pan-American relations as affected by the war 351
  By Huntington Wilson

An Easter message (Poem) 357
  By Beatrice Barry

An interview on the war with Henry James 358
  By Preston Lockwood

A talk with Belgium’s Governor 363
  By Edward Lyall Fox

A charge in the dark (Poem) 365
  By O.C.A.  Child

A new Poland 366
  By Gustave Herve

With the honors of war” 368
  By Wythe Williams


The UNREMEMBERED dead (Poem) 377
  By Ella A. Fanning

Canada and Britain’s war union 378
  By Edward W. Thomson

England (Poem) 384
  By John E. Dolson

American aid of France 385
  By Eugene Brieux

A farewell (Poem) 387
  By Edna Mead

Stories of French courage 388
  By Edwin L. Shuman

A TROOPER’S soliloquy (Poem) 392
  By O.C.A.  Child

Page 3

American unfriendliness 393
  By Maximilian Harden

Endowed with A noble fire of blood 395
  By A. Kouprine


The day (Poem) 408
  By Henry Chappell

[Illustration:  Commander Thierichens

Commander of the German commerce-raider Prinz Eitel Friedrich, which sank the American sailing ship William P. Frye.]

[Illustration:  The grand duchess of Luxemburg

Whose little State was first occupied by the German forces.

(Photo from George Grantham Bain.)]

The New York Times




MAY, 1915

General Sir John French’s Own Story

The Costly Victory of Neuve Chapelle

LONDON, April 14.—­Field Marshal Sir John French, commander of the British expeditionary forces on the Continent, reports the British losses in the three days’ fighting at Neuve Chapelle last month, as follows:  Killed, 190 officers, 2,337 men; wounded, 359 officers, 8,174 other ranks; missing, 23 officers, 1,728 men; total casualties, 12,811.  The report continues:

The enemy left several thousand dead on the field, and we have positive information that upward of 12,000 wounded were removed by trains.  Thirty officers and 1,657 of other ranks were captured.

The British commander’s dispatch concerning the battle is long, and says, among other things:

Considerable delay occurred after the capture of Neuve Chapelle, and the infantry was greatly disorganized.  I am of the opinion that this delay would not have occurred had the clearly expressed order of the general officer commanding the First Army been more carefully observed.

Field Marshal Sir John French’s report, which covers the battles of Neuve Chapelle and St. Eloi under date of April 5, was published in the official Gazette today.  The Commander in Chief writes:

The event of chief interest and importance which has taken place is the victory achieved over the enemy in the battle of Neuve Chapelle, which was fought on March 10, 11, and 12.

The main attack was delivered by the troops of the First Army under command of General Sir Douglas Haig, supported by a large force of heavy artillery, a division of cavalry, and some infantry of the General Reserve.  Secondary and holding attacks and demonstrations were made along the front of the Second Army, under direction of its commander, Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien.

Page 4

While the success attained was due to the magnificent bearing and indomitable courage displayed by the troops of the Fourth and Indian Corps, I consider that the able and skillful dispositions which were made by the general officer commanding the First Army contributed largely to the defeat of the enemy and to the capture of his position.  The energy and vigor with which General Sir Douglas Haig handled his command show him to be a leader of great ability and power.

Another action of considerable importance was brought about by a surprise attack made by the Germans on March 14 against the Twenty-seventh Division holding the trenches east of St. Eloi.  A large force of artillery was concentrated in this area under the cover of a mist and a heavy volume of fire was suddenly brought to bear on the trenches.

At 5 o’clock in the afternoon this artillery attack was accompanied by two mine explosions, and in the confusion caused by these and by the suddenness of the attack the position of St. Eloi was captured and held for some hours by the enemy.

Well-directed and vigorous counter-attacks, in which the troops of the Fifth Army Corps showed great bravery and determination, restored the situation by the evening of the 15th.

The dispatch describes further operations, saying:

On Feb. 6 a brilliant action by the troops of the First Corps materially improved our position in the area south of La Bassee Canal.  During the previous night parties of the Irish Guards and the Third Battalion of the Coldstream Guards had succeeded in gaining ground from which a converging fire could be directed on the flanks and rear of certain brick stacks occupied by the Germans, which had been for some time a source of considerable annoyance.  At 2 P.M. the affair commenced with a severe bombardment of the brick stacks and the enemy’s trenches.

A brisk attack by the Third Battalion of the Coldstream Guards and Irish Guards from our trenches west of the brick stacks followed and was supported by the fire from the flanking position which had been seized the previous night by the same regiments.

The attack succeeded, the brick stacks were occupied without difficulty, and a line was established north and south through a point about forty yards east of the brick stacks.

The casualties suffered by the Fifth Corps throughout the period under review, and particularly during the month of February, have been heavier than those on other parts of the line.  I regret this, but do not think, taking all circumstances into consideration, that they were unduly numerous.  The position then occupied by the Fifth Corps had always been a very vulnerable part of our line.  The ground was marshy, and trenches were most difficult to construct and maintain.  The Twenty-seventh and Twenty-eighth Divisions of the Fifth Corps had no previous experience in European warfare, and a number of the units composing the corps had only recently returned from service in tropical climates.  In consequence, the hardships of a rigorous Winter campaign fell with greater weight upon these divisions than upon any other in the command.

Page 5

Chiefly owing to these causes the Fifth Corps, up to the beginning of March, was constantly engaged in counter-attacks to retake trenches and ground which had been lost.  In their difficult and arduous task, however, the troops displayed the utmost gallantry and devotion, and it is most creditable to the skill and energy of their leaders that I am able to report how well they have surmounted all their difficulties and that the ground first taken over by them is still intact and held with little greater loss than is incurred by the troops in all other parts of the line.

Describing an attack on the German trenches near St. Eloi on Feb. 28 by Princess Patricia’s Regiment, of the Canadian contingent, under command of Lieut.  C.E.  Crabbe, the Commander in Chief says:

The services performed by this distinguished corps have continued to be very valuable since I had occasion to refer to them in my last dispatch.  They have been most ably organized and trained and were commanded by Lieut.  Colonel F.D.  Farquhar, D.S.O., who I deeply regret to say was killed while superintending some trench work on March 20.  His loss will be deeply felt.

Emphasizing the co-operation of the British and French forces and the new role in warfare assumed by the cavalry, the Commander in Chief writes:

During the month of February I arranged with General Foch to render the Ninth French Corps, holding the trenches to my left, some much-needed rest by sending the three divisions of the British Cavalry Corps to hold a portion of the French trenches, each division for a period of ten days alternately.

[Illustration:  Map showing the field of the Battle of Neuve Chapelle and its position in the Allied line.]

It was very gratifying to me to note once again in this campaign the eager readiness which the cavalry displayed to undertake a role which does not properly belong to them in order to support and assist their French comrades.  In carrying out this work the leader, officers, and men displayed the same skill and energy which I have had reason to comment upon in former dispatches.

Referring to Neuve Chapelle and the considerations leading up to this, the Field Marshal says:

About the end of February many vital considerations induced me to believe that a vigorous offensive movement by the troops under my command should be planned and carried out at the earliest possible moment.  Among the more important reasons which convinced me of this necessity were the general aspect of the allied situation throughout Europe, and particularly the marked success of the Russian Army in repelling the violent onslaughts of Marshal von Hindenburg; the apparent weakening of the enemy on my front, and the necessity for assisting our Russian allies to the utmost by holding as many hostile troops as possible in the western theatre; the efforts to this end which were being made by the French forces at Arras and in Champagne, and—­perhaps the most weighty consideration of all—­the need of fostering the offensive spirit in the troops under my command after the trying and possibly enervating experiences which they had gone through of a severe Winter in the trenches.

Page 6

In a former dispatch I commented upon the difficulties and drawbacks which the Winter weather in this climate imposes upon a vigorous offensive.  Early in March these difficulties became greatly lessened by the drying up of the country and by spells of brighter weather.

I do not propose in this dispatch to enter at length into the considerations which actuated me in deciding upon the plan, time, and place of my attack.  As mentioned above, the main attack was carried out by units of the First Army, supported by troops of the Second Army and the general reserve.  The object of the main attack was to be the capture of the village of Neuve Chapelle and the enemy’s position at that point, and the establishment of our line as far forward as possible to the east of that place.

The object, nature, and scope of the attack and the instructions for the conduct of the operations were communicated by me to Sir Douglas Haig in a secret memorandum, dated Feb. 19.

After describing the main topographical features of the battlefield and showing how the Germans had established a strong post with numerous machine guns among the big houses, behind walls and in orchards which flanked the approaches to the village, Sir John proceeds:

The battle opened at 7:30 o’clock the morning of the 10th of March by a powerful bombardment of the enemy’s position in Neuve Chapelle.  The artillery bombardment had been well prepared and was most effective, except on the extreme northern portion of the front of attack.

At 8:05 o’clock the Twenty-third and Twenty-fifth Brigades of the Eighth Division assaulted the German trenches on the northwest of the village.  At the same hour the Garhwal Brigade of the Meerut (British India) Division, which occupied a position to the south of Neuve Chapelle, assaulted the German trenches in its front.  The Garhwal Brigade and the Twenty-fifth Brigade carried the enemy’s lines of intrenchment, where the wire entanglements had been almost entirely swept away by our shrapnel fire.

The Twenty-third Brigade, however, on the northeast, was held up by wire entanglements which were not sufficiently cut.  At 8:05 o’clock the artillery was turned on Neuve Chapelle, and at 8:35 o’clock the advance of the infantry was continued.  The Twenty-fifth and the Garhwal Brigades pushed on eastward and northeastward, respectively, and succeeded in getting a foothold in the village.  The Twenty-third Brigade was still held up in front of the enemy’s wire entanglements, and could not progress.  Heavy losses were suffered, especially in the Middlesex Regiment and the Scottish Rifles.

The progress, however, of the Twenty-fifth Brigade into Neuve Chapelle immediately to the south of the Twenty-third Brigade had the effect of turning the southern flank of the enemy’s defenses in front of the Twenty-third Brigade.  This fact, combined with powerful artillery support, enabled the Twenty-third Brigade to get forward between 10 and 11 A.M., and by 11 o’clock the whole of the village of Neuve Chapelle and the roads leading northward and southwestward from the eastern end of that village were in our hands.

Page 7

During this time our artillery completely cut off the village and surrounding country from any German reinforcements which could be thrown into the fight to restore the situation, by means of a curtain of shrapnel fire.  Prisoners subsequently reported that all attempts at reinforcing the front line were checked.  Steps were at once taken to consolidate the positions won.

Considerable delay occurred after the capture of the Neuve Chapelle position.  The infantry was greatly disorganized by the violent nature of the attack and by its passage through the enemy’s trenches and the buildings of the village.  It was necessary to get the units to some extent together before pushing on.  The telephonic communication being cut by the enemy’s fire rendered communication between the front and the rear most difficult.  The fact of the left of the Twenty-third Brigade having been held up had kept back the Eighth Division and had involved a portion of the Twenty-fifth Brigade in fighting to the north, out of its proper direction of advance.  All this required adjustment.  An orchard held by the enemy north of Neuve Chapelle also threatened the flank of an advance toward the Aubers Bridge.

I am of the opinion that this delay would not have occurred had the clearly expressed order of the general officer commanding the First Army been carefully observed.

The difficulties above enumerated might have been overcome earlier in the day if the general officer commanding the Fourth Corps had been able to bring his reserve brigades more speedily into action.  As it was, a further advance did not commence before 3:30 o’clock.  The Twenty-first Brigade was able to form up in the open on the left without a shot being fired at it, thus showing that, at the time, the enemy’s resistance had been paralyzed.

The brigade pushed forward in the direction of Moulin-du-Pietre.  At first it made good progress, but was subsequently held up by machine gun fire from houses and from a defended work in the line of the German intrenchments opposite the right of the Twenty-second Brigade.

Further to the south the Twenty-fourth Brigade, which had been directed on Pietre, was similarly held up by machine guns in houses and trenches.  At the road junction, 600 yards to the northwest of Pietre, the Twenty-fifth Brigade, on the right of the Twenty-fourth, was also held up by machine guns from a bridge held by the Germans over the River Les Layes, which is situated to the northwest of the Bois du Biez.

While two brigades of the Meerut Division were establishing themselves on a new line the Dehra Dun Brigade, supported by the Jullunder Brigade of the Lahore Division, moved to the attack of the Bois du Biez, but were held up on the line of the River Les Layes by a German post at the bridge, which enfiladed them and brought them to a standstill.

The defended bridge over the Les Layes and its neighborhood immediately assumed considerable importance.  While the artillery fire was brought to bear, as far as circumstances would permit, on this point, General Sir Douglas Haig directed the First Corps to dispatch one or more battalions of the First Brigade in support of the troops attacking the bridge.  Three battalions were thus sent to Richebourg St. Vaast.

Page 8

Darkness coming on and the enemy having brought up reinforcements, no further progress could be made, and the Indian Corps and the Fourth Corps proceeded to consolidate the position they had gained.

While the operations, which I have thus briefly reported, were going on, the First Corps, in accordance with orders, delivered an attack in the morning from Givenchy simultaneously with that against Neuve Chapelle, but as the enemy’s wire was insufficiently cut very little progress could be made, and the troops at this point did little more than hold fast to the Germans in front of them.

On the following day, March 11, the attack was renewed by the Fourth and Indian Corps, but it was soon seen that further advance would be impossible until the artillery had dealt effectively with the various houses and defended localities which had held the troops up along the entire front.

Efforts were made to direct the artillery fire accordingly, but, owing to the weather conditions, which did not permit of aerial observations, and the fact that nearly all the telephone communications between the artillery observers and their batteries had been cut, it was impossible to do so with sufficient accuracy.  When our troops, who were pressing forward, occupied a house there, it was not possible to stop our artillery fire, and the infantry had to be withdrawn.

As most of the objects for which the operations had been undertaken had been attained, and as there were reasons why I considered it inadvisable to continue the attack at that time, I directed General Sir Douglas Haig on the night of the 12th to hold and consolidate the ground which had been gained by the Fourth and Indian Corps, and suspend further offensive operations for the present.

The losses during these three days’ fighting were, I regret to say, very severe, numbering 190 officers and 2,337 of other ranks killed, 359 officers and 8,174 of other ranks wounded, and 23 officers and 1,720 of other ranks missing.  But the results attained were, in my opinion, wide and far-reaching.

Referring to the severity of the casualties in action, the Commander in Chief writes:

I can well understand how deeply these casualties are felt by the nation at large, but each daily report shows clearly that they are endured on at least an equal scale by all the combatants engaged throughout Europe, friends and foe alike.

In war as it is today, between civilized nations armed to the teeth with the present deadly rifle and machine gun, heavy casualties are absolutely unavoidable.  For the slightest undue exposure the heaviest toll is exacted.  The power of defense conferred by modern weapons is the main cause for the long duration of the battles of the present day, and it is this fact which mainly accounts for such loss and waste of life.  Both one and the other can, however, be shortened and lessened if attacks can be supported by a most efficient and powerful force of artillery available; but an almost unlimited supply of ammunition is necessary, and a most liberal discretionary power as to its use must be given to artillery commanders.  I am confident that this is the only means by which great results can be obtained with a minimum of loss.

Page 9


Sidney low, in The London Times.

    Through the long years of peril and of strife,
    He faced Death oft, and Death forbore to slay,
    Reserving for its sacrificial Day,
    The garnered treasure of his full-crowned life;
    So saved him till the furrowed soil was rife,
    With the rich tillage of our noblest dead;
    Then reaped the offering of his honored head,
    In that red field of harvest, where he died,
    With the embattled legions at his side.

The Surrender of Przemysl

How Galicia’s Strong Fortress Yielded to the Russian Siege

The Austrian fortress of Przemysl fell on March 22, 1915, after an investment and siege which lasted, with one short interruption, for nearly four months.  This important event was celebrated by a Te Deum of thanksgiving in the presence of the Czar and the General Staff.  The importance to the Russians of the capitulation of Przemysl is suggested by the fact that about 120,000 prisoners were reported taken when the Austrians yielded.  Until this was effected the Russians could not venture upon a serious invasion of Hungary, and the investing troops who were then freed were more numerous than the defenders.

[By the Correspondent of The London Times.]

Petrograd, March 22.

The Minister of War has informed me that he has just received a telegram from the Grand Duke Nicholas announcing the fall of Przemysl.

The fall of Przemysl marks the most important event of the Russian campaign this year.  It finally and irrevocably consolidates the position of the Russians in Galicia.  The Austro-German armies are deprived of the incentive hitherto held out to them of relieving the isolated remnant of their former dominion.  The besieging army will be freed for other purposes.  From information previously published the garrison aggregated about 25,000 men, hence the investing forces, which must always be at least four times as great as the garrison, represent not less than 100,000 men.  From all the information lately received from both Russian and neutral sources, the position of the Austro-German armies in the Carpathians has become distinctly critical.  The reinforcements for the gallant troops of General Brusiloff, General Radko Dmitrieff, and other commanders are bound to exercise an enormous influence on the future course of the campaign in the Carpathians.

Page 10

All honor and credit are given by the Russians to the garrison of Przemysl and General Kusmanek.  Russian officers ever had the highest opinion of the personality of the commandant.  I heard from those who fought under General Radko Dmitrieff in the early stages of the Galician campaign that when our troops, after sweeping away the resistance at Lwow and Jaroslau, loudly knocked at the doors of the fortress of Przemysl, they met with a stern rebuff.  In reply to the summons of the Russians to surrender the keys the commandant wrote a curt and dignified note remarking that he considered it beyond his own dignity or the dignity of the Russian General to discuss the surrender of the fortress before it had exhausted all its powers of resistance.  During the second invasion of Poland by the Austro-German armies the enemy’s lines swept up to and just beyond Przemysl, interrupting the investment of the fortress.  The wave of the Austrian invasion began to subside at the end of the first week in November.  Only then could we begin the siege of the mighty fortress, which proved successful after the lapse of four months.

The first Russian attempt to storm Przemysl without previous bombardment, which followed immediately upon the commandant’s refusal to surrender, resulted in very great loss of life to no purpose.  Thereafter it was decided to abstain from further attempts to take the fortress until our siege guns could be placed and a preliminary bombardment could sufficiently facilitate the task of the besiegers.  Meanwhile, although the fortress and town were duly invested, our lines were somewhat remote from the outlying forts, and the peasants of adjacent villages were, it is said, able to pass freely to and from the town of Przemysl—­a fact which would enable the inhabitants to obtain supplies.  From all accounts neither the garrison nor the inhabitants were reduced to very great straits for food.  The announcement made at the time of the first investment of the fortress that provisions and supplies would easily last till May was, however, obviously exaggerated.

I understand that heavy siege guns were ready to be conveyed to Przemysl at the end of January, but that the Russian military authorities decided to postpone their departure in view of the determined attempts made by the Austro-German forces to pierce the Russian lines in the Carpathians in order to relieve the fortress, which, if successful, might have endangered the safety of the siege material.  Owing to this fact the bombardment of Przemysl began only about a fortnight ago, when the Austro-German offensive had so far weakened as to satisfy the Russian authorities that there was no further danger from this quarter.

The concluding stages of the siege have been related in the dispatches from the Field Headquarters during the past week.  The capture of the dominating heights in the eastern sector followed close upon the first bombardment.  The final desperate sortie led by General Kusmanek at the head of the Twenty-third Division of the Honved precipitated the end.  The remnants of the garrison were unable to man the works extending to a thirty-mile periphery.

Page 11

The loss of the western approaches left General Kusmanek no alternative but to surrender.  He had exhausted his ammunition and used up his effectives.  His messages for help were either intercepted or unanswered.  The assailants broke down the last resistance.  The most important strategical point in the whole of Galicia is now in Russian hands.


Petrograd, March 22.

The following official communique was issued from the Main Headquarters this morning:

The fortress of Przemysl has surrendered to our troops.

At the Headquarters of the Commander in Chief a Te Deum of thanksgiving was celebrated in the presence of the Czar, the Grand Duke Nicholas, Commander in Chief, and all the staff.

The following communique from the Great Headquarters is issued here today:

Northern Front.—­From the Niemen to the Vistula and on the left bank of the latter river there has been no important change.  Our troops advancing from Tauroggen captured, after a struggle, Laugszargen, (near the frontier of East Prussia,) where they took prisoners and seized an ammunition depot and engineers’ stores.

The Carpathians.—­There has been furious fighting on the roads to Bartfeld (in Hungary) in the valleys of the Ondawa and Laborcz.

Near the Lupkow Pass and on the left bank of the Upper San our troops have advanced successfully, forcing the way with rifle fire and with the bayonet.  In the course of the day we took 2,500 prisoners, including fifty officers and four machine guns.

In the direction of Munkacz the Germans, in close formation, attacked our positions at Rossokhatch, Oravtchik, and Kosziowa, but were everywhere driven back by our fire and by our counter-attacks with severe losses.  In Galicia there has been a snowstorm.

Przemysl.—­On the night of the 21st there was a fierce artillery fire round Przemysl.  Portions of the garrison who once more tried to effect a sortie toward the northeast toward Oikowic were driven back within the circle of forts with heavy losses.

Note.—­This portion of the communique was evidently drafted before the fall of Przemysl took place, and the communique proceeds:

In recognition of the joyous event of the fall of Przemysl the Czar has conferred upon the Grand Duke Nicholas the Second Class of the Order of St. George and the Third Class of the same order on General Ivanoff, the commander of the besieging army.

[Illustration:  Map of the Siege of Przemysl.  The small triangles indicate outlying fortified hills with their height in feet.]


By Hamilton Fyfe, Correspondent of The London Daily Mail.

PETROGRAD, March 23.

Advance detachments of Russian troops entered Przemysl last night.  The business of collecting the arms is proceeding.  I believe the officers will be allowed to keep their swords.

Page 12

Great surprise has been caused here by a statement that the number of troops captured exceeds three army corps.  Possibly on account of the snowstorm no further telegram has been received from the Grand Duke Nicholas, and no details of the fall of the garrison have yet been officially announced.  I have, however, received the definite assurance of a very high authority that the force which has surrendered includes nine Generals, over 2,000 officers, and 130,000 men.  In spite of the authority of my informant, I am still inclined to await confirmation of these figures.

The leading military organ, the Russki Invalid, says that the garrison was known to number 60,000 men and that it had been swelled to some extent by the additional forces drafted in before the investment began.  The Retch estimates the total at 80,000, and a semi-official announcement also places the strength of the garrison at that figure, excluding artillery and also the men belonging to the auxiliary and technical services.

There is an equal difference of opinion regarding the number of guns taken.  The estimates vary from 1,000 to 2,000.  What is known for certain is that the fortress contained 600 big guns of the newest type and a number of small, older pieces.

The characteristic spirit in which Russia is waging war is shown by the service of thanksgiving to God which was held immediately the news of the fall of the fortress reached the Grand Duke’s headquarters.  The Czar was there to join with the staff in offering humble gratitude to the Almighty for the great victory accorded to the Russian arms.

The first crowds which gathered here yesterday to rejoice over the great news moved with one consent to the Kazan Cathedral, where they sang the national hymn and crossed themselves reverently before the holy, wonder-working picture of Kazan, the Mother of God.  In spite of the heaviest snowstorm of the Winter, which made the streets impassable and stopped the tramway cars, the Nevski Prospekt rang all the afternoon and evening with the sound of voices raised in patriotic song.

Przemysl is admitted to be the first spectacular success of the war on the side of the Allies.  It is not surprising that the nation is proud and delighted, yet so generous is the Russian mind that there mingle with its triumph admiration and sympathy for the garrison which was compelled to surrender after a long, brave resistance.  Popular imagination has been thrilled by the story of the last desperate sortie, which will take a high place in the history of modern war.

When toward the end of the week the hope of relief, which had so long buoyed up the defenders, was with heavy, resolved hearts abandoned, General Kousmanek resolved to try to save at all events some portion of his best troops by sending them to fight a way out.  From the ranks, thinned terribly by casualties and also by typhus and other diseases caused through hunger and the unhealthy state of the town, he selected 20,000 men and served out to them five days’ reduced rations, which were all he had left.  He also supplied them with new boots in order to give them as good a chance as possible to join their comrades in the Carpathians, whose summits could be seen from Przemysl in the shining, warm Spring sunshine.

Page 13

It was a hopeless enterprise, pitifully futile.  It is true that the Austrian armies sent to relieve the city were only a few days’ march distant, but even if the 20,000 had cut a way through the investing force they would have found another Russian army between them and their fellow-countrymen.  General Kousmanek, before they started, addressed them.  In a rousing speech he said: 

Soldiers, for nearly half a year, in spite of cold and hunger, you have defended the fortress intrusted to you.  The eyes of the world are fixed on you.  Millions at home are waiting with painful eagerness to hear the news of your success.  The honor of the army and our fatherland requires us to make a superhuman effort.  Around us lies the iron ring of the enemy.  Burst a way through it and join your comrades who have been fighting so bravely for you and are now so near.
I have given you the last of our supplies of food.  I charge you to go forward and sweep the foe aside.  After our many gallant and glorious fights we must not fall into the hands of the Russians like sheep; we must and will break through.

In case this appeal to the men’s fighting spirit were ineffective threats were also used to the troops, who were warned by their officers that any who returned to the fortress would be treated as cowards and traitors.  After the General’s speech the men were told to rest for a few hours.  At 4 in the morning they paraded and at 5 the battle began.  For nine hours the Austrians hurled themselves against the iron ring, until early in the afternoon, when, broken and battered, the remains of the twenty thousand began to straggle back to the town.  Exhausted and disheartened, the garrison was incapable of further effort.

In order to prevent useless slaughter General Kousmanek sent officers with a flag of truce to inquire about the terms of surrender.  These were arranged very quickly.

In spite of the local value of the victory, and the vastness of the captures of material as well as of men, it must not be thought, as many are inclined to think here, that the Novoe Vremya exaggerates dangerously when it compares the effect likely to be produced with that of the fall of Metz and Port Arthur.

It certainly brings the end of the Austrians’ participation in the war more clearly in sight.  But the Austrians will fight for some time yet.  What it actually does is to free a large Russian force for the operations against Cracow or to assist in the invasion of Hungary.

What is the strength of this force it would be imprudent to divulge, but I can say that it certainly amounts to not less than an “army,” (anything from 80,000 to 200,000 men.) Those who are anxious to arrive at a closer figure can calculate by the fact that the Russians had a forty-mile front around Przemysl which was strong enough to repulse attacks at all points.  Another very useful consequence is that all the Galician railway system is now in Russian hands.  It makes the transport of troops much easier.

Page 14

One further reflection was suggested to me last night by a very distinguished and influential Russian soldier, holding office under the Government.  “The method which prevailed at Przemysl was as follows:  Instead of rushing against the place and losing heavily, we waited and husbanded our forces until the garrison was unable to hold out any longer.  That is the method adopted by the Allies.  It must in the course of time force Germany to surrender also.

“Up to now we have held our own against her furious sorties.  Soon we shall begin to draw more closely our investing lines.  Only one end was possible to Przemysl.  The fate of Germany is equally sure.”

Now all eyes are fixed on the Dardanelles.  The phrase on every lip is:  “When the fall of Constantinople follows, then Prussia must begin to see that the case is hopeless.”  But we must not deceive ourselves, for even when her allies are defeated Prussia will still be hard to beat.  Przemysl must not cause us to slacken our effort in any direction or in the slightest degree.


Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.

LONDON, April 3.—­The London Times under date Przemysl, March 30, publishes a dispatch from Stanley Washburn, its special correspondent with the Russian armies, who, by courtesy of the Russian high command, is the first foreigner to visit the great Galician fortress since its fall.  He says:

Przemysl is a story of an impregnable fortress two or three times over-garrisoned with patient, haggard soldiers starving in trenches, and sleek, faultlessly dressed officers living off the fat of the land in fashionable hotels and restaurants.

The siege started with a total population within the lines of investment of approximately 200,000.  Experts estimate that the fortress could have been held with 50,000 or 60,000 men against any forces the Russians could bring against it.  It is probable that such supplies as there were were uneconomically expended, with the result that when the push came the situation was at once acute, and the suffering of all classes save the officers became general.  First the cavalry and transport horses were consumed.  Then everything available.  Cats were sold at 8 shillings, and fair-sized dogs at a sovereign.

While the garrison became thin and half starved, the mode of life of the officers in the town remained unchanged.  The Cafe Sieber was constantly well filled with dilettante officers who gossipped and played cards and billiards and led the life to which they were accustomed in Vienna.  Apparently very few shared any of the hardships of their men or made any effort to relieve their condition.  At the Hotel Royal until the last, the officers had their three meals a day, with fresh meat, cigars, cigarettes, wines, and every luxury, while, as a witness has informed me, their own orderlies and servants begged for a slice of bread.

Page 15

There can be no question that ultimate surrender was due to the fact that the garrison was on the verge of starvation, while the officers’ diet was merely threatened with curtailment.  Witnesses state that private soldiers were seen actually to fall in the streets from lack of nourishment.  The officers are reported to have retained their private thoroughbred riding horses until the day before the surrender, when 2,000 of them were killed to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Russians.  A Russian officer of high rank informed me that when he entered the town hundreds of these bodies of beautiful thoroughbred horses were to be seen with half-crazed Austrian and Hungarian soldiers tearing into the bodies with their faces and hands smeared with red blood as they devoured the raw flesh.

[Illustration:  Map showing the scene of action between Przemysl and Cracow and the Carpathian Passes.]

The Russians were utterly amazed at the casual reception which they received.  The Austrian officers showed not the slightest sign of being disconcerted or humiliated at the collapse of their fortress.

The first Russian effort was at once to relieve the condition of the garrison and civilians.  Owing to the destruction of the bridge this was delayed, but soon with remarkable efficiency distribution depots were opened everywhere and the most pressing needs were somewhat relieved.

The entire conduct of the siege on the part of the garrison seems wholly without explanation.  The Austrians had throughout plenty of ammunition, and they certainly grossly outnumbered the Russians; yet they made but one recent effort to break out, which occurred three days before the surrender.

Civilians inform me that they gladly welcome the Russians and that the first troops who entered were greeted with cheers, while the garrison was frankly pleased that the siege was over and their troubles at an end.

As an example of overofficering it may be stated that General Kusmanek had seventy-five officers on his staff, while General Artamonov, the acting Russian Governor, had but four on his immediate staff.

The removal of the prisoners is proceeding with great efficiency.  They are going out at the rate of about 10,000 a day.  The docility of the captives is indicated by the fact that the Russian guards attached to the prisoners’ columns number about one for every hundred prisoners.  They are all strung out for miles between the fortress and Lemberg.  The prisoners are so eager to get out and to see the last of the war that they follow the instructions of their captors like children.

All the civilians as well as prisoners I have talked with are unanimous in their praise of the Russian officers and soldiers, who have shown nothing but kindness and delicacy of feeling since their entrance into the fortress.  This consideration strikes me as being utterly wasted on the captured officers, who treat the situation superciliously and are quite complacent in their relations with the Russians.

Page 16



    Ev’n he, the master of the songs of life,
      May speak at times with less than certain sound—­
      “He jests at scars who never felt a wound.” 
    So runs his word!  Yet on the verge of strife,
    They jest not who have never known the knife;
      They tremble who in the waiting ranks are found,
      While those scarred deep on many a battle-ground
    Sing to the throbbing of the drum and fife. 
    They laugh who know the open, fearless breast,
      The thrust, the steel-point, and the spreading stain;
    Whose flesh is hardened to the searing test,
      Whose souls are tempered to a high disdain. 
    Theirs is the lifted brow, the gallant jest,
      The long last breath, that holds a victor-strain.

Lord Kitchener Advertises for Recruits

[Illustration:  This map shows the comparative distances from London of Ostend and of some English towns.  London is in the exact center of the map.

If the German Army were in Manchester.

If the German Army were in Manchester, every fit man in the country would enlist without a moment’s delay.

Do you realise that the German Army is now at Ostend, only 125 miles away—­or 40 miles nearer to London than is Manchester?

How much nearer must the Germans come before you do something to stop them?

The German Army must be beaten in Belgium.  The time to do it is now.

Will you help?  Yes?  Then enlist TODAY.

God Save the King.

(Facsimile of an advertisement that appeared in The London Times, March 17, 1915.)]

Battle of the Dardanelles

The Disaster That Befell the Allies’ Fleet


BERLIN, March 22, (via London, 11:33 A.M.)—­The correspondent at Constantinople of the Wolff Bureau telegraphed today a description of the fighting at the Dardanelles on Thursday, March 18, in which the French battleship Bouvet and two British battleships were sent to the bottom.  An abridgment of the correspondent’s story follows:

The efforts of the Allies to force the Strait of the Dardanelles reached their climax in an artillery duel on Thursday, March 18, which lasted seven hours.  The entire atmosphere around the Turkish forts was darkened by clouds of smoke from exploding shells and quantities of earth thrown into the air by the projectiles of the French and British warships.  The earth trembled for miles around.

The Allies entered the strait at 11:30 in the morning, and shelled the town of Chank Kale.  Four French and five British warships took part in the beginning.  This engagement reached its climax at 1:30, when the fire of the Allies was concentrated upon Fort Hamidieh and the adjacent fortified positions.

Page 17

The attack of modern marine artillery upon strong land forts presented an interesting as well as a terrifying spectacle.  At times the forts were completely enveloped in smoke.  At 2 o’clock the Allies changed their tactics and concentrated their fire upon individual batteries, but it was evident that they found difficulty in getting the range.  Many of the shells fell short, casting up pillars of water, or went over the forts to explode in the town.

At 3:15, when the bombardment was at its hottest, the French battleship Bouvet was seen to be sinking at the stern.  A moment later her bows swung clear of the water, and she was seen going down.  Cheers from the Turkish garrisons and forts greeted this sight.  Torpedo boats and other craft of the Allies hurried to the rescue, but they were successful in saving only a few men.  Besides having been struck by a mine, the Bouvet was severely damaged above the water line by shell fire.  One projectile struck her forward deck.  A mast also was shot away and hung overboard.  It could be seen that the Bouvet when she sank was endeavoring to gain the mouth of the strait.  This, however, was difficult, owing, apparently, to the fact that her machinery had been damaged.

Shortly after the sinking of the Bouvet a British ship was struck on the deck squarely amidship and compelled to withdraw from the fight.  Then another British vessel was badly damaged, and at 3:45 was seen to retire under a terrific fire from the Turkish battery.  This vessel ran in toward the shore.  For a full hour the Allies tried to protect her with their guns, but it was apparent that she was destined for destruction.  Eight effective hits showed the hopelessness of the situation for this vessel.  She then withdrew toward the mouth of the Dardanelles, which she reached in a few minutes under a hail of shells.  The forts continued firing until the Allies were out of range.

This was the first day when the warships attacking the Dardanelles kept within range of the Turkish guns for any considerable length of time.  The result for them was terrible, owing to the excellent marksmanship from the Turkish batteries.  The Allies fired on this day 2,000 shells without silencing one shore battery.  The result has inspired the Turks with confidence, and they are looking forward to further engagements with calm assurance.


The London Times naval correspondent writes, in its issue of March 20:

The further attack upon the inner forts at the Dardanelles, which was resumed by the allied squadrons on Thursday, has resulted, unfortunately, but not altogether unexpectedly, in some loss of ships and gallant lives.

The clear and candid dispatch in which the operations are described attributes the loss of the ships to floating mines, which were probably released to drift down with the current in such large numbers that the usual method of evading these machines was unavailable.  This danger, it is said, will require special treatment.  Presumably the area having been swept clear of anchored mines, it was not considered necessary to take other precautions than such as were concerned with the movement of the battleships themselves.

Page 18

The satisfactory feature of the operations is that the ships maintained their superiority over the forts, and succeeded in silencing them after a few hours’ bombardment.  The sinking of the battleships occurred later in the afternoon, and it would seem at a time when a portion of the naval force was making a further advance to cover the mine-sweeping operations.  There is nothing in the dispatch which indicates anything but the eventual success of the work, nor that the defenses have proved more formidable than was anticipated.  The danger from floating mines may have been somewhat underestimated, but it is one that can be met and is most unlikely to form a decisive factor.

Manifestly the Turks, with their German advisers, have done their utmost to repair, by means of howitzers and field guns, the destruction of the fixed defenses; but it is not likely that any temporary expedients will prove more than troublesome to the passage of the fleet.  The determination of the Allies to make a satisfactory ending of the operations is shown by the immediate dispatch of reinforcing ships, and by the fact that ample naval and military forces are available on the spot.

Every one will regret that illness has obliged Vice Admiral Carden to relinquish the chief command, but this is now in the very capable hands of Vice Admiral Robeck.


[From The London Times, March 20, 1915.]

After ten days of mine-sweeping inside the Dardanelles the British and French fleets made a general attack on the fortresses at the Narrows on Thursday.  After about three hours’ bombardment all the forts ceased firing.

Three battleships were lost in these operations by striking mines—­the French Bouvet, and the Irresistible and the Ocean.  The British crews were practically all saved, but nearly the whole of the men on the Bouvet perished.

The Secretary of the Admiralty issued the following statement last night:

Mine-sweeping having been in progress during the last ten days inside the strait, a general attack was delivered by the British and French fleets yesterday morning upon the fortresses at the Narrows of the Dardanelles.

At 10:45 A.M.  Queen Elizabeth, Inflexible, Agamemnon, and Lord Nelson bombarded Forts J, L, T, U, and V; while Triumph and Prince George fired at Batteries F, E, and H. A heavy fire was opened on the ships from howitzers and field guns.

At 12:22 the French squadron, consisting of the Suffren, Gaulois, Charlemagne, and Bouvet, advanced up the Dardanelles to engage the forts at closer range.  Forts J, U, F, and E replied strongly.  Their fire was silenced by the ten battleships inside the strait, all the ships being hit several times during this part of the action.

By 1:25 P.M. all forts had ceased firing.

Vengeance, Irresistible, Albion, Ocean, Swiftsure, and Majestic then advanced to relieve the six old battleships inside the strait.

Page 19

As the French squadron, which had engaged the forts in the most brilliant fashion was passing out, Bouvet was blown up by a drifting mine and sank in thirty-six fathoms north Erenkeui Village in less than three minutes.

At 2:36 P.M., the relief battleships renewed the attack on the forts, which again opened fire.  The attack on the forts was maintained while the operations of the mine-sweepers continued.  At 4:09 Irresistible quitted the line, listing heavily; and at 5:50 she sank, having probably struck a drifting mine.  At 6:05, Ocean, also having struck a mine, both vessels sank in deep water, practically the whole of the crews having been removed safely under a hot fire.

[Illustration:  QUEEN MARY

Wife of George V., King of Great Britain and Ireland.

(Photo from Underwood & Underwood.)]


The radical Chancellor of the British Exchequer, upon whom has devolved the task of financing the great war.

(Photo by A. & R. Annan & Sons.)]

The Gaulois was damaged by gun fire.

Inflexible had her forward control position hit by a heavy shell, and requires repair.

The bombardment of the forts and the mine-sweeping operations terminated when darkness fell.  The damage to the forts effected by the prolonged direct fire of the very powerful forces employed cannot yet be estimated, and a further report will follow.

The losses of ships were caused by mines drifting with the current which were encountered in areas hitherto swept clear, and this danger will require special treatment.

The British casualties in personnel are not heavy, considering the scale of the operations; but practically the whole of the crew of the Bouvet were lost with the ship, an internal explosion having apparently supervened on the explosion of the mine.

The Queen and Implacable, which were dispatched from England to replace ships’ casualties in anticipation of this operation, are due to arrive immediately, thus bringing the British fleet up to its original strength.

The operations are continuing, ample naval and military forces being available on the spot.

On the 16th inst., Vice Admiral Carden, who has been incapacitated by illness, was succeeded in the chief command by Rear Admiral John Michael de Robeck, with acting rank of Vice Admiral.


The London Times publishes this story of an eyewitness:

TENEDOS, (Aegina,) March 18.

This is not so much an account of the five hours’ heavy engagement between the Turkish forts and the allied ships which has been fought actually within the Dardanelles today as an impression of the bombardment as seen at a distance of fifteen miles or so from the top of a high, steep hill called Mount St. Elias, at the northern end of Tenedos.

Page 20

Over the ridge of Kum Kale you plainly see, like a great blue lake, the first reach of the Dardanelles up to the narrow neck between Chanak and Kilid Bahr.  It was up and down in this stretch of water that the largest vessels of the allied fleet steamed today for over four hours, hurling, with sheets of orange flame from their heavy guns, a constant succession of shells on the forts that guard the Narrows at Chanak, while the Turkish batteries, with a frequency that lessened as the day went on, flashed back at them in reply, with the difference that, while the effects of the Allies’ shells were continually manifest in the columns of smoke and dust that were signs of the damage they had wrought, a great number of the enemy’s shots fell in the sea hundreds of yards from the bombarding ships, sending torrents of water towering harmlessly into the air.

Not that the successes of the day have been won without cost.  I saw several ships, French and British, struck by shells that raised volumes of white smoke, and one of the French squadron is toiling slowly home at this moment down by the head and with a list to port, while, so far as one could make out with a glass, several boatloads of men were being taken off her.

The ships left their stations between the Turkish and Asiatic coasts and Tenedos early this morning and by 11 they were steaming in line up the Dardanelles.

It was 11:45 when the first notable hit was made by an English ship.  I could see eight vessels, apparently all battleships, lying in line from the entrance up the strait.  The ship furthest up appeared to be the Queen Elizabeth, and I think it was she that fired the shot which exploded the powder magazine at Chanak.  A great balloon of white smoke sprang up in the midst of the magazine which leaped out from a fierce, red flame, and reached a great height.  When the flame had disappeared the dense smoke continued to grow till it must have been a column hundreds of feet high.

[Illustration:  [map of the Dardanelles]]

In the five minutes that followed this shot three more shells from the Queen Elizabeth fell practically on the same spot, and two minutes later yet another by the side of the smoking ruins.

There were now eight battleships, all pre-dreadnoughts, left at Tenedos, and at noon six of them started off in line a-head toward the strait.  The English ships already within were passing further up and went out of sight.

The bombarding ships were steaming constantly up and down, turning at each end of the stretch, which is about a couple of miles long.

A long thin veil of black smoke was drifting slowly westward from the fighting.  At about 1:30 Erenkeui Village, standing high on the Asiatic side, received a couple of shells.  At 1:45 a division of eight destroyers in line steamed into the entrance of the strait, and a little later the last two battleships from Tenedos joined, the Dublin patrolling outside.  An hour later the most striking effect was produced by a shell falling on a fort at Kilid Bahr, which evidently exploded another magazine.  A huge mass of heavy jet-black smoke gradually rose till it towered high above the cliffs on the European and Asiatic sides.  It ballooned slowly out like a gigantic genie rising from a fisherman’s bottle.

Page 21

By now the action was slackening, and at 3:45 five ships were slowly steaming homeward from the entrance.  At 4:30 there were still eight vessels in the strait, but the forts had practically ceased to fire.  The action was over for the day.

The result had been the apparent silencing of several Turkish batteries, and those terrific explosions at the forts at Chanak and Kilid Bahr, the ultimate effect of which remains to be seen when the attack is renewed tonight.  For Chanak is burning.

Official Story of Two Sea Fights

[From The London Times, March 3, 1915.]

Admiralty, March 3, 1915.

The following dispatch has been received from Vice Admiral Sir David Beatty, K.C.B., M.V.O., D.S.O., commanding the First Battle Cruiser Squadron, reporting the action in the North Sea on Sunday, the 24th of January, 1915:

H.M.S.  Princess Royal,
Feb. 2, 1915.

Sir:  I have the honor to report that at daybreak on Jan. 24, 1915, the following vessels were patrolling in company: 

The battle cruisers Lion, Capt.  Alfred E.M.  Chatfield, C.V.O., flying my flag; Princess Royal, Capt.  Osmond de B. Brock, Aide de Camp; Tiger, Capt.  Henry B. Pelly, M.V.O.; New Zealand, Capt.  Lionel Halsey, C.M.G., Aide de Camp, flying the flag of Rear Admiral Sir Archibald Moore, K.C.B., C.V.O., and Indomitable, Capt.  Francis W. Kennedy.

The light cruisers Southampton, flying the broad pennant of Commodore William E. Goodenough, M.V.O.; Nottingham, Capt.  Charles B. Miller; Birmingham, Capt.  Arthur A.M.  Duff, and Lowestoft, Capt.  Theobald W.B.  Kennedy, were disposed on my port beam.

Commodore (T) Reginald Y. Tyrwhitt, C.B., in Arethusa, Aurora, Capt.  Wilmot S. Nicholson; Undaunted, Capt.  Francis G. St. John, M.V.O.; Arethusa and the destroyer flotillas were ahead.

At 7:25 A.M. the flash of guns was observed south-southeast.  Shortly afterward a report reached me from Aurora that she was engaged with enemy’s ships.  I immediately altered course to south-southeast, increased to 22 knots, and ordered the light cruisers and flotillas to chase south-southeast to get in touch and report movements of enemy.

This order was acted upon with great promptitude, indeed my wishes had already been forestalled by the respective senior officers, and reports almost immediately followed from Southampton, Arethusa, and Aurora as to the position and composition of the enemy, which consisted of three battle cruisers and Bluecher, six light cruisers, and a number of destroyers, steering northwest.  The enemy had altered course to southeast.  From now onward the light cruisers maintained touch with the enemy, and kept me fully informed as to their movements.

The battle cruisers worked up to full speed, steering to the southward.  The wind at the time was northeast, light, with extreme visibility.  At 7:30 A.M. the enemy were sighted on the port bow steaming fast, steering approximately southeast, distant 14 miles.

Page 22

Owing to the prompt reports received we had attained our position on the quarter of the enemy, and so altered course to southeast parallel to them, and settled down to a long stern chase, gradually increasing our speed until we reached 28.5 knots.  Great credit is due to the engineer staffs of New Zealand and Indomitable—­these ships greatly exceeded their normal speed.

At 8:52 A.M., as we had closed to within 20,000 yards of the rear ship, the battle cruisers manoeuvred to keep on a line of bearing so that guns would bear, and Lion fired a single shot, which fell short.  The enemy at this time were in single line ahead, with light cruisers ahead and a large number of destroyers on their starboard beam.

Single shots were fired at intervals to test the range, and at 9:09 A.M.  Lion made her first hit on the Bluecher, No. 4 in the line.  The Tiger opened fire at 9:20 A.M. on the rear ship, the Lion shifted to No. 3 in the line, at 18,000 yards, this ship being hit by several salvos.  The enemy returned our fire at 9:14 A.M.  Princess Royal, on coming into range, opened fire on Bluecher, the range of the leading ship being 17,500 yards, at 9:35 A.M.  New Zealand was within range of Bluecher, which had dropped somewhat astern, and opened fire on her.  Princess Royal shifted to the third ship in the line, inflicting considerable damage on her.

Our flotilla cruisers and destroyers had gradually dropped from a position broad on our beam to our port quarter, so as not to foul our range with their smoke; but the enemy’s destroyers threatening attack, the Meteor and M Division passed ahead of us, Capt. the Hon. H. Meade, D.S.O., handling this division with conspicuous ability.

About 9:45 A.M. the situation was as follows:  Bluecher, the fourth in their line, already showed signs of having suffered severely from gun fire; their leading ship and No. 3 were also on fire, Lion was engaging No. 1, Princess Royal No. 3, New Zealand No. 4, while the Tiger, which was second in our line, fired first at their No. 1, and when interfered with by smoke, at their No. 4.

The enemy’s destroyers emitted vast columns of smoke to screen their battle cruisers, and under cover of this the latter now appeared to have altered course to the northward to increase their distance, and certainly the rear ships hauled out on the port quarter of their leader, thereby increasing their distance from our line.  The battle cruisers, therefore, were ordered to form a line of bearing north-northwest, and proceed at their utmost speed.

Their destroyers then showed evident signs of an attempt to attack.  Lion and Tiger opened fire on them, and caused them to retire and resume their original course.

The light cruisers maintained an excellent position on the port quarter of the enemy’s line, enabling them to observe and keep touch, or attack any vessel that might fall out of the line.

At 10:48 A.M. the Bluecher, which had dropped considerably astern of enemy’s line, hauled out to port, steering north with a heavy list, on fire, and apparently in a defeated condition.  I consequently ordered Indomitable to attack enemy breaking northward.

Page 23

At 10:54 A.M. submarines were reported on the starboard bow, and I personally observed the wash of a periscope two points on our starboard bow.  I immediately turned to port.

At 11:03 A.M. an injury to the Lion being reported as incapable of immediate repair, I directed Lion to shape course northwest.  At 11:20 A.M.  I called the Attack alongside, shifting my flag to her at about 11:35 A.M.  I proceeded at utmost speed to rejoin the squadron, and met them at noon retiring north-northwest.

I boarded and hoisted my flag on Princess Royal at about 12:20 P.M., when Capt.  Brock acquainted me of what had occurred since the Lion fell out of the line, namely, that Bluecher had been sunk and that the enemy battle cruisers had continued their course to the eastward in a considerably damaged condition.  He also informed me that a Zeppelin and a seaplane had endeavored to drop bombs on the vessels which went to the rescue of the survivors of Bluecher.

The good seamanship of Lieut.  Commander Cyril Callaghan, H.M.S.  Attack, in placing his vessel alongside the Lion and subsequently the Princess Royal, enabled the transfer of flag to be made in the shortest possible time.

At 2 P.M.  I closed Lion and received a report that the starboard engine was giving trouble owing to priming, and at 3:38 P.M.  I ordered Indomitable to take her in tow, which was accomplished by 5 P.M.

The greatest credit is due to the Captains of Indomitable and Lion for the seaman-like manner in which the Lion was taken in tow under difficult circumstances.

The excellent steaming of the ships engaged in the operation was a conspicuous feature.

I attach an appendix giving the names of various officers and men who specially distinguished themselves.

Where all did well it is difficult to single out officers and men for special mention, and as Lion and Tiger were the only ships hit by the enemy, the majority of these I mention belong to those ships.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

Vice Admiral.


Commander Charles A. Fountaine, H.M.S.  Lion.

Lieut.  Commander Evan C. Bunbury, H.M.S.  Lion.

Lieut.  Frederick T. Peters, H.M.S.  Meteor.

Lieut.  Charles M.R.  Schwerdt, H.M.S.  Lion.

Engineer Commander Donald P. Green, H.M.S.  Lion.

Engineer Commander James L. Sands, H.M.S.  Southampton.

Engineer Commander Thomas H. Turner, H.M.S.  New Zealand.

Engineer Lieut.  Commander George Preece, H.M.S.  Lion.

Engineer Lieut.  Albert Knothe, H.M.S.  Indomitable.

Surgeon Probationer James A. Stirling, R.N.V.R., H.M.S.  Meteor.

Mr. Joseph H. Burton, Gunner (T), H.M.S.  Lion.

Chief Carpenter Frederick E. Dailey, H.M.S.  Lion.

Page 24


Py.  Or.  J.W.  Kemmett, O.N. 186,788, Lion.

A.B.H.  Davis, O.N. 184,526, Tiger.

A.B.H.F.  Griffin, O.N.J. 14,160, Princess Royal.

A.B.P.S.  Livingstone, O.N. 234,328, Lion.

A.B.H.  Robison, O.N. 209,112, Tiger.

A.B.G.H. le Seilleur, O.N. 156,802, Lion.

Boy, 1st CL., F.G.H.  Bamford, O.N.J. 26,598, Tiger.

Boy, 1st CL., J.F.  Rogers, O.N.J. 28,329, Tiger.

Ch.  Ee.  R. Artr., 1st CL., E.R.  Hughes, O.N. 268,999, Indomitable.

Ch.  Ee.  R. Artr., 2d CL, W.B.  Dand, O.N. 270,648, New Zealand.

Ch.  Ee.  A. Artr.  W. Gillespie, O.N. 270,080, Meteor.

Mechn.  A.J.  Cannon, O.N. 175,440, Lion.

Mechn.  E.C.  Ephgrave, O.N. 288,231, Lion.

Ch.  Stkr.  P. Callaghan, O.N. 278,953, Lion.

Ch.  Stkr.  A.W.  Ferris, O.N. 175,824, Lion.

Ch.  Stkr.  J.E.  James, O.N. 174,232, New Zealand.

Ch.  Stkr.  W.E.  James, O.N. 294,406, Indomitable.

Ch.  Stkr.  J. Keating, R.F.R., O.N. 165,732, Meteor.

Stkr.  Py.  Or.  M. Flood, R.F.R., O.N. 153,418, Meteor.

Stkr.  Py.  Or.  T.W.  Hardy, O.N. 292,542, Indomitable.

Stkr.  Py.  Or.  A.J.  Sims, O.N. 276,502, New Zealand.

Stkr.  Py.  Or.  S. Westaway, R.F.R., O.N. 300,938, Meteor.

Actg.  Ldg.  Skr.  J. Blackburn, O.N.K. 4,844, Tiger.

Stkr., 1st Cl., A.H.  Bennet, O.N.K. 10,700, Tiger.

Stkr., 2d Cl., H. Turner, O.N.K. 22,720, Tiger.

Ldg.  Carpenter’s Crew, E.O.  Bradley, O.N. 346,621, Lion.

Ldg.  Carpenter’s Crew, E. Currie, O.N. 344,851, Lion.

Sick Berth Attendant C.S.  Hutchinson, O.N.M. 3,882, Tiger.

Ch.  Writer S.G.  White, O.N. 340,597, Tiger.

Third Writer H.C.  Green, O.N.M. 8,266, Tiger.

Officers’ Steward, 3d Cl., F.W.  Kearley, O.N.L. 2,716, Tiger.


Lord Chamberlain’s Office,
St. James’s Palace,
March 3, 1915.

The King has been graciously pleased to give orders for the following appointment to the Most Honorable Order of the Bath, in recognition of the services of the undermentioned officer mentioned in the foregoing dispatch: 

To be an Additional Member of the Military Division of the Third Class or Companion.

Capt.  Osmond de Beauvoir Brock, A.D.C., Royal Navy.

Admiralty, S.W.,
March 3, 1915.

The King has been graciously pleased to give orders for the following appointment to the Distinguished Service Order, and for the award of the Distinguished Service Cross, to the undermentioned officers in recognition of their services mentioned in the foregoing dispatch: 

To be Companion of the Distinguished Service Order.

Page 25

Lieut.  Frederic Thornton Peters, Royal Navy.

To receive the Distinguished Service Cross.

Surg.  Probationer James Alexander Stirling, R.N.V.R.

Gunner (T) Joseph H. Burton.

Chief Carpenter Frederick E. Dailey.

The following promotion has been made: 

Commander Charles Andrew Fountaine to be a Captain in his Majesty’s fleet, to date March 3, 1915.

The following awards have also been made: 

To receive the Distinguished Service Medal.

P.O.  J.W.  Kemmett, O.N. 186,788. 
A.B.  H. Davis, O.N. 184,526. 
A.B.  H.F.  Griffin, O.N.J. 14,160. 
A.B.  P.S.  Livingstone, O.N. 234,328. 
A.B.  H. Robison, O.N. 209,112. 
A.B.  G.H. le Seilleur, O.N. 156,802. 
Boy, 1st Cl., F.G.H.  Bamford, O.N.J. 26,598. 
Boy, 1st Cl., J.F.  Rogers, O.N.J. 28,329. 
Ch.  E.R.  Art., 1st Cl., E.R.  Hughes, O.N. 268,999. 
Ch.  E.R.  Art., 2d Cl., W.B.  Dand, O.N. 270,648. 
Ch.  E.R.  Art., W. Gillespie, O.N. 270,080. 
Mechn.  A.J.  Cannon, O.N. 175,440. 
Mechn.  E.C.  Ephgrave, O.N. 288,231. 
Ch.  Stkr.  P. Callaghan, O.N. 278,953. 
Ch.  Stkr.  A.W.  Ferris, O.N. 175,824. 
Ch.  Stkr.  J.E.  James, O.N. 174,232. 
Ch.  Stkr.  W.E.  James, O.N. 294,406. 
Ch.  Stkr.  J. Keating, R.F.R., O.N. 165,732. 
Stkr.  P.O.  M. Flood, R.F.R., O.N. 153,418. 
Stkr.  P.O.  T.W.  Hardy, O.N. 292,542. 
Stkr.  P.O.  A.J.  Sims, O.N. 276,502. 
Stkr.  P.O.  S. Westaway, R.F.R., O.N. 300,938. 
Actg.  Ldg.  Stkr.  J. Blackburn, O.N.K. 4,844. 
Stkr., 1st Cl., A.H.  Bennet, O.N.K. 10,700. 
Stkr., 2d Cl., H. Turner, O.N.K. 22,720. 
Ldg.  Carpenter’s Crew, E.O.  Bradley, O.N. 346,621. 
Ldg.  Carpenter’s Crew, E. Currie, O.N. 344,851. 
Sick Berth Attendant C.S.  Hutchinson, O.N.M. 3,882. 
Ch.  Writer S.G.  White, O.N. 340,597. 
Third Writer H.C.  Green, O.N.M. 8,266. 
Officers’ Steward, 3d Cl., F.W.  Kearley, O.N.L. 2,716.


Admiralty, March 3, 1915.

The following dispatch has been received from Vice Admiral Sir F.C.  Doveton-Sturdee, K.C.B., C.V.O., C.M.G., reporting the action off the Falkland Islands on Tuesday, the 8th of December, 1914:

Dec. 19, 1914.

Sir:  I have the honor to forward a report on the action which took place on Dec. 8, 1914, against a German squadron off the Falkland Islands.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

Vice Admiral, Commander in Chief. 
The Secretary, Admiralty.


Page 26

The squadron, consisting of H.M. ships Invincible, flying my flag, Flag Capt.  Percy T.M.  Beamish; Inflexible, Capt.  Richard F. Phillimore; Carnarvon, flying the flag of Rear Admiral Archibald P. Soddart, Flag Capt.  Harry L.d’E.  Skipwith; Cornwall, Capt.  Walter M. Ellerton; Kent, Capt.  John D. Allen; Glasgow, Capt.  John Loce; Bristol, Capt.  Basil H. Fanshawe, and Macedonia, Capt.  Bertram S. Evans, arrived at Port Stanley, Falkland Islands, at 10:30 A.M. on Monday, Dec. 7, 1914.  Coaling was commenced at once, in order that the ships should be ready to resume the search for the enemy’s squadron the next evening, Dec. 8.

At 8 A.M. on Tuesday, Dec. 8, a signal was received from the signal station on shore: 

“A four-funnel and two-funnel man-of-war in sight from Sapper Hill, steering northward.”


The numbers given on the plan show the corresponding positions of vessels at various times.  All ships bearing the same number were simultaneously in the positions charted.]

At this time the positions of the various ships of the squadron were as follows: 

Macedonia:  At anchor as lookout ship.

Kent (guard ship):  At anchor in Port William.

Invincible and Inflexible:  In Port William.

Carnarvon:  In Port William.

Cornwall:  In Port William.

Glasgow:  In Port Stanley.

Bristol:  In Port Stanley.

The Kent was at once ordered to weigh, and a general signal was made to raise steam for full speed.

At 8:20 A.M. the signal station reported another column of smoke in sight to the southward, and at 8:45 A.M. the Kent passed down the harbor and took up a station at the entrance.

The Canopus, Capt.  Heathcoat S. Grant, reported at 8:47 A.M. that the first two ships were eight miles off, and that the smoke reported at 8:20 A.M. appeared to be the smoke of two ships about twenty miles off.

At 8:50 A.M. the signal station reported a further column of smoke in sight to the southward.

The Macedonia was ordered to weigh anchor on the inner side of the other ships, and await orders.

At 9:20 A.M. the two leading ships of the enemy, (Gneisenau and Nuernberg,) with guns trained on the wireless station, came within range of the Canopus, which opened fire at them across the low land at a range of 11,000 yards.  The enemy at once hoisted their colors and turned away.  At this time the masts and smoke of the enemy were visible from the upper bridge of the Invincible at a range of approximately 17,000 yards across the low land to the south of Port William.

A few minutes later the two cruisers altered course to port, as though to close the Kent at the entrance to the harbor, but about this time it seems that the Invincible and Inflexible were seen over the land, as the enemy at once altered course and increased speed to join their consorts.

Page 27

The Glasgow weighed and proceeded at 9:40 A.M. with orders to join the Kent and observe the enemy’s movements.

At 9:45 A.M. the squadron—­less the Bristol—­weighed, and proceeded out of harbor in the following order:  Carnarvon, Inflexible, Invincible, and Cornwall.  On passing Cape Pembroke Light the five ships of the enemy appeared clearly in sight to the southeast, hull down.  The visibility was at its maximum, the sea was calm, with a bright sun, a clear sky, and a light breeze from the northwest.

At 10:20 A.M. the signal for a general chase was made.  The battle cruisers quickly passed ahead of the Carnarvon and overtook the Kent.  The Glasgow was ordered to keep two miles from the Invincible, and the Inflexible was stationed on the starboard quarter of the flagship.  Speed was eased to twenty knots at 11:15 A.M., to enable the other cruisers to get into station.

At this time the enemy’s funnels and bridges showed just above the horizon.

Information was received from the Bristol at 11:27 A.M. that three enemy ships had appeared off Port Pleasant, probably colliers or transports.  The Bristol was therefore directed to take the Macedonia under orders and destroy transports.

The enemy were still maintaining their distance, and I decided, at 12:20 P.M., to attack with the two battle cruisers and the Glasgow.

At 12:47 P.M. the signal to “Open fire and engage the enemy” was made.

The Inflexible opened fire at 12:55 P.M. from her fore turret at the right-hand ship of the enemy, a light cruiser; a few minutes later the Invincible opened fire at the same ship.

The deliberate fire from a range of 16,500 to 15,000 yards at the right-hand light cruiser, which was dropping astern, became too threatening, and when a shell fell close alongside her at 1:20 P.M. she (the Leipzig) turned away, with the Nuernberg and Dresden, to the southwest.

These light cruisers were at once followed by the Kent, Glasgow, and Cornwall, in accordance with my instructions.

The action finally developed into three separate encounters, besides the subsidiary one dealing with the threatened landing.


The fire of the battle cruisers was directed on the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau.  The effect of this was quickly seen when, at 1:25 P.M., with the Scharnhorst leading, they turned about seven points to port in succession into line ahead and opened fire at 1:30 P.M.  Shortly afterward speed was eased to twenty-four knots and the battle cruisers were ordered to turn together, bringing them into line ahead, with the Invincible leading.

The range was about 13,500 yards at the final turn, and increased until at 2 P.M. it had reached 16,450 yards.

The enemy then (2:10 P.M.) turned away about ten points to starboard, and a second chase ensued until at 2:45 P.M. the battle cruisers again opened fire; this caused the enemy, at 2:53 P.M., to turn into line ahead to port and open fire at 2:55 P.M.

Page 28

The Scharnhorst caught fire forward, but not seriously, and her fire slackened perceptibly; the Gneisenau was badly hit by the Inflexible.

At 3:30 P.M. the Scharnhorst led around about ten points to starboard; just previously her fire had slackened perceptibly, and one shell had shot away her third funnel; some guns were not firing, and it would appear that the turn was dictated by a desire to bring her starboard guns into action.  The effect of the fire on the Scharnhorst became more and more apparent in consequence of smoke from fires, and also escaping steam.  At times a shell would cause a large hole to appear in her side, through which could be seen a dull red glow of flame.  At 4:04 P.M. the Scharnhorst, whose flag remained flying to the last, suddenly listed heavily to port, and within a minute it became clear that she was a doomed ship, for the list increased very rapidly until she lay on her beam ends, and at 4:17 P.M. she disappeared.

The Gneisenau passed on the far side of her late flagship, and continued a determined but ineffectual effort to fight the two battle cruisers.

At 5:08 P.M. the forward funnel was knocked over and remained resting against the second funnel.  She was evidently in serious straits, and her fire slackened very much.

At 5:15 P.M. one of the Gneisenau’s shells struck the Invincible; this was her last effective effort.

At 5:30 P.M. she turned toward the flagship with a heavy list to starboard, and appeared stopped, with steam pouring from her escape pipes and smoke from shell and fires rising everywhere.  About this time I ordered the signal “Cease fire!” but before it was hoisted the Gneisenau opened fire again, and continued to fire from time to time with a single gun.

At 5:40 P.M. the three ships closed in on the Gneisenau, and at this time the flag flying at her fore truck was apparently hauled down, but the flag at the peak continued flying.

At 5:50 P.M.  “Cease fire!” was made.

At 6 P.M. the Gneisenau heeled over very suddenly, showing the men gathered on her decks and then walking on her side as she lay for a minute on her beam ends before sinking.

The prisoners of war from the Gneisenau report that by the time the ammunition was expended some 600 men had been killed and wounded.  The surviving officers and men were all ordered on deck and told to provide themselves with hammocks and any articles that could support them in the water.

When the ship capsized and sank there were probably some 200 unwounded survivors in the water, but, owing to the shock of the cold water, many were drowned within sight of the boats and ship.

Every effort was made to save life as quickly as possible, both by boats and from the ships; lifebuoys were thrown and ropes lowered, but only a portion could be rescued.  The Invincible alone rescued 108 men, fourteen of whom were found to be dead after being brought on board.  These men were buried at sea the following day with full military honors.

Page 29


At about 1 P.M., when the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau turned to port to engage the Invincible and Inflexible, the enemy’s light cruisers turned to starboard to escape; the Dresden was leading and the Nuernberg and Leipzig followed on each quarter.

In accordance with my instructions, the Glasgow, Kent, and Cornwall at once went in chase of these ships; the Carnarvon, whose speed was insufficient to overtake them, closed the battle cruisers.

The Glasgow drew well ahead of the Cornwall and Kent, and at 3 P.M. shots were exchanged with the Leipzig at 12,000 yards.  The Glasgow’s object was to endeavor to outrange the Leipzig with her 6-inch guns and thus cause her to alter course and give the Cornwall and Kent a chance of coming into action.

At 4:17 P.M. the Cornwall opened fire, also on the Leipzig.

At 7:17 P.M. the Leipzig was on fire fore and aft, and the Cornwall and Glasgow ceased fire.

The Leipzig turned over on her port side and disappeared at 9 P.M.  Seven officers and eleven men were saved.

At 3:36 P.M. the Cornwall ordered the Kent to engage the Nuernberg, the nearest cruiser to her.

Owing to the excellent and strenuous efforts of the engine room department, the Kent was able to get within range of the Nuernberg at 5 P.M.  At 6:35 P.M. the Nuernberg was on fire forward and ceased firing.  The Kent also ceased firing and closed to 3,300 yards; as the colors were still observed to be flying on the Nuernberg, the Kent opened fire again.  Fire was finally stopped five minutes later on the colors being hauled down, and every preparation was made to save life.  The Nuernberg sank at 7:27 P.M., and, as she sank, a group of men were waving a German ensign attached to a staff.  Twelve men were rescued, but only seven survived.

The Kent had four killed and twelve wounded, mostly caused by one shell.

During the time the three cruisers were engaged with the Nuernberg and Leipzig, the Dresden, which was beyond her consorts, effected her escape owing to her superior speed.  The Glasgow was the only cruiser with sufficient speed to have had any chance of success.  However, she was fully employed in engaging the Leipzig for over an hour before either the Cornwall or Kent could come up and get within range.  During this time the Dresden was able to increase her distance and get out of sight.

The weather changed after 4 P.M., and the visibility was much reduced; further, the sky was overcast and cloudy, thus assisting the Dresden to get away unobserved.


A report was received at 11:27 A.M. from H.M.S.  Bristol that three ships of the enemy, probably transports or colliers, had appeared off Port Pleasant.  The Bristol was ordered to take the Macedonia under his orders and destroy the transports.

H.M.S.  Macedonia reports that only two ships, steamships Baden and Santa Isabel, were present; both ships were sunk after the removal of the crews.

Page 30

I have pleasure in reporting that the officers and men under my orders carried out their duties with admirable efficiency and coolness, and great credit is due to the engineer officers of all the ships, several of which exceeded their normal full speed.

The names of the following are specially mentioned: 


Commander Richard Herbert Denny Townsend, H.M.S.  Invincible.

Commander Arthur Edward Frederick Bedford, H.M.S.  Kent.

Lieut.  Commander Wilfred Arthur Thompson, H.M.S.  Glasgow.

Lieut.  Commander Hubert Edward Danreuther, First and Gunnery Lieutenant,
H.M.S.  Invincible.

Engineer Commander George Edward Andrew, H.M.S.  Kent.

Engineer Commander Edward John Weeks, H.M.S.  Invincible.

Paymaster Cyril Sheldon Johnson, H.M.S.  Invincible.

Carpenter Thomas Andrew Walls, H.M.S.  Invincible.

Carpenter William Henry Venning, H.M.S.  Kent.

Carpenter George Henry Egford, H.M.S.  Cornwall.


Ch.  P.O.  D. Leighton, O.N. 124,288, Kent.

P.O., 2d Cl., M.J.  Walton, (R.F.R., A. 1,756,) O.N. 118,358, Kent.

Ldg.  Smn.  F.S.  Martin, O.N. 233,301, Invincible, Gnr’s.  Mate, Gunlayer, 1st Cl.

Sigmn.  F. Glover, O.N. 225,731, Cornwall.

Ch.  E.R.  Art., 2d Cl., J.G.  Hill, O.N. 269,646, Cornwall.

Actg.  Ch.  E.R.  Art., 2d Cl., R. Snowdon, O.N. 270,654, Inflexible.

E.R.  Art., 1st Cl., G.H.F.  McCarten, O.N. 270,023, Invincible.

Stkr.  P.O.  G.S.  Brewer, O.N. 150,950, Kent.

Stkr.  P.O.  W.A.  Townsend, O.N. 301,650, Cornwall.

Stkr., 1st Cl., J. Smith, O.N.  SS 111,915, Cornwall.

Shpwrt., 1st Cl., A.N.E.  England, O.N. 341,971, Glasgow.

Shpwrt., 2d Cl., A.C.H.  Dymott, O.N.M. 8,047, Kent.

Portsmouth R.F.R.B. 3,307 Sergt.  Charles Mayes, H.M.S.  Kent.




[From King Albert’s Book.]

    You that have faith to look with fearless eyes
      Beyond the tragedy of a world at strife,
    And trust that out of night and death shall rise
        The dawn of ampler life;

    Rejoice, whatever anguish rend your heart,
      That God has given you, for a priceless dower,
    To live in these great times and have your part
        In Freedom’s crowning hour.

    That you may tell your sons who see the light
      High in the heavens, their heritage to take—­
    “I saw the powers of darkness put to flight! 
        I saw the morning break!”

The Greatest of Campaigns

The French Official Account Concluded

Page 31

The second and succeeding installments—­the first installment appeared in CURRENT HISTORY for April—­of the official French historical review of the operations in the western theatre of war from the beginning until the end of January, 1915—­the first six months—­are described in the subjoined correspondence of The Associated Press.

LONDON, March 18, (Correspondence of The Associated Press.)—­The Associated Press has received the second installment of the historical review emanating from French official sources of the operations in the Western theatre of war, from its beginning up to the end of January.  It should be understood that the narrative is made purely from the French standpoint.  The additional installment of the document dealing with the victory of the Marne, Sept. 6th to 15th, is as follows:

If one examines on the map the respective positions of the German and French armies on Sept. 6 as previously described, it will be seen that by his inflection toward Meaux and Coulommiers General von Kluck was exposing his right to the offensive action of our left.  This is the starting point of the victory of the Marne.

On the evening of Sept. 5 our left army had reached the front Penchard-Saint-Souflet-Ver.  On the 6th and 7th it continued its attacks vigorously with the Ourcq as objective.  On the evening of the 7th it was some kilometers from the Ourcq, on the front Chambry-Marcilly-Lisieux-Acy-en-Multien.  On the 8th, the Germans, who had in great haste reinforced their right by bringing their Second and Fourth Army Corps back to the north, obtained some successes by attacks of extreme violence.  They occupied Betz, Thury-en-Valois, and Nanteuil-le-Haudouin.  But in spite of this pressure our troops held their ground well.  In a brilliant action they took three standards, and, being reinforced, prepared a new attack for the 10th.  At the moment that this attack was about to begin the enemy was already in retreat toward the north.  The attack became a pursuit, and on the 12th we established ourselves on the Aisne.


Why did the German forces which were confronting us and on the evening before attacking so furiously retreat on the morning of the 10th?  Because in bringing back on the 6th several army corps from the south to the north to face our left the enemy had exposed his left to the attacks of the British Army, which had immediately faced around toward the north, and to those of our armies which were prolonging the English lines to the right.  This is what the French command had sought to bring about.  This is what happened on Sept. 8 and allowed the development and rehabilitation which it was to effect.

On the 6th the British Army had set out from the line Rozcy-Lagny and had that evening reached the southward bank of the Grand Morin.  On the 7th and 8th it continued its march, and on the 9th had debouched to the north of the Marne below Chateau-Thiery, taking in flank the German forces which on that day were opposing, on the Ourcq, our left army.  Then it was that these forces began to retreat, while the British Army, going in pursuit and capturing seven guns and many prisoners, reached the Aisne between Soissons and Longueval.

Page 32

The role of the French Army, which was operating to the right of the British Army, was threefold.  It had to support the British attacking on its left.  It had on its right to support our centre, which from Sept. 7 had been subjected to a German attack of great violence.  Finally, its mission was to throw back the three active army corps and the reserve corps which faced it.

On the 7th it made a leap forward, and on the following days reached and crossed the Marne, seizing, after desperate fighting, guns, howitzers, mitrailleuses, and 1,300,000 cartridges.  On the 12th it established itself on the north edge of the Montagne-de-Reime in contact with our centre, which for its part had just forced the enemy to retreat in haste.


Our centre consisted of a new army created on Aug. 29 and of one of those which at the beginning of the campaign had been engaged in Belgian Luxemburg.  The first had retreated on Aug. 29 to Sept. 5 from the Aisne to the north of the Marne and occupied the general front Sezanne-Mailly.

The second, more to the east, had drawn back to the south of the line Humbauville-Chateau-Beauchamp-Bignicourt-B

The enemy, in view of his right being arrested and the defeat of his enveloping movement, made a desperate effort from the 7th to the 10th to pierce our centre to the west and to the east of Fere-Champenoise.  On the 8th he succeeded in forcing back the right of our new army, which retired as far as Gouragancon.  On the 9th, at 6 o’clock in the morning, there was a further retreat to the south of that village, while on the left the other army corps also had to go back to the line Allemant-Connantre.

Despite this retreat the General commanding the army ordered a general offensive for the same day.  With the Morocco Division, whose behavior was heroic, he met a furious assault of the Germans on his left toward the marshes of Saint Gond.  Then with the division which had just victoriously overcome the attacks of the enemy to the north of Sezanne, and with the whole of his left army corps, he made a flanking attack in the evening of the 9th upon the German forces, and notably the guard, which had thrown back his right army corps.  The enemy, taken by surprise by this bold manoeuvre, did not resist, and beat a hasty retreat.

On the 11th we crossed the Marne between Tours-sur-Marne and Sarry, driving the Germans in front of us in disorder.  On the 12th we were in contact with the enemy to the north of the Camp de Chalons.  Our other army of the centre, acting on the right of the one just referred to, had been intrusted with the mission during the 7th, 8th, and 9th of disengaging its neighbor, and it was only on the 10th that, being reinforced by an army corps from the east, it was able to make its action effectively felt.  On the 11th the Germans retired.  But, perceiving their danger, they fought desperately, with enormous expenditure of projectiles, behind strong intrenchments.  On the 12th the result had none the less been attained, and our two centre armies were solidly established on the ground gained.

Page 33


To the right of these two armies were three others.  They had orders to cover themselves to the north and to debouch toward the west on the flank of the enemy, which was operating to the west of the Argonne.  But a wide interval in which the Germans were in force separated them from our centre.  The attack took place, nevertheless, with very brilliant success for our artillery, which destroyed eleven batteries of the Sixteenth German Army Corps.

On the 10th inst. the Eighth and Fifteenth German Army Corps counter-attacked, but were repulsed.  On the 11th our progress continued with new successes, and on the 12th we were able to face round toward the north in expectation of the near and inevitable retreat of the enemy, which, in fact, took place from the 13th.

The withdrawal of the mass of the German force involved also that of the left.  From the 12th onward the forces of the enemy operating between Nancy and the Vosges retreated in a hurry before our two armies of the East, which immediately occupied the positions that the enemy had evacuated.  The offensive of our right had thus prepared and consolidated in the most useful way the result secured by our left and our centre.

[Illustration:  Map showing the successive stages of the Battle of the Marne.]

Such was this seven days’ battle, in which more than two millions of men were engaged.  Each army gained ground step by step, opening the road to its neighbor, supported at once by it, taking in flank the adversary which the day before it had attacked in front, the efforts of one articulating closely with those of the other, a perfect unity of intention and method animating the supreme command.

To give this victory all its meaning it is necessary to add that it was gained by troops which for two weeks had been retreating, and which, when the order for the offensive was given, were found to be as ardent as on the first day.  It has also to be said that these troops had to meet the whole German army, and that from the time they marched forward they never again fell back.  Under their pressure the German retreat at certain times had the appearance of a rout.

In spite of the fatigue of our men, in spite of the power of the German heavy artillery, we took colors, guns, mitrailleuses, shells, more than a million cartridges, and thousands of prisoners.  A German corps lost almost the whole of its artillery, which, from information brought by our airmen, was destroyed by our guns.


Page 34

LONDON, March 18.—­The third installment of the historical review of the war, emanating from French official sources and purely from the French viewpoint, has been received by The Associated Press.  The French narrative contains a long chapter on the siege war from the Oise to the Vosges, which lasted from Sept. 13 to Nov. 30.  Most of the incidents in this prolonged and severe warfare have been recorded in the daily bulletins.  The operations were of secondary importance, and were conducted on both sides with the same idea of wearing down the troops and the artillery of the opposing forces with the view of influencing the decisive result in the great theatre of war in the north.  The next chapter deals with “the rush to the sea,” Sept. 13 to Oct. 23, and is as follows:


As early as Sept. 11 the Commander in Chief had directed our left army to have as important forces as possible on the right bank of the Oise.  On Sept. 17 he made that instruction more precise by ordering “a mass to be constituted on the left wing of our disposition, capable of coping with the outflanking movement of the enemy.”  Everything led us to expect that flanking movement, for the Germans are lacking in invention.  Indeed, their effort at that time tended to a renewal of their manoeuvre of August.  In the parallel race the opponents were bound in the end to be stopped only by the sea; that is what happened about Oct. 20.

The Germans had an advantage over us, which is obvious from a glance at the map—­the concentric form of their front, which shortened the length of their transports.  In spite of this initial inferiority we arrived in time.  From the middle of September to the last week in October fighting went on continually to the north of the Oise, but all the time we were fighting we were slipping northward.  On the German side this movement brought into line more than eighteen new army corps, (twelve active army corps, six reserve corps, four cavalry corps.) On our side it ended in the constitution of three fresh armies on our left and in the transport into the same district of the British Army and the Belgian Army from Antwerp.

For the conception and realization of this fresh and extended disposition the French command, in the first place, had to reduce to a minimum the needs for effectives of our armies to the east of the Oise, and afterwards to utilize to the utmost our means of transport.  It succeeded in this, and when, at the end of October, the battle of Flanders opened, when the Germans, having completed the concentration of their forces, attempted with fierce energy to turn or to pierce our left, they flung themselves upon a resistance which inflicted upon them a complete defeat.


The movement began on our side only with the resources of the army which had held the left of our front during the battle of the Marne, reinforced on Sept. 15 by one army corps.

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This reinforcement, not being sufficient to hold the enemy’s offensive, (district of Vaudelincourt-Mouchy-Uaugy,) a fresh army was transported more to the left, with the task “of acting against the German right wing in order to disengage its neighbor, ... while preserving a flanking direction in its march in relation to the fresh units that the enemy might be able to put into line.”

To cover the detrainments of this fresh army in the district Clermont-Beauvais-Boix a cavalry corps and four territorial divisions were ordered to establish themselves on both banks of the Somme.  In the wooded hills, however, which extend between the Oise and Lassigny the enemy displayed increasing activity.  Nevertheless, the order still further to broaden the movement toward the left was maintained, while the territorial divisions were to move toward Bethune and Aubigny.  The march to the sea went on.

From the 21st to the 26th all our forces were engaged in the district Lassigny-Roye-Peronne, with alternations of reverse and success.  It was the first act of the great struggle which was to spread as it went on.  On the 26th the whole of the Sixth German Army was deployed against us.  We retained all our positions, but we could do no more; consequently there was still the risk that the enemy, by means of a fresh afflux of forces, might succeed in turning us.

Once more reinforcements, two army corps, were directed no longer on Beauvais, but toward Amiens.  The front was then again to extend.  A fresh army was constituted more to the north.


From Sept. 30 onward we could not but observe that the enemy, already strongly posted on the plateau of Thiepval, was continually slipping his forces from south to north, and everywhere confronting us with remarkable energy.

Accordingly, on Oct. 1 two cavalry corps were directed to make a leap forward and, operating on both banks of the Scarpe, to put themselves in touch with the garrison of Dunkirk, which, on its side, had pushed forward as far as Douai.  But on Oct. 2 and 3 the bulk of our fresh army was very strongly attacked in the district of Arras and Lens.  Confronting it were two corps of cavalry, the guards, four active army corps, and two reserve corps.  A fresh French army corps was immediately transported and detrained in the Lille district.

But once more the attacks became more pressing, and on Oct. 4 it was a question whether, in view of the enemy’s activity both west of the Oise and south of the Somme, and also further to the north, a retreat would not have to be made.  General Joffre resolutely put this hypothesis aside and ordered the offensive to be resumed with the reinforcements that had arrived.  It was, however, clear that, despite the efforts of all, our front, extended to the sea as it was by a mere ribbon of troops, did not possess the solidity to enable it to resist with complete safety a German attack, the violence of which could well be foreseen.

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In the Arras district the position was fairly good.  But between the Oise and Arras we were holding our own only with difficulty.  Finally, to the north, on the Lille-Estaires-Merville-Hazebrouck-Cassel front, our cavalry and our territorials had their work cut out against eight divisions of German cavalry, with very strong infantry supports.  It was at this moment that the transport of the British Army to the northern theatre of operations began.


Cousin of the King of Italy, Commander of the dreadnought squadron of the Italian Navy.

(Photo (c) by Pach Bros., N.Y.)]

[Illustration:  H.M.  FERDINAND I.

Tsar of the Bulgars.

(Photo from P.S.  Rogers.)]


Field Marshal French had, as early as the end of September, expressed the wish to see his army resume its initial place on the left of the allied armies.  He explained this wish on the ground of the greater facility of which his communications would have the advantage in this new position, and also of the impending arrival of two divisions of infantry from home and of two infantry divisions and a cavalry division from India, which would be able to deploy more easily on that terrain.  In spite of the difficulties which such a removal involved, owing to the intensive use of the railways by our own units, General Joffre decided at the beginning of October to meet the Field Marshal’s wishes and to have the British Army removed from the Aisne.

It was clearly specified that on the northern terrain the British Army should co-operate to the same end as ourselves, the stopping of the German right.  In other terms, the British Army was to prolong the front of the general disposition without a break, attacking as soon as possible, and at the same time seeking touch with the Belgian Army.

But the detraining took longer than had been expected, and it was not possible to attack the Germans during the time when they had only cavalry in the Lille district and further to the north.


There remained the Belgian Army.  On leaving Antwerp on Oct. 9 the Belgian Army, which was covered by 8,000 British bluejackets and 6,000 French bluejackets, at first intended to retire as far as to the north of Calais, but afterwards determined to make a stand in Belgian territory.  Unfortunately, the condition of the Belgian troops, exhausted by a struggle of more than three months, did not allow any immediate hopes to be based upon them.  This situation weighed on our plans and delayed their execution.

On the 16th we made progress to the east of Ypres.  On the 18th our cavalry even reached Roulers and Cortemark.  But it was now evident that, in view of the continual reinforcing of the German right, our left was not capable of maintaining the advantages obtained during the previous few days.  To attain our end and make our front inviolable a fresh effort was necessary.  That effort was immediately made by the dispatch to the north of the Lys of considerable French forces, which formed the French Army of Belgium.

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The French Army of Belgium consisted, to begin with, of two territorial divisions, four divisions of cavalry, and a naval brigade.  Directly after its constitution it was strengthened by elements from other points on the front whose arrival extended from Oct. 27 to Nov. 11.  These reinforcements were equivalent altogether in value to five army corps, a division of cavalry, a territorial division, and sixteen regiments of cavalry, plus sixty pieces of heavy artillery.

Thus was completed the strategic manoeuvre defined by the instructions of the General in Chief on Sept. 11 and developed during the five following weeks with the ampleness we have just seen.  The movements of troops carried out during this period were methodically combined with the pursuit of operations, both defensive and offensive, from the Oise to the North Sea.

On Oct. 22 our left, bounded six weeks earlier by the Noyon district, rested on Nieuport, thanks to the successive deployment of five fresh armies—­three French armies, the British Army, and the Belgian Army.

Thus the co-ordination decided upon by the General in Chief attained its end.  The barrier was established.  It remained to maintain it against the enemy’s offensive.  That was the object and the result of the battle of Flanders, Oct. 22 to Nov. 15.


The fourth installment of the French review takes up the operations in Flanders, as follows:

The German attack in Flanders was conducted strategically and tactically with remarkable energy.  The complete and indisputable defeat in which it resulted is therefore significant.

The forces of which the enemy disposed for this operation between the sea and the Lys comprised: 

(1) The entire Fourth Army commanded by the Duke of Wuerttemberg, consisting of one naval division, one division of Ersatz Reserve, (men who had received no training before the war,) which was liberated by the fall of Antwerp; the Twenty-second, Twenty-third, Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Reserve Corps, and the Forty-eighth Division belonging to the Twenty-fourth Reserve Corps.

(2) A portion of another army under General von Fabeck, consisting of the Fifteenth Corps, two Bavarian corps and three (unspecified) divisions.

(3) Part of the Sixth Army under the command of the Crown Prince of Bavaria.  This army, more than a third of which took part in the battle of Flanders, comprised the Nineteenth Army Corps, portions of the Thirteenth Corps and the Eighteenth Reserve Corps, the Seventh and Fourteenth Corps, the First Bavarian Reserve Corps, the Guards, and the Fourth Army Corps.

(4) Four highly mobile cavalry corps prepared and supported the action of the troops enumerated above.  Everything possible had been done to fortify the “morale” of the troops.  At the beginning of October the Crown Prince of Bavaria in a proclamation had exhorted his soldiers “to make the decisive effort against the French left wing,” and “to settle thus the fate of the great battle which has lasted for weeks.”

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[Illustration:  Map showing the swaying battle line from Belfort to the North Sea and the intrenched line on April 15, 1915.]

On Oct. 28, Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria declared in an army order that his troops “had just been fighting under very difficult conditions,” and he added:  “It is our business now not to let the struggle with our most detested enemy drag on longer....  The decisive blow is still to be struck.”  On Oct. 30, General von Deimling, commanding the Fifteenth Army Corps (belonging to General von Fabeck’s command,) issued an order declaring that “the thrust against Ypres will be of decisive importance.”  It should be noted also that the Emperor proceeded in person to Thielt and Courtrai to exalt by his presence the ardor of his troops.  Finally, at the close of October, the entire German press incessantly proclaimed the importance of the “Battle of Calais.”  It is superfluous to add that events in Poland explain in a large measure the passionate resolve of the German General Staff to obtain a decision in the Western theatre of operations at all costs.  This decision would be obtained if our left were pierced or driven in.  To reach Calais, that is, to break our left; to carry Ypres, that is, to cut it in half; through both points to menace the communications and supplies of the British expeditionary corps, perhaps even to threaten Britain in her island—­such was the German plan in the Battle of Flanders.  It was a plan that could not be executed.


The enemy, who had at his disposal a considerable quantity of heavy artillery, directed his efforts at first upon the coast and the country to the north of Dixmude.  His objective was manifestly the capture of Dunkirk, then of Calais and Boulogne, and this objective he pursued until Nov. 1.

On Oct. 23 the Belgians along the railway line from Nieuport to Dixmude were strengthened by a French division.  Dixmude was occupied by our marines (fusiliers marins).  During the subsequent day our forces along the railway developed a significant resistance against an enemy superior in number and backed by heavy artillery.  On the 29th the inundations effected between the canal and the railway line spread along our front.  On the 30th we recaptured Ramscapelle, the only point on the railway which Belgians had lost.  On the 1st and 2d of November the enemy bombarded Furnes, but began to show signs of weariness.  On the 2d he evacuated the ground between the Yser and the railway, abandoning cannon, dead and wounded.  On the 3d our troops were able to re-enter the Dixmude district.  The success achieved by the enemy at Dixmude at this juncture was without fruit.  They succeeded in taking the town.  They could not debouch from it.  The coastal attack had thus proved a total failure.  Since then it has never been renewed.  The Battle of Calais, so noisily announced by the German press, amounted to a decided reverse for the Germans.

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The enemy had now begun an attack more important than its predecessor, in view of the numbers engaged in it.  This attack was intended as a renewal to the south of the effort which had just been shattered in the north.  Instead of turning our flank on the coast, it was now sought to drive in the right of our northern army under the shock of powerful masses.  This was the Battle of Ypres.

In order to understand this long, desperate, and furious battle, we must hark back a few days in point of time.  At the moment when our cavalry reached Roulers and Cortemark (Oct. 28) our territorial divisions from Dunkirk, under General Biden, had occupied and organized a defensive position at Ypres.  It was a point d’appui, enabling us to prepare and maintain our connections with the Belgian Army.  From Oct. 23 two British and French army corps were in occupation of this position, which was to be the base of their forward march in the direction of Roulers-Menin.  The delays already explained and the strength of the forces brought up by the enemy soon brought to a standstill our progress along the line Poelcapelle, Paschendaele, Zandvorde, and Gheluvelt.  But in spite of the stoppage here, Ypres was solidly covered, and the connections of all the allied forces were established.  Against the line thus formed the German attack was hurled from Oct. 25 to Nov. 13, to the north, the east, and the south of Ypres.  From Oct. 26 on the attacks were renewed daily with extraordinary violence, obliging us to employ our reinforcements at the most threatened points as soon as they came up.  Thus, on Oct. 31, we were obliged to send supports to the British cavalry, then to the two British corps between which the cavalry formed the connecting link, and finally to intercalate between these two corps a force equivalent to two army corps.  Between Oct. 30 and Nov. 6 Ypres was several times in danger.  The British lost Zandvorde, Gheluvelt, Messines, and Wytschaete.  The front of the Allies, thus contracted, was all the more difficult to defend; but defended it was without a recoil.


The arrival of three French divisions in our line enabled us to resume from the 4th to the 8th a vigorous offensive.  On the 10th and 11th this offensive, brought up against fresh and sharper German attacks, was checked.  Before it could be renewed the arrival of fresh reinforcements had to be awaited, which were dispatched to the north on Nov. 12.  By the 14th our troops had again begun to progress, barring the road to Ypres against the German attacks, and inflicting on the enemy, who advanced in massed formation, losses which were especially terrible in consequence of the fact that the French and British artillery had crowded nearly 300 guns on to these few kilometers of front.

Thus the main mass of the Germans sustained the same defeat as the detachments operating further to the north along the coast.  The support which, according to the idea of the German General Staff, the attack on Ypres was to render to the coastal attack, was as futile as that attack itself had been.

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During the second half of November the enemy, exhausted and having lost in the Battle of Ypres alone more than 150,000 men, did not attempt to renew his effort, but confined himself to an intermittent cannonade.  We, on the contrary, achieved appreciable progress to the north and south of Ypres, and insured definitely by a powerful defensive organization of the position the inviolability of our front.

[The compiler of the report here adds a footnote saying that the bodies of more than 40,000 Germans were found on the battlefield during these three weeks of battle.  The report next proceeds to summarize the character and results of the operations since the Battle of Flanders—­that is, during the period Nov. 30-Feb. 1.]

Since the former date the French supreme command had not thought it advisable to embark upon important offensive operations.  It has confined itself to local attacks, the main object of which was to hold in front of us as large a number of German corps as possible, and thus to hinder the withdrawal of the troops which to our knowledge the German General Staff was anxious to dispatch to Russia.


As a matter of fact, the numbers transported to the eastern front have been very moderate.  Of the fifty-two army corps which faced us on the western front, Germany has only been able to take four and one-half corps for the eastern front.  On the other hand, climatic conditions—­the rain, mud, and mist—­were such as to diminish the effectiveness of offensive operations and to add to the costliness of any undertaken, which was another reason for postponing them.  Still another reason lies in the fact that from now on the allied forces can count upon a steadily expanding growth, equally in point of numbers and units as of material, while the German forces have attained the maximum of their power, and can only diminish now both in numbers and in value.  These conditions explain the character of the siege warfare which the operations have assumed during the period under review.

[Illustration:  Map illustrating the Battle of Flanders, the Battle of Ypres, and the terrain of the frustrated German efforts to reach Dunkirk and Calais.]

Meanwhile, it is by no means the case that the siege warfare has had the same results for the Germans as for us.  From Nov. 15 to Feb. 1, our opponents, in spite of very numerous attacks, did not succeed in taking anything from us, except a few hundred metres of ground to the north of Soissons.  We, on the contrary, have obtained numerous and appreciable results.

[The French writer here proceeds to strike a balance of gains and losses between the allied and the German forces in France during the Winter campaign.  The result he sums up as follows:]

1.  A general progress of our troops; very marked at certain points.

2.  A general falling back of the enemy, except to the northeast of Soissons.

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To complete the balance it must be added that: 

1.  The German offensive in Poland was checked a month ago.

2.  The Russian offensive continues in Galicia and the Carpathians.

3.  A large part of the Turkish Caucasian army has been annihilated.

4.  Germany has exhausted her resources of officers, (there are now on an average twelve officers to a regiment,) and henceforth will only be able to develop her resources in men to the detriment of the existing units.

5.  The allied armies, on the contrary, possess the power of reinforcing themselves in a very considerable degree.

It may, therefore, be declared that in order to obtain complete success it is sufficient for France and her allies to know how to wait and to prepare victory with indefatigable patience.

The German offensive is broken.

The German defensive will be broken in its turn.

[It is evident from the report that the numbered German army corps are Prussian corps unless otherwise specified.]


LONDON, March 18, (Correspondence of The Associated Press.)—­All of Part II., of the historical review of the war, emanating from French official sources, and purely from the French viewpoint, has been received by The Associated Press.  Part II, deals with the conditions in the French Army, furnishing a most interesting chapter on this subject under the title, “The French Army as it Is."

The compiler of the report, beginning this part of his review on Feb. 1, says that the condition of the French Army is excellent and appreciably superior to what it was at the beginning of the war from the three points of view of numbers, quality, and equipment.  Continuing, he says:

In the higher command important changes have been made.  It has, in fact, been rejuvenated by the promotion of young commanders of proved quality to high rank.  All the old Generals, who at the beginning of August were at the head of large commands, have been gradually eliminated, some as the result of the physical strain of war and others by appointment to territorial commands.  This rejuvenation of the higher ranks of the army has been carried out in a far-reaching manner, and it may be said that it has embraced all the grades of the military hierarchy from commanders of brigades to commanders of armies.  The result has been to lower the average age of general officers by ten years.  Today more than three-fourths of the officers commanding armies and army corps are less than 60 years of age.  Some are considerably younger.  A number of the army corps commanders are from 46 to 54 years of age, and the brigade commanders are usually under 50.  There are, in fact, at the front extremely few general officers over 60, and these are men who are in full possession of their physical and intellectual powers.

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This rejuvenation of the high command was facilitated by a number of circumstances, notable among which were the strengthening of the higher regimental ranks carried out during the three years preceding the war, as a result of which at the outset of the campaign each infantry regiment had two Lieutenant Colonels, and each cavalry and artillery regiment a Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel, and also the system of promotion for the duration of the war.  Many officers who began the war as Colonels now command brigades.  Some are even at the head of divisions or army corps.  Ability proved on the field of battle is now immediately recognized and utilized, and in this way it has been possible to provide in the most favorable manner for the vacancies created by the changes in command which were considered necessary in the first weeks of the war.

The higher grades of the French Army are inspired by a remarkable unity in the matter of military theory, and by a solidarity of spirit which has found striking expression in the course of the numerous moves of army corps from one part of the theatre of operations to another, which have been carried out since the beginning of the war.

The cavalry after six months of war still possesses an excess of officers.  There are on an average thirty-six officers to a regiment instead of the thirty-one considered to be the necessary minimum.  The artillery, which has suffered relatively little, has also an excess of officers, and is further able to count upon a large number of Captains and other officers, who before the war were employed in the arsenals or in technical research.  Finally the reserve artillery officers have nearly all proved to be excellent battery commanders.

The losses in the junior commissioned ranks have naturally been highest in the infantry.  There is, however, nothing like a want of officers in this arm.  Many Captains and Lieutenants who have been wounded by machine-gun fire (such wounds are usually slight and quickly healed,) have been able to return speedily to the front.  The reserve officers have in general done remarkably well, and in many cases have shown quite exceptional aptitude for the rank of company commanders.  The non-commissioned officers promoted to sub-Lieutenancies make excellent section leaders, and even show themselves very clever and energetic company commanders in the field.

It must be remembered also that thanks to the intellectual and physical development of the generation now serving with the colors; and thanks, above all, to the warlike qualities of the race, and the democratic spirit of our army, we have been able to draw upon the lower grades and even upon the rank and file for officers.  Many men who began the war on Aug. 2 as privates, now wear the officers’ epaulettes.  The elasticity of our regulations regarding promotion in war time, the absence of the spirit of caste, and the friendly welcome extended by all officers to those of their military inferiors who have shown under fire their fitness to command, have enabled us to meet all requirements.

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The state of our infantry on Jan. 15 was very satisfactory and much superior to that of the German infantry.  On an average each of our regiments has forty-eight officers, including eighteen regular officers, fifteen reserve officers, and fifteen non-commissioned officers.  In each regiment six of the twelve companies are commanded by Captains who are regular officers, three by Captains of the reserve and three by Lieutenants.  Each company has at least three officers.  The state of the army as regards the commissioned ranks from the highest to the lowest is declared to be exceptionally brilliant.  The army is led by young, well-trained, and daring chiefs, and the lower commissioned ranks have acquired the art of war by experience.

2,500,000 FRENCH AT FRONT.

Including all ranks, France now has more than 2,500,000 men at the front, and every unit is, or was on Jan. 15, at war strength.  The infantry companies are at least 200 strong.  In many regiments the companies have a strength of 250 or more.

In other arms, which have suffered less than the infantry, the units are all up to, or above, regulation strength.

This fact constitutes one of the most important advantages of the French Army over the Germans.  While Germany has created a great number of new units, army corps or divisions, which absorbed at a blow all of her available resources in officers and men, the French supreme command has avoided the formation of new units, except in limited number, and has only admitted exceptions to this rule when it was able to count with certainty on being able to provide amply for both the present and future requirements of the new units, as regards all ranks, without encroaching upon the reserves needed for the existing units.

At the same time, thanks to the depots in the interior of the country, the effectives at the front have been maintained at full strength.  The sources of supply for this purpose were the remainder of the eleven classes of the reserves, the younger classes of the territorial army, and the new class of 1914.  A large number of the men wounded in the earlier engagements of the war have been able to return to the front.  They have been incorporated in the new drafts, providing these with a useful stiffening of war-tried men.

With regard to the supplies of men upon which the army can draw to repair the wastage at the front, we learn that there are practically half as many men in the depots as at the front, in other words about 1,250,000.  Further supplies of men are provided by the class of 1915 and the revision of the various categories of men of military age previously exempted on grounds of health or for other reasons from the duty of bearing arms.  As a result of this measure nearly half a million men have been claimed for the army, almost all of whom, after rigorous physical tests, have been declared fit for military service.


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In the depots in which the new soldiers are being trained the services of many officers and non-commissioned officers discharged as convalescents after being wounded are utilized in order to give a practical turn to the instruction.  There are still many voluntary enlistments, and with all these resources of men the army can count upon reinforcements soon to be available which will considerably augment its offensive power.

The quality of the troops has improved perceptibly since the beginning of the war.  The men have become hardened and used to war, and their health—­largely owing to the excellence of the commissariat—­is extremely satisfactory.  In spite of the severity of the Winter hardly any cases of disease of the respiratory organs have occurred, and the sanitary returns of the army show an appreciable improvement on those of the preceding Winter.

With regard to the reserves, experience has verified the dictum of the Serbian and Bulgarian Generals in the war of 1913, namely, that “two months in the field are necessary in order to get at the full value of reserves.”  Our infantry is now accustomed to the rapid and thorough “organization” of the defensive.  In August it neither liked nor had the habit of using the spade.  Today those who see our trenches are astounded.  They are veritable improvised fortresses, proof against the 77-millimeter gun and often against artillery of higher calibre.  During the last five months not a single encounter can be cited in which our infantry did not have the advantage over the German infantry.  All the enemy’s attacks have been repulsed, except to the north of Soissons, where their success was due to the flooded state of the Aisne and the carrying away of our bridges.  Our attacks, on the other hand, have yielded important results, and have been carried out with plenty of spirit, although without the imprudence which cost us such heavy losses in August.

The cavalry has made remarkable progress.  Throughout October this branch was called on to eke out the inadequate numbers of the infantry, and showed itself perfectly adapted to the necessities of fighting on foot.  Several regiments of cavalry have been used as infantry, and, armed with rifles, have rendered the most valuable services.

The artillery has displayed a superiority in the use of its admirable material, which is recognized by the Germans themselves.

LONDON, March 27, (Correspondence of The Associated Press.)—­Further installments of the French official review of the condition of the French Army after six months of war have been obtained by The Associated Press.  The sixth installment deals with material, artillery, transport, and supplies, and the seventh takes up the situation of the German Army and makes an analysis of the German forces in the field and available for service.

The first chapter of the seventh installment, headed “The German Effort,” opens with a statement as to the German forces at the beginning of the campaign.  The writer says:

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The military effort of Germany at the outset of the campaign exceeded all anticipations.  Her design was to crush the French Army in a few weeks under a tremendous mass of troops.  Nothing was neglected to bring that mass together.

The number of German army corps in time of peace is twenty-five.  When war began the German General Staff put in the field on the two theatres of operations:  1, as fighting troops, (active, reserve, Ersatz or Landwehr,) sixty-one army corps; 2, as troops to guard communications and territory, formations of the Landsturm.

In October six and a half new army corps made their appearance, plus a division of sailors—­in all seven corps.  From the end of November to the end of December there was only an insignificant increase, consisting of the division of sailors.  In January, 1915, the number of fighting formations put into line by the German Army was therefore sixty-nine army corps, divided as follows: 

Active corps, twenty-five and a half; reserve corps, twenty-one and a half; Ersatz brigades, six and a half; reserve corps of new formation, seven and a half, and corps of Landwehr, eight and a half.


The immense effort thus made by Germany explains itself very well, if, having regard to the position of Germany at the opening of the war, one considers that of the Allies.  Germany desired to take advantage of the circumstances which enabled her to make a simultaneous mobilization of all her forces—­a mobilization which the three allied armies could not carry out so rapidly.  Germany wished with the mass of troops to crush first of all the adversary who appeared to her the most dangerous.  This effort, broken for the first time on the Marne, attained its maximum at the moment of the battle of Flanders, in which more than fifty army corps out of sixty-nine were pitted against the French, British, and Belgian Armies.

Here also the method followed by Germany is easily comprehensible.  At the end of October the Russian danger was beginning to become pressing, and it was necessary to win a decisive victory in the western theatre of the war.  It was imperative to give international opinion the impression that Germany remained in that quarter mistress of operations.  Finally, it behooved her by this victory to gain the freedom to transport a large number of army corps to Poland.  We have seen that the battle of Flanders, instead of being a success for Germany, was a marked defeat.  This defeat was fraught with results, and it dominates the present position of the German Army.  The plans above described of the German mobilization, which had their justification in view of a prompt victory, were calculated to become extremely perilous from the moment that that victory failed to be gained.


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From that moment, in fact, Germany lost the initiative and the direction of the war.  And, furthermore, she was condemned to suffer the counter-effects of the enormous and precipitate effort which she had made in vain.  From the point of view of her effectiveness and her regimental cadres, (basic organization,) she had undergone a wastage which her adversaries, on the other hand, had been able to save themselves.  She had, in the words of the proverb, put all her eggs in one basket, and in spite of her large population she could no longer, owing to the immediate and sterile abuse which she had made of her resources, pretend to regain the superiority of numbers.

She was reduced to facing as best she could on both war fronts the unceasingly increasing forces of the Allies.  She had attained the maximum of tension and had secured a minimum of results.  She had thus landed herself in a difficulty which will henceforward go on increasing and which is made clear when the wastage which her army has suffered is closely studied.


Chapter II. of this section of the review bears the headline “Wastage of German Effectives."

The wastage of effectives is easy to establish, it says.  We have for the purpose two sources—­the official lists of losses published by the German General Staff and the notebooks, letters, and archives of soldiers and officers killed and taken prisoners.  These different documents show that by the middle of January the German losses on the two fronts were 1,800,000 men.

These figures are certainly less than the reality, because, for one thing, the sick are not comprised, and, for another, the losses in the last battle in Poland are not included.  Let us accept them, however; let us accept also that out of these 1,800,000 men 500,000—­this is the normal proportion—­have been able to rejoin after being cured.  Thus the final loss for five months of the campaign has been 1,300,000 men, or 260,000 men per month.  These figures agree exactly with what can be ascertained when the variations of effectives in certain regiments are examined.

It is certain that the majority of the German regiments have had to be completely renewed.  What, then, is the situation created by these enormous losses?

This question is answered by a statement headed “German troops available for 1915."

The total of German formations known at the beginning of January, says the review, represented in round numbers 4,000,000 men.  According to the official reports on German recruiting, the entire resources of Germany in men amount to 9,000,000.  But from these 9,000,000 have to be deducted men employed on railways, in the police, and in certain administrations and industries—­altogether 500,000 men.  The total resources available for the war were therefore 8,500,000.  Out of these about one-half, say 4,000,000, are now at the front.  The definitive losses represent at least 1,300,000 men.  The available resources amounted, then, at the beginning of January, to 3,200,000 men.

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Of what are these resources composed?  Chiefly of men who were untrained in time of peace, the trained reservists having almost all left the depots for the front.  It has, moreover, to be noted that out of these 3,200,000 men there are, according to the statistics, 800,000 who are more than 39 years of age, and therefore of only mediocre military value.  Thus there remain 2,400,000.  Finally, the category of the untrained in peace comprises, according to the estimates of German military authorities themselves, one-quarter of inefficients.

The really valuable resources capable of campaigning are therefore just 2,000,000.  These men, comprising the 1915, 1916, and 1917 classes, called out in anticipation, constitute—­and this point cannot be too strongly insisted upon—­the total of available resources for the operations during the twelve months of 1915.  As to what the military value of these troops will be, considering the haste with which they have been trained, the formidable losses sustained in the battle of Flanders by the newly formed corps show very clearly.  Their military value will be limited.


When it is remembered that, according to the German documents themselves, the definite loss each month is 260,000 men, it is manifest that the available resources for the year 1915 will not suffice to fill the gaps of a war of ten months.

It is then superabundantly established that in the matter of effectives Germany has reached the maximum of possible effort.  If with the men at present available she creates, as it is certain that she is preparing to do at this moment, fresh formations, she will be preventing herself, if the war lasts another ten months, as is admissible, from being able to complete afresh her old formations.  If she creates no new formations, she will have in 1915 exactly what is necessary and no more to complete the existing units afresh.

Bearing in mind the ways of the German General Staff, one may suppose that, disregarding the eventual impossibility of recompleting, it is still addressing itself to creating new formations.  The weakness to which Germany will expose herself in the matter of effectives has just been set forth, and it is easy to show that this weakness will be still further aggravated by the wastage in the regimental orders.


In the sixth installment, beginning with the field gun, the famous “seventy-fives,” the compiler of the report, after rehearsing the splendid qualities of this weapon—­its power, its rapidity of action, and its precision—­points out that it possesses a degree of strength and endurance which makes it an implement of war of the first order.

It may be stated without hesitation [says the review] that our “seventy-five” guns are in as perfect condition today as they were on the first day of the war, although the use made of them has exceeded all calculations.  The consumption of projectiles was, in fact, so enormous as to cause for a moment an ammunition crisis, which, however, was completely overcome several weeks ago.

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The methodical and complete exploitation of all the resources of the country, organized since the beginning of the war, has enabled us to accumulate a considerable stock of fresh munitions, and an increasing rate of production is henceforth assured.  We are thus sure of being able to provide without particular effort for all the needs of the campaign, present and future, however long the war may last, and it is this certainty which has enabled us to supply projectiles to several of the allied armies, among others, to the Serbian and Belgian armies.  From the statements of German prisoners we have learned that the effectiveness of our new projectiles is superior to that of the old ones.


Our heavy artillery was in process of reorganization when the war broke out, with the result that we were indisputably in a position of inferiority in respect of this arm during the first battles.  But today the roles have been changed and our adversaries themselves acknowledge the superiority of our heavy artillery.

The change has been brought about in various ways, partly by the intense activity of the cannon foundries in new production, partly by the employment at the front of the enormous reserves of artillery preserved in the fortresses.  The very large number of heavy guns at the front represents only a part of the total number available for use.  There is an abundant stock of projectiles for the heavy artillery, which, as in the case of the field gun ammunition, is daily growing in importance.  The same is true of the reserves of powder and other explosives and of all materials needed for the manufacture of shells.

With regard to small arms, hand grenades, bombs, and all the devices for lifetaking which the trench warfare at short distance has brought into use, the position of the French troops is in every way favorable.

There follows a passage on the development of the machine gun in this kind of warfare.

Owing to the extended use of this weapon, the number supplied to the various units has been appreciably increased, says the review.  Not only is each unit in possession of its full regulation complement of machine guns, but the number of these guns attached to each unit has been increased since Feb. 1 by one-third.

The report next passes to the transport service, which, it says, has worked with remarkable precision since the beginning of the war.  This section of the review closes by referring to food supplies for the army, which are described as abundant.

LONDON, March 27, (Correspondence of The Associated Press.)—­The eighth installment of the French official review of the war, previous chapters of which have been published, takes up the German losses of officers, the wastage of guns and projectiles, and “the moral wastage of the German Army."

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The chapter on losses of officers begins with the statement that the condition of the cadres, or basic organizations, in the German Army is bad.  The proportion of officers, and notably of officers by profession, has been enormously reduced, it says; and a report made in December showed that in a total of 124 companies, active or reserve, there were only 49 officers of the active army.  The active regiments have at the present time, according to the review, an average of 12 professional officers; the reserve regiments, 9 to 10; the reserve regiments of new formation, 6 to 7; and it is to be remembered that these officers have to be drawn upon afresh for the creation of new units.

“If Germany creates new army corps, and if the war lasts ten months,” it continues, “she will reduce almost to nothing the number of professional officers in each regiment, a number which already is very insufficient.”


The French report points out that on the other hand, all the French regiments have been constantly kept at a minimum figure of eighteen professional officers per regiment.  At the same time it admits that the commanders of German corps, commanders of active battalions, and the officers attached to the commanders of army corps are officers by profession.

The French report then addresses itself to the wastage of material.  Discussing the wastage of guns, it says:

It is easy to ascertain the German losses in artillery.  On Dec. 28 the Sixty-sixth Regiment of Artillery entrained at Courtrai for Germany twenty-two guns, of which eighteen were used up.  This figure is extremely high for a single regiment.

The same facts have been ascertained as regards heavy artillery.  On Dec. 21 and 22 seventy-seven guns of heavy artillery, which were no longer serviceable, were sent to Cologne.  These movements, which are not isolated facts, show how ill the German artillery has resisted the ordeal of the campaign.

Other proofs, moreover, are decisive.  For some weeks we have noted the very peculiar aspect of the marking on the bands of a great number of shells of the 77 gun.  When these markings are compared with those of shells fired three months ago it is plain beyond all question that the tubes are worn and that many of them require to be replaced.  This loss in guns is aggravated by the necessity which has arisen of drawing upon the original army corps for the guns assigned to the recently formed corps or those in course of formation.  Several regiments of field artillery have, in fact, had to give up two batteries.


These two phenomena—­wearing out of material and drafts upon batteries—­will inevitably result either in the reduction of batteries from six to four guns, a reduction of the number of batteries in the army corps, or the partial substitution for 77 guns of 9-centimeter cannon of the old pattern, the presence of which has been many times perceived at the front.

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Furthermore, the German artillery lacks and has lacked for a very long time munitions.  It has been obliged to reduce its consumption of shells in a notable degree.  No doubt is possible in this respect.  The statements of prisoners since the battle of the Marne, and still more since the battle of the Yser, make it clear that the number of shots allowed to the batteries for each action is strictly limited.  We have found on officers killed or taken prisoner the actual orders prescribing positively a strict economy of munitions.

For the last three months, too, we notice that the quality of the projectiles is mediocre.  Many of them do not burst.  On Jan. 7, in the course of a bombardment of Laventie, scarcely any of the German shells burst.  The proportion of non-bursts was estimated at two-fifths by the British on Dec. 14, two-thirds by ourselves in the same month.  On Jan. 3 at Bourg-et-Comin, and at other places since then, shrapnel fell the explosion of which scarcely broke the envelope and the bullets were projected without any force.  About the same time our Fourteenth Army Corps was fired at with shrapnel loaded with fragments of glass, and on several points of our front shell casings of very bad quality have been found, denoting hasty manufacture and the use of materials taken at hazard.

From numerous indications it appears that the Germans are beginning to run short of their 1898 pattern rifle.  A certain number of the last reinforcements (January) are armed with carbines or rifles of a poor sort without bayonets.  Others have not even rifles.  Prisoners taken at Woevre had old-pattern weapons.

The upshot of these observations is that Germany, despite her large stores at the beginning, and the great resources of her industrial production, presents manifest signs of wear, and that the official optimism which she displays does not correspond with the reality of the facts.


Under the caption “Moral Wastage of the German Army,” the review continues:

The material losses of the German Army have corresponded with a moral wastage which it is interesting and possible to follow, both from the interrogation of prisoners and the pocketbooks and letters seized upon them or on the killed.

At the beginning of the war the entire German Army, as was natural, was animated by an unshakable faith in the military superiority of the empire.  It lived on the recollections of 1870, and on those of the long years of peace, during which all the powers which had to do with Germany displayed toward her a spirit of conciliation and patience which might pass for weakness.

The first prisoners we took in August showed themselves wholly indifferent to the reverses of the German Army.  They were sincerely and profoundly convinced that, if the German Army retired, it was in virtue of a preconceived plan, and that our successes would lead to nothing.  The events at the end of August were calculated to strengthen this contention in the minds of the German soldiers.

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The strategic retreat of the French Army, the facility with which the German armies were able to advance from Aug. 25 to Sept. 5, gave our adversaries a feeling of absolute and final superiority, which manifested itself at that time by all the statements gleaned and all the documents seized.

At the moment of the battle of the Marne the first impression was one of failure of comprehension and of stupor.  A great number of German soldiers, notably those who fell into our hands during the first days of that battle, believed fully, as at the end of August, that the retreat they were ordered to make was only a means of luring us into a trap.  German military opinion was suddenly converted when the soldiers saw that this retreat continued, and that it was being carried out in disorder, under conditions which left no doubt as to its cause and its extent.

This time it was really a defeat, and a defeat aggravated by the absence of regular supplies and by the physical and moral depression which was the result.  The severity of the losses sustained, the overpowering effects of the French artillery, began from this moment to be noted in the German pocketbooks with veritable terror.  Hope revived, however, at the end of some weeks, and there is to be found in the letters of soldiers and officers the announcement of “a great movement” which is being prepared, and which is to lead the German armies anew as far as Paris.


This is the great “battle of Calais,” which, contrary to the anticipations of the enemy, was in reality fought to the east of the Yser.  The losses of the Germans, which during those ten days exceeded 150,000 men, and may perhaps have reached 200,000, produced a terrifying impression on the troops.  From that moment prisoners no longer declared themselves sure of success.  For a certain time they had been consoled by the announcement of the capture of Warsaw.  This pretended success having proved to be fictitious, incredulity became general.

During the last two months the most intelligent of the prisoners have all admitted that no one could any longer say on which side victory would rest.  If we think of the absolute confidence with which the German people had been sustained, this avowal is of great importance.

Letters seized on a dead officer speak of the imminence of a military and economic hemming-in of Germany.  They discuss the possibility of Germany finding herself after the war with “empty hands and pockets turned inside out.”  There is no longer any question of imposing the conqueror’s law upon adversaries at his mercy, but of fighting with the energy of despair to secure an honorable peace.  An officer of the General Staff who was made prisoner on Jan. 18 said:  “Perhaps this struggle of despair has already begun.”

There follows a chapter bearing the title, “The System of Lies,” in which the review describes the methods by which it is alleged the German Government “made a sustained effort to create in the army an artificial state of mind based entirely upon lies and a scientific system of fables."

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[From King Albert’s Book.]

    I dreamt that people from the Land of Chimes
      Arrived one Autumn morning with their bells,
      To hoist them on the towers and citadels
    Of my own country, that the musical rhymes

    Rung by them into space at measured times
      Amid the market’s daily stir and stress,
      And the night’s empty starlit silentness,
    Might solace souls of this and kindred climes.

    Then I awoke; and, lo, before me stood
    The visioned ones, but pale and full of fear;
    From Bruges they came, and Antwerp, and Ostend,

    No carillons in their train.  Vicissitude
    Had left these tinkling to the invaders’ ear,
    And ravaged street, and smoldering gable-end.

War Correspondence

A Month of German Submarine War

By Vice Admiral Kirchhoff of the German Navy

Under the heading, “A Month of U-Boat War,” Vice Admiral Kirchhoff of the German Navy discusses the German submarine warfare against merchant shipping in its first month.  The article, appearing in the Hamburger Framdenblatt of March 19, 1915, is reproduced: 

On March 18 a month had passed since the beginning of our sharp procedure against our worst foe.  We can in every way be satisfied with the results achieved in the meantime!  In spite of all “steps” taken before and thereafter, the English have everywhere had important losses to show at sea—­some 200 ships lost since the beginning of the war, according to the latest statements of the Allies—­so that even they themselves no longer dare to talk about the “German bluff.”

On the new and greater “war zone” established by us, our submarines have known how to work bravely, and have been able, for instance, to operate successfully on a single morning on the east coast, in the Channel, and in the Irish Sea.  We have heard of many losses of our opponents, and on the other hand of the subjugation of only two of our brave U-boats.  Ceaselessly they are active on the coasts of Albion; shipping is paralyzed at some points; steamship companies—­including also many neutral ones—­have suspended their sailings; in short, our threat of a more acute condition of war “with all means at hand” has been fully fulfilled.

The “peaceful shipping,” too, has taken notice of it and adjusted itself according to our instructions.  The official objections of neutrals have died away without effect; throughout the world we have already been given right; the shipping circles of the neutral States are in great part holding entirely back.  The empty threats that floated over to us from across the Channel, that the captured crews of German submarines will be treated differently than other prisoners—­yes, as plain pirates and sea robbers—­those are nothing but an insignificant ebullition of British “moral insanity.”  They are a part of the hypocritical cant without which, somehow, Great Britain cannot get along.  If Great Britain should act in accordance with it, however, then we shall know what we, for our part, have to do!

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German and probably English mines, too, have helped our submarines in clearing up among the English mercantile and war fleet.  Many merchant ships warned long in advance have been compelled to believe in the warning, and with them frequently a great part of their crews—­“without any warning whatever,” as our opponents like to say.

All measures of defense, yes, even more significant, all measures of deception and boastful “ruses de guerre,” and even all attempts to hush up the news of German accomplishments and whenever possible to suppress it completely—­all these efforts have been futile.  Our results surpass the expectations that had been cherished.  Who knows how many accomplishments other than those which have been published may also have been achieved?  Foreign newspapers report a large number of steamships overdue.  From overseas likewise we receive favorable reports about the sinking of enemy ships.  But the best is the news that our submarines have succeeded in sinking two English auxiliary cruisers and perhaps also one or two larger English transport ships with several thousand men on board.

The last announcement has filled us all with greatest satisfaction.  This, our latest method of warfare, is “truly humane”; it leads more speedily to the goal than anything else, so that the number of victims will in the end be smaller after all.  It brings peace to all of us sooner than the empty paper protests and crying to Heaven about violence and international law, law of the sea, and laws of humanity could do.  In the innocent exalted island kingdom many a fellow is already striking; why should not even the recruit strike, who is also beginning to get a glimmer of the truth that there are no props in the ocean waves?

The more opponents come before the bows of our ships and are sunk, the better!  Down with them to the bottom of the sea; that alone will help!  Let us hope that we shall soon receive more such cheerful news.

Three Weeks of the War in Champagne

By a British Observer

The following article, issued by the British Press Bureau, London, March 18, 1915, is from a British observer with the French forces in the field who has the permission of General Joffre to send communications home from time to time, giving descriptions of the work, &c., of the French Army which will be of interest to the British reader.

I propose to give some account of the operations which have been in progress for the last three weeks in Champagne.  Every day since Feb. 15 the official communiques find something to say about a district which lies midway between Rheims and Verdun.  The three places which are always mentioned, which form the points of reference, are Perthes-lez-Hurlus, Le Mesnil-lez-Hurlus, and Beausejour Farm.  The distance between the first and the last is three and one-half miles; the front on which the fighting has

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taken place is about five miles; and the French have been attacking at one point or another in this front every day for the last three weeks.  It is, therefore, an operation of a different kind to those which we have seen during the Winter months.  Those were local efforts, lasting a day or two, designed to keep the enemy busy and prevent him from withdrawing troops elsewhere; this is a sustained effort, made with the object of keeping a constant pressure on his first line of defense, of affecting his use of the railway from Bazancourt to Challerange, a few miles to the north, and of wearing down his reserves of men and ammunition.  It may be said that Feb. 15 marks the opening of the 1915 campaign, and that this first phase will find an important place when the history of the war comes to be written.

We must first know something of the nature of the country, which is entirely different to that in which the British Army is fighting.  It is one vast plain, undulating, the hills at most 200 feet higher than the valleys, gentle slopes everywhere.  The soil is rather chalky, poor, barely worth cultivating; after heavy rain the whole plain becomes a sea of shallow mud; and it dries equally quickly.  The only features are the pine woods, which have been planted by hundreds.  From the point of view of profit, this would not appear to have been a success; either the soil is too poor, or else it is unsuitable to the maritime pine; for the trees are rarely more than 25 feet high.  As each rise is topped, a new stretch of plain, a new set of small woods appear, just like that which has been left behind.


The great Greek statesman who recently resigned as Prime Minister.

(Photo from Medom Photo Service.)]


Who, as Viceroy, rules England’s Indian Empire during the critical period of the war.]

The villages are few and small, most of them are in ruins after the fighting in September; and the troops live almost entirely in colonies of little huts of wood or straw, about four feet high, dotted about in the woods, in the valleys, wherever a little water and shelter is obtainable.  Lack of villages means lack of roads; this has been one of the great difficulties to be faced; but, at the same time, the movement of wagons across country is possible to a far greater extent than in Flanders, although it is often necessary to use eight or ten horses to get a gun or wagon to the point desired.

From the military point of view the country is eminently suitable for troops, with its possibilities of concealment, of producing sudden surprises with cavalry, and of manoeuvre generally.  It is, in fact, the training ground of the great military centre of Chalons; and French troops have doubtless been exercised over this ground in every branch of military operation, except that in which they are engaged at the present moment.

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What commander, training his men over this ground, could have imagined that the area from Perthes-lez-Hurlus to Beausejour Farm would become two fortress lines, developed and improved for four months; or that he would have to carry out an attack modeled on the same system as that employed in the last great siege undertaken by French troops, that of Sebastopol in 1855?  Yet this is what is being done.  Every day an attack is made on a trench, on the edge of one of the little woods or to gain ground in one of them; every day the ground gained has to be transformed so as to give protection to its new occupants and means of access to their supports; every night, and on many days, the enemy’s counter-attacks have to be repulsed.

Each attack has to be prepared by a violent and accurate artillery fire; it may be said that a trench has to be morally captured by gun fire before it can be actually seized by the infantry.  Once in the new trench, the men have to work with their intrenching tools, without exposing themselves, and wait for a counter-attack, doing what damage they can to the enemy with hand grenades and machine guns.  Thus the amount of rifle fire is very small; it is a war of explosives and bayonets.

Looking at the battle at a distance of about 2,000 yards from the enemy’s line, the stillness of what one sees is in marked contrast to the turmoil of shells passing overhead.  The only movement is the cloud of smoke and earth that marks the burst of a shell.  Here and there long white lines are visible, when a trench has brought the chalky subsoil up to the top, but the number of trenches seen is very small compared to the number that exist, for one cannot see into the valleys, and the top of the ground is an unhealthy place to choose for seating a trench.  The woods are pointed out, with the names given them by the soldiers, but it needs fieldglasses to see the few stumps that remain in those where the artillery has done its work.  And then a telephone message arrives, saying that the enemy are threatening a counter-attack at a certain point, and three minutes later there is a redoubled whistling of shells.  At first one cannot see the result of this fire—­the guns are searching the low ground where the enemy’s reserves are preparing for the movement, but a little later the ground in front of the threatened trench becomes alive with shell bursts, for the searching has given place to the building up of a wall of fire through which it is impossible for the foe to pass without enormous loss.

The attached map may enable us to look more closely at what has been achieved.  The lowest dotted line, numbered 15, is the line of the French trenches on Feb. 15.  They were then close up to the front of the German line with its network of barbed wire, its machine-gun emplacements, often of concrete, and its underground chambers for sheltering men from the shells.  Each successive dotted line shows the line held by the French on the evening of the date written in the dotted line.  Thus the total gain of ground, that between the most southerly and the most northerly dotted lines, varies between 200 yards, where the lines are close together northeast of Perthes, and 1,400 yards, half way between Le Mesnil and Beausejour Farm.  But the whole of this space has been a series of trenches and fortified woods, each of which has had to be attacked separately.

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[Illustration:  Map of the French Operations in the Champagne

Some of the severest fighting on the western battle front took place in this little section of about four miles of trenches, lying between Rheimes and Verdun.  For a whole month from Feb. 15, the attacks were kept up by the French forces almost continuously, and the sketch gives the graphic result of changes for three weeks of that time.  Ostensibly the purpose of the French was to pierce the German line and cut the railway a few miles to the rear.  Incidentally, the French aimed to keep their opponents busy, and thus prevent any reinforcements being sent to von Hindenburg in the east.

The total gain of ground—­that between the most southerly and most northerly dotted lines—­varies from 200 yards northeast of Perthes to 1,400 yards, half way between Le Mesnil and Beausejour Farm.  But the whole of this space has been a series of trenches and fortified woods, each of which had to be attacked separately.

The letters (A to G) in the sketch indicate the points of the severest fighting.  A (the “little fort”) was taken and lost three times before the French finally held it.  B saw some of the stiffest encounters, the Germans attacking the hill nearly every day after the French captured it, and even the Prussian Guard being put in.  The woods at C, D, and E were centres of terrific combats, in which trenching and mining were continuous tasks.  The redoubt at F was captured only after large losses on both sides.  At the extreme west is still another wood, (G.) which the French attacked three times before they were successful in getting a foothold there.]

Some of the points where the fighting has been heaviest are shown in letters on the map.  A is the “little fort,” a redoubt on an open spur, holding perhaps 500 men.  This was first attacked in January; it was partly taken, but the French in the end retained only the southern corner, where they remained for something like a fortnight.  On Feb. 16 it was again taken in part, and lost the same day.  On the 17th the same thing happened.  On the 23d they once more got into the work; in the evening they repulsed five separate counter-attacks; then a sixth succeeded in turning them out.  On the 27th they took all except a bit of trench in the northern face, and two days later they made that good, as well as a trench about fifty yards to the north of the work.

B is a small hill, marked 196.  The capture of this, with its two lines of trenches, was one of the most brilliant pieces of work done.  Since this date, the 26th, the enemy have continued to counter-attack nearly every day.  It was here that the Prussian Guard was put in; but they have failed to get it back, and their losses have been very high.  The prisoners stated that one regiment had its Colonel and all the superior officers killed or wounded.  C is a wood, called the “Yellow Burnt Wood.”  It is still in the hands of the Germans, a regular nest of machine guns, which command the ground not only to the front but also down valleys to the east and west.  The French are just in the southwest corner.

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At D there are two woods; the southern we will call No. 3, the northern No. 4.  On the 16th our allies got a trench just south of No. 3; they got into the wood on the 18th, and fought backward and forward in the wood that day and all the 19th and 20th; by the evening of the 20th they had almost reached the northern edge.  On the 21st a stronger counter-attack than usual was repulsed, and in pursuing the retiring enemy they secured the northern edge.  On the 22d there was more fighting in No. 3, but in the end the French managed to make their way into No. 4 as far as a trench which runs along a crest midway through the wood.  The next six days saw continuous fighting in No. 4, sometimes near the northern end, sometimes at the crest in the middle, and occasionally back near the southern end.  The French now hold the northern edge, and have pushed troops into the “Square” wood just north of the line of the 25th.

At E again there are two small woods; these were both captured on the 26th, but the trenches in the northern one had been mined, and the French had no sooner seized them than they were blown up.  At F there was another small redoubt; part of this was taken on the 19th from the east, but the work was not finally captured till the 27th, when 240 corpses were found in it.  On the extreme west, at G, is a wood which has twice been unsuccessfully attacked.  On the first occasion troops got into the wood, but a severe snowstorm prevented the artillery from continuing to assist them, and they were driven out.  The second was an attempt to surprise the enemy at 2 A.M. on the 25th; this also failed.  A third attack was made on March 7 and was successful; the French line now runs through the wood.

The above will serve to show the tenacity which is required for an operation of this kind.  Up to the present the French have made steady and continuous progress, and their success may be best judged from the fact that they have not been forced back on any day behind the line they held in the morning, despite innumerable counter-attacks.  And this is not merely a question of ground, but one of increasing moral superiority, for it is in the unsuccessful counter-attacks that losses are heavy, and these and the sense of failure affect the morale of an army sooner or later.

Will the French push through the line?  Will a hole be made, or is the enemy like a badger, who digs himself in rather faster than you can dig him out?  I cannot tell; it would indeed be an astonishing measure of success for a first attempt, and the enemy may require a great deal more hammering at many points before he has definitely had enough at any one point.  But these operations have brought the day closer, and turn our thoughts to the time when we shall be able to move forward, and one finds the cavalrymen wondering whether perhaps they, too, will get their chance.

The Germans Concrete Trenches

Page 58

By F.H.  Gailor, American Rhodes Scholar of New College, Oxford

[From The London Daily Mail, March 24, 1915.]

At the kind invitation of General Longchamps, German Military Governor of the Province of Namur, I spent two days with him going along the country in and behind the firing line in Northern France from near Rheims to the small village of Monthois, near Vouziers, on the Aisne.

About five miles out of Monthois we came to the artillery positions of the Germans.  We could see the flashes of the guns long before we reached the hills where they were placed, but when we came up and dismounted the position was most cleverly concealed by a higher hill in front and the heavy woods which served as a screen for the artillery.  I noticed many holes where the French shells had burst, and the valley to the north looked as if some one had been experimenting with a well digger.  One 21-centimeter shell had cut a swath about 100 yards long out of the woods on the hill where we dismounted.  The trees were twisted from their stumps as if a small cyclone had passed, and one could realize the damage the shells could do merely by the displaced air.

We went on forward into the valley on foot and stopped about two hundred yards in front and to the left of where the German guns were firing.  There, although of course we could not see the French position, we could hear and see their shells as they exploded.  They were firing short, one of the officers told me, because they thought the Germans were on the forward hill.  He could see one of the French aeroplanes directing their fire, but I could not make it out.  We stayed there listening to the shells and watching the few movements of German batteries that were taking place.  A party of officers hidden by the trees were taking observations and telephoning the results of the German fire and, no doubt, of the French fire in the German trenches.  There was no excitement; but for the noise the whole scene reminded me of some kind of construction work, such as building a railroad.

After about an hour, when nothing had happened, one began to realize that even such excitement may become monotonous and be taken as a matter of course.  One of the officers told me that the Germans had been there since the beginning of October and that even the trenches were in the same position as when they first came.

Certainly the trenches seem permanent enough for spending many Winters.  A number of them have now been built of concrete, especially in that swampy part near the Aisne where they strike water about three feet underground.  The difficulty is in draining out the water when it rains.

Some of the trenches have two stories, and at the back of many of them are subterranean rest houses built of concrete and connected with the trenches by passages.  The rooms are about seven feet high and ten feet square, and above the ground all evidence of the work is concealed by green boughs and shrubbery so that they may escape the attention of the enemy’s aeroplanes.

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With the noise and the fatigue, the men say it is impossible to sleep naturally, but they become so used to the firing and so weary that they become oblivious of everything even when shells are falling within a dozen yards of them.  They stay in the trenches five days and then get five days’ rest.  In talking to the men one feels the influence on them of a curious sort of fatalism—­they have been lucky so far and will come through all right.  One sees and feels everywhere the spirit of a great game.  The strain of football a thousand times magnified.  The joy of winning and boyish pleasure in getting ahead of the other fellows side by side with the stronger passions of hatred and anger and the sight of agony and death.

We talked to some of the little groups of men along the road who were going back to their five days in the trenches.  Of course all large units are split up so as not to attract attention.  They were all the same, all sure of winning, and all bearded, muddy, and determined.  I could not help thinking of American football players at the end of the first half.  These men seemed all the same.  I have no recollection of a single individual.  The “system” and its work has made a type not only of clothes but of face.  Their answers to the usual questions were all the same, and one felt in talking to them that their opinions were machine-made.  Three points stood out—­Germany is right and will win; England is wrong and will knuckle under; we hate England because we are alike in religion, custom, and opinion, and it is the war of kindred races.  Everywhere one met the arguments and stories of unfairness and cruelty in fighting that have appeared in the English papers, but with the names reversed.  English soldiers had surrendered and then fired; had shot from beneath a Red Cross flag or had killed prisoners.  The stories were simple and as hackneyed as most of those current in England.

The concrete rest houses were interesting.  Most of them have furniture made from trees “to amuse us and pass the time.”  Both officers and men use the same type of house, though discipline forbids that the same house be used by both officers and men.  The light in these houses is bad and the ventilation not all that it should be, but they are extremely careful about sanitation, and everywhere one smells disinfectants and sees evidence of scrupulous guarding against disease.  Oil and candles are scarce and the “pocket electric” that all the men and officers carry does not last long enough for much reading.  There are always telephone connections, but in most cases visits are impossible save by way of the underground passages and the trenches.

One officer described the life as entirely normal; another said, in speaking of a Louis XV. couch which had been borrowed from a near-by chateau and was the pride of a regiment, “Oh! we are cave-dwellers, but we have some of the luxuries of at least the nineteenth century.”

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The Major Commandant at Rethel showed me a letter from a friend demanding “some easy chairs and a piano for his trench house,” and the Major said, “I hear they have music up on the Yser, but the French are too close to us here!”

All that I saw of the German Red Cross leads me to believe that it is adequate and efficient.  At Rethel we saw a Red Cross train of thirty-two cars perfectly equipped.  The cars are made specially with open corridors, so that stretchers or rubber-wheeled trucks may be rolled from one car to another.  The berths are in two tiers, much like an American sleeping car, and each car when full holds twenty-eight men.  There is an operating car fully equipped for the most delicate and dangerous cases; in fact, when we saw the train at Rethel it had stopped on its way to Germany for an operation on a man’s brain.

The Spirits of Mankind

By Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States

The conviction that great spiritual forces will assert themselves at the end of the European war to enlighten the judgment and steady the spirits of mankind was expressed by President Wilson in an address of welcome delivered at the Maryland annual conference of the Methodist Protestant Church at Washington on April 8, 1915.  The text of his address appears below.

These are days of great perplexity, when a great cloud of trouble hangs and broods over the greater part of the world.  It seems as if great, blind, material forces had been released which had for long been held in leash and restraint.  And yet underneath that you can see the strong impulses of great ideals.

It would be impossible for men to go through what men are going through on the battlefields of Europe and struggle through the present dark night of their terrible struggle if it were not that they saw, or thought that they saw, the broadening of light where the morning should come up and believed that they were standing each on his side of the contest for some eternal principle for right.

Then all about them, all about us, there sits the silent, waiting tribunal which is going to utter the ultimate judgment upon this struggle, the great tribunal of the opinion of the world; and I fancy I see, I hope that I see, I pray that it may be that I do truly see, great spiritual forces lying waiting for the outcome of this thing to assert themselves, and are asserting themselves even now to enlighten our judgment and steady our spirits.

No man is wise enough to pronounce judgment, but we can all hold our spirits in readiness to accept the truth when it dawns on us and is revealed to us in the outcome of this titanic struggle.

It is of infinite benefit that in assemblages like this and in every sort of assemblage we should constantly go back to the sources of our moral inspiration and question ourselves as to what principle it is that we are acting on.  Whither are we bound?  What do we wish to see triumph?  And if we wish to see certain things triumph, why do we wish to see them triumph?  What is there in them that is for the lasting benefit of mankind?

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For we are not in this world to amuse ourselves with its affairs.  We are here to push the whole sluggish mass forward in some particular direction, and unless you know the direction in which you want to go your force is of no avail.  Do you love righteousness? is what each one of us ought to ask himself.  And if you love righteousness are you ready to translate righteousness into action and be ashamed and afraid before no man?

It seems to me, therefore, that it is worth suggesting to you that you are not sitting here merely to transact the business and express the ideals of a great church as represented in the State of Maryland, but you are here also as part of the assize of humanity, to remind yourselves of the things that are permanent and eternal, which if we do not translate into action we have failed in the fundamental things of our lives.

You will see that it is only in such general terms that one can speak in the midst of a confused world, because, as I have already said, no man has the key to this confusion.  No man can see the outcome, but every man can keep his own spirit prepared to contribute to the net result when the outcome displays itself.

“What the Germans Say About Their Own Methods of Warfare”

By Joseph Bedier, Professor in the College de France

[From an article in the Revue de Paris for January, 1915.]

I purpose to show that the German armies cannot altogether escape the reproach of violating on occasion the law of nations.  I shall establish this by French methods, through the use of documents of sound value.

My texts are genuine, well vouched for, and I have taken pains to subject them to a critical examination, as scrupulous and minute as heretofore in times of peace I expended in weighing the authority of some ancient chronicle, or in scrutinizing the authenticity of some charter.  Perhaps this care was born of professional habit, or due to a natural craving for exactness, but in either case it is a voucher for the work, which is meant for all comers—­for the passer-by, for the indifferent, and even for my country’s foes.  My wish is that the veriest looker-on, idly turning these pages, may be confronted only with documents whose authenticity will be self-evident, if he is willing to see, and whose ignominious tale will reach his heart, if ye have a heart.

I have, moreover, sought for documents not only incontestably genuine but of unquestioned authority.  Accusation is easy, while proof is difficult.  No belligerent has ever been troubled to find mountains of testimony, true or false, against his enemy; but were this evidence gathered by the most exalted magistrates, under the most solemn judicial sanction, it must unfortunately long remain useless; until the accused has full opportunity to controvert it, every one is free to treat it as false or, at the best, as controvertible.  For this reason I shall avoid resting the case upon Belgian or French statements, though I know them to be true.  My purpose has been to bring forward such testimony that no man living, be he even a German, should be privileged to cast a doubt upon it.  German crimes will be established by German documents.

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These will be taken mainly from the “War Diaries,” which Article 75 of the German Army Regulations for Field Service enjoins upon soldiers to keep during their marches, and which were seized by the French upon the persons of their prisoners, as military papers, as authorized by Article 4 of The Hague Convention of 1907.  The number of these is daily increasing, and I trust that some day, for the edification of all, the complete collection may be lodged in the Germanic section of manuscripts in the National Library.  Meantime, the Marquis de Dampierre, paleographer and archivist, graduate of the Ecole des Chartes, is preparing, and will shortly publish, a volume in which the greater part of these notebooks will be minutely described, transcribed, and clarified.  Personally, I have only examined about forty of them, but they will answer my purpose, by presenting relevant extracts, furnishing the name, rank, and regiment of the author, with indications of time and place.  Classification is difficult, mainly because ten lines of a single text not infrequently furnish evidence of a variety of offenses.  I must take them almost at random, grouping them under such analogies or association of ideas or images as they may offer.


The first notebook at hand is that of a soldier of the Prussian Guard, the Gefreiter Paul Spielmann, (of Company I, First Brigade of the Infantry Guard.) He tells the story of an unexpected night alarm on the 1st of September in a village near Blamont.  The bugle sounds, and the Guard, startled from sleep, begins the massacre, (Figs. 1 and 2:)

[Illustration:  Figure 1.]

The inhabitants fled through the village.  It was horrible.  The walls of houses are bespattered with blood and the faces of the dead are hideous to look upon.  They were buried at once, some sixty of them.  Among them many old women, old men, and one woman pregnant—­the whole a dreadful sight.  Three children huddled together—­all dead.  Altar and arches of the church shattered.  Telephone communication with the enemy was found there.  This morning, Sept. 2, all the survivors were driven out; I saw four little boys carrying on two poles a cradle with a child some five or six months old.  The whole makes a fearful sight.  Blow upon blow!  Thunderbolt on thunderbolt!  Everything given over to plunder.  I saw a mother with her two little ones—­one of them had a great wound in the head and an eye put out.

Deserved repression, remarks this soldier:  “They had telephone communication with the enemy.”  And yet, we may recall that by Article 30 of The Hague Convention of 1907, signed on behalf of H.M. the Emperor of Germany, “no collective penalty, pecuniary or other, shall be proclaimed against a population, by reason of individual acts for which the population is not responsible in solido.”  What tribunal during that dreadful night took the pains to establish this joint participation?

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[Illustration:  Figure 2.]


The unsigned notebook of a soldier of the Thirty-second Reserve Infantry (Fourth Reserve Corps) has this entry: 

     Creil, Sept. 3.—­The iron bridge was blown up.  For this we set
     the streets on fire, and shot the civilians.

Yet it must be obvious that only the regular troops of the French Engineer Corps could have blown up the iron bridge at Creil; the civilians had no hand in it.  As an excuse for these massacres, when any excuse is offered, the notebooks usually note that “civilians” or “francs-tireurs” had fired on the troops.  But the “scrap of paper” which Germany subscribed—­the Convention of 1907—­provides in its first article “the laws, the rights, and the duties are not applicable solely to the army, but also to militia and bodies of volunteers” under certain conditions, of which the main one is that they shall “openly bear arms;” while Article 2 stipulates that “the population of an unoccupied territory, which on the approach of the enemy spontaneously takes up arms to resist the invading forces, without having had time to organize as provided in Article I, shall be considered as a belligerent, if they bear arms openly and observe the laws and customs of war.”

[Illustration:  Figure 3.]

In the light of this text, the bearing of the barbarous recitals which follow may be properly estimated: 

(a) Notebook of Private Hassemer, (Eighth Corps, Sept. 3, 1914, at Sommepy, Marne.)—­Dreadful butchery.  Village burned to the ground; the French thrown into the burning houses, civilians and all burned together.
(b) Notebook of Lieut.  Kietzmann, (Second Company, First Battalion, Forty-ninth Infantry,) under date of Aug. 18, 1914, (Fig. 3.)—­A short distance above Diest is the village of Schaffen.  About fifty civilians were concealed in the church tower, and from there fired on our troops with a mitrailleuse.  All the civilians were shot.
[It may here be noted, for the sake of precision, that the First Report of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry, Antwerp, Aug. 28, Page 3, identifies some of the “civilians” killed at Schaffen on the 18th of August; among them, “the wife of Francois Luyckz, 45 years of age, with her daughter aged 12, who were discovered in a sewer and shot”; and “the daughter of Jean Ooyen, 9 years of age, who was shot”; and “Andre Willem, sacristain, who was bound to a tree and burned alive.”]
(c) Notebook of a Saxon officer, unnamed, (178th Regiment, Twelfth Army Corps, First Saxon Corps,) Aug. 26.—­The exquisite village of Gue-d’Hossus (Ardennes) was given to the flames, although to my mind it was guiltless.  I am told that a cyclist fell from his machine, and in his fall his gun was discharged; at once the firing was begun in his direction, and thereupon

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all the male inhabitants were simply thrown into the flames.  It is to be hoped that like atrocities will not be repeated.

This Saxon officer had, nevertheless, already witnessed like “atrocities.”  The preceding day, Aug. 25, at Villers-en-Fagne, (Belgian Ardennes,) “where we found grenadiers of the guard, killed and wounded,” he had seen “the cure and other inhabitants shot”; and three days previous, Aug. 23, at the village of Bouvignes, north of Dinant, he had witnessed what he thus describes: 

Through a breach made in the rear we get access into the residence of a well-to-do inhabitant and occupy the house.  Passing through a number of apartments, we reach a door where we find the corpse of the owner.  Further on in the interior our men have wrecked everything like vandals.  Everything has been searched.  Outside, throughout the country, the spectacle of the inhabitants who have been shot defies any description.  They have been shot at such short range that they are almost decapitated.  Every house has been ransacked to the furthest corners, and the inhabitants dragged from their hiding places.  The men shot; the women and children locked into a convent, from which shots were fired.  And, for this reason, the convent is about to be set fire to; it may, however be ransomed if it surrenders the guilty ones and pays a ransom of 15,000 francs.

We shall see as we proceed how these notebooks complement one another.

(d) Notebook of the Private Philipp, (from Kamenz, Saxony, First Company, First Battalion, 178th Regiment.) On the day indicated above—­Aug. 23—­a private of the same regiment was the witness of a scene similar to that just described; perhaps, the same scene, but the point of view is different.—­At 10 o’clock in the evening the First Battalion of the 178th came down into the burning village to the north of Dinant—­a saddening spectacle—­to make one shiver.  At the entrance to the village lay the bodies of some fifty citizens, shot for having fired upon our troops from ambush.  In the course of the night many others were shot down in like manner, so that we counted more than two hundred.  Women and children, holding their lamps, were compelled to assist at this horrible spectacle.  We then sat down midst the corpses to eat our rice, as we had eaten nothing since morning. (Fig. 4.)

[Illustration:  Figure 4.]

Here is a military picture fully outlined, and worthy to compete in the Academy of Fine Arts of Dresden.  But one passage of the text is somewhat obscure and might embarrass the artist—­“Women and children, holding their lamps, were compelled to assist at this horrible spectacle.”  What spectacle?—­the shooting, or the counting of the corpses?  To get some certainty on this historic point, the artist should question that noble soldier—­the Colonel of the 178th.

His work of that night, however, was in accord with the spirit of his companions in arms, and of his chiefs.  We may assure ourselves of this by consulting the Sixth Report of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry upon, the violation of the rules of the law of nations (Havre, Nov. 10, 1914) and the ignoble proclamations placarded by the Germans throughout Belgium.  I will content myself with three short extracts.

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Extract from a proclamation of General von Buelow, placarded at Liege, Aug. 22, 1914: 

The inhabitants of the city of Andenne, after having protested their peaceful intentions, were guilty of a treacherous surprise upon our troops.  It was with my consent that the General in Chief set fire to the whole locality, and that about one hundred persons were shot.

(The Belgian report controverts the accusation against the inhabitants of Andenne of having taken hostile measures against the German troops, and adds:  “As a matter of fact, more than two hundred persons were shot”—­almost everything was ravaged.  For a distance of at least three leagues the houses were destroyed by fire.)

Extract from a proclamation of Major Dieckmann, placarded at Grivegnee, Sept. 8, 1914: 

     Any one not responding instantly to the command “raise your
     arms” is subject to the penalty of death.

Extract from proclamation of Marshal Baron von der Goltz, placarded at Brussels, Oct. 5, 1914: 

Hereafter the localities nearest the place where similar acts (destruction of railways or telegraphic lines) were done—­whether or not they were accomplices in the act—­will be punished without mercy.  To this end hostages have been taken from all the localities adjacent to railways menaced by similar attacks, and upon the first attempt to destroy the railways, telegraphic or telephone lines, they will at once be shot.


I copy from the first page of an unsigned notebook, (Fig. 5:)

     Langeviller, Aug. 22.—­Village destroyed by the Eleventh
     Battalion of Pioneers.  Three women hanged to trees; the first
     dead I have seen.

Who can these three women be?—­criminals undoubtedly—­guilty of having fired upon German troops, unless, indeed, they may have been “in communication by telephone” with the enemy; and the Eleventh Pioneers unquestionably meted out to them just punishment.  But, at all events, they expiated their guilt, and the Eleventh Pioneers has passed on.  The crime these women committed is unknown to the troops which are to follow.  Among these new troops will there be found no chief, no Christian, to order the ropes cut and allow these dangling bodies to rest on the earth?

[Illustration:  Figure 5.]

No, the regiment passes under the gibbets and their flags brush against the hanging corpses; they pass on, Colonel and officers—­gentlemen all—­Kulturtraeger.  And they do this knowingly; these corpses must hang there as an example, not for the other women of the village, for these doubtless already understand, but as an example to the regiment and to the other regiments that will follow, and who must be attuned to war, who must be taught their stern duty to kill women when occasion offers.  The teaching will be effective, unquestionably.  Shall we look for proof of it?  The young soldier, who tells us above that these corpses were the first dead he had ever seen, adds a week later, on the tenth and last page of his notebook, the following, (Fig. 6:)

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In this way we destroyed eight dwellings and their inhabitants.  In one of the houses we bayoneted two men, with their wives and a young girl 18 years old.  The young:  one almost unmanned me, her look was so innocent!  But we could not master the excited troop, for at such times they are no longer men—­they are beasts.

[Illustration:  Figure 6.]

Let me add a few texts which will attest that these assassinations of women and children are customary tasks set to German soldiers: 

(a) The writer in a notebook, unsigned, reports that at Orchies (Nord) “a woman was shot for not having obeyed the command to halt!” whereupon he adds, “the whole locality was set on fire.” (Fig. 7.)

[Illustration:  Figure 7.]

(b) The officer of the 178th Saxon Regiment, mentioned above, reports that in the vicinity of Lisognes (Belgian Ardennes) “the Chasseur of Marburg, having placed three women in line, killed them all with one shot.”

(c) A few lines more, taken from the notebook of the Reservist Schlauter (Third Battery, Fourth Regiment, Field Artillery of the Guard,) (Fig. 8:)

Aug. 25, (in Belgium.)—­We shot 300 of the inhabitants of the town.  Those that survived the salvo were requisitioned as grave diggers.  You should have seen the women at that time!  But it was impossible to do otherwise.  In our march upon Wilot things went better; the inhabitants who wished to leave were allowed to do so.  But whoever fired was shot.  Upon our leaving Owele the rifles rang out, and with that, flames, women, and all the rest.

[Illustration:  Figure 8.]


Frequently when a German troop want to carry a position, they place before them civilians—­men, women, and children—­and find shelter behind these ramparts of living flesh.  As such a stratagem is essentially playing upon the nobility of heart of the adversary, and saying to him “you won’t fire upon these unfortunates, I know it, and I hold you at my mercy, unarmed, because you are not as craven as I am,” as it implies a homage to the enemy and the self-degradation of the one employing it, it is almost inconceivable that soldiers should resort to it; it represents a new invention in the long story of human vileness, which even the dreadful Penitentiels of the Middle Ages had not discovered.  In reading the stories from French, Belgian, and English sources, attributing such practices to the Germans, it has made me doubt, if not the truthfulness, at least the detailed exactness of the stories.  It seemed to me that the tales must be of crimes by men who would be disavowed, individual lapses, which do not dishonor the nation, because the nation on ascertaining them would repudiate them.  But how can we doubt that the German Nation has, on the contrary, accepted these acts as exploits worthy of herself, that in them she recognizes her own aptitudes, and finds pleasure in

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the contemplation; how, I ask, can we doubt this in reading the following narrative signed by a Bavarian officer, Lieut.  A. Eberlein, spread out in the columns of one of the best known periodicals of Germany, the Muenchner Neueste Nachrichten, in its issue of Wednesday, Oct. 7, 1914, Page 22, Lieut.  Eberlein relates there the occupation of Saint-Die at the end of August.  He entered the town at the head of a column, and while waiting for reinforcements was compelled to barricade himself in a house, (Fig. 9:)

[Illustration:  Figure 9.]

We arrested three civilians, and a bright idea struck me.  We furnished them with chairs and made them seat themselves in the middle of the street.  There were supplications on one part, and some blows with the stocks of our guns on the other.  One, little by little, gets terribly hardened.  Finally, there they were sitting in the street.  How many anguished prayers they may have muttered, I cannot say, but during the whole time their hands were joined in nervous contraction.  I am sorry for them, but the stratagem was of immediate effect.  The enfilading directed from the houses diminished at once; we were able then to take possession of the house opposite, and thus became masters of the principal street.  From that moment every one that showed his face in the street was shot.  And the artillery meanwhile kept up vigorous work, so that at about 7 o’clock in the evening, when the brigade advanced to rescue us, I could report “Saint-Die has been emptied of all enemies.”
As I learned later, the ——­ Regiment of Reserves, which came into Saint-Die further north, had experiences entirely similar to our own.  The four civilians whom they had placed on chairs in the middle of the street were killed by French bullets.  I saw them myself stretched out in the street near the hospital.


Article 28 of The Hague Convention of 1907, subscribed to by Germany, uses this language:  “The sacking of any town or locality, even when taken by assault, is prohibited.”  And Article 47 runs:  “[in occupied territory] pillage is forbidden.”

We shall see how the German armies interpret these articles.

Private Handschuhmacher (Eleventh Battalion of Chasseurs Reserves) writes in his notebook: 

Aug. 8, 1914, Gouvy, (Belgium.)—­There, the Belgians having fired on some German soldiers, we started at once pillaging the merchandise warehouse.  Several cases—­eggs, shirts, and everything that could be eaten was carried off.  The safe was forced and the gold distributed among the men.  As to the securities, they were torn up.

This happened as early as the fourth day of the war, and it helps us to understand a technical article on the operations of the military treasury (Der Zahlmeister im Felde) in the Berliner Tageblatt of the 26th of November, 1914, in which an economic phenomenon of rather unusual import is recited as a simple incident:  “Experience has demonstrated that very much more money is forwarded by postal orders from the theatre of operations to the interior of the country than vice versa.”

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As, in accordance with the continual practice of the German armies, pillaging is only a prelude to incendiarism, the sub-officer Hermann Levith (160th Regiment of Infantry, Eighth Corps) writes: 

The enemy occupied the village of Bievre and the edge of the wood behind it.  The Third Company advanced in first line.  We carried the village, and then pillaged and burned almost all the houses.

And Private Schiller (133d Infantry, Nineteenth Corps) writes: 

Our first fight was at Haybes (Belgium) on the 24th of August.  The Second Battalion entered the village, ransacked the houses, pillaged them, and burned those from which shots had been fired.

And Private Sebastian Reishaupt (Third Bavarian Infantry, First Bavarian Corps) writes: 

The first village we burned was Parux, (Meurthe-et-Moselle.) After this the dance began, throughout the villages, one after the other; over the fields and pastures we went on our bicycles up to the ditches at the edge of the road, and there sat down to eat our cherries.

They emulate each other in their thefts; they steal anything that comes to hand and keep records of the thefts—­“Schnaps, Wein, Marmelade, Zigarren,” writes this private soldier; and the elegant officer of the 178th Saxon Regiment, who was at first indignant at the “vandalismus” of his men, further on admits that he himself, on the 1st of September, at Rethel, stole “from a house near the Hotel Moderne a superb waterproof and a photographic apparatus for Felix.”  All steal, without distinction or grade, or of arms, or of cause, and even in the ambulances the doctors steal.  Take this example from the notebook of the soldier Johannes Thode (Fourth Reserve Regiment of Ersatz): 

     At Brussels, Oct. 5, 1914.—­An automobile arrived at the
     hospital laden with war booty—­one piano, two sewing machines,
     many albums, and all sorts of other things.

“Two sewing machines” as “war booty.”  From whom were these stolen?  Beyond a doubt from two humble Belgian women.  And for whom were they stolen?


I must admit that, out of the forty notebooks, or thereabout, that I have handled, there are six or seven that do not relate any exactions, either from hypocritical reticence or because there are some regiments which do not make war in this vile fashion.  And there are as many as three notebooks whose writers, in relating these ignoble things, express astonishment, indignation, and sorrow.  I will not give the names of these, because they deserve our regard, and I wish to spare them the risk of being some day blamed or punished by their own.

[Illustration:  Figure 10.]

The first, the Private X., who belongs to the Sixty-fifth Infantry, Regiment of Landwehr, says of certain of his companions in arms, (Fig. 10:)

     They do not behave as soldiers, but rather as highwaymen,
     bandits, and brigands, and are a dishonor to our regiment and
     to our army.

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Another, Lieut.  Y., of the Seventy-seventh Infantry of Reserves, says: 

     No discipline, ... the Pioneers are well nigh worthless; as to
     the artillery, it is a band of robbers.

The third, Private Z., of the Twelfth Infantry of Reserves, First Corps, writes, (Fig. 11:)

[Illustration:  Figure 11.]

Unfortunately, I am forced to make note of a fact which should not have occurred, but there are to be found, even in our own army, creatures who are no longer men, but hogs, to whom nothing is sacred.  One of these broke into a sacristy; it was locked, and where the Blessed Sacrament was kept.  A Protestant, out of respect, had refused to sleep there.  This man used it as a deposit for his excrements.  How is it possible there should be such creatures?  Last night one of the men of the Landwehr, more than thirty-five years of age, married, tried to rape the daughter of the inhabitant where he had taken up his quarters—­a mere girl—­and when the father intervened he pressed his bayonet against his breast.

Beyond these three, who are still worthy of the name of soldiers, the other thirty are all alike, and the same soul (if we can talk of souls among such as these) animates them low and frantic.  I say they are all about alike, but there are shades of difference.  There are some who, like subtle jurists, make distinctions, blaming here and approving there—­“Dort war ein Exempel am Platze.”  Others laugh and say “Krieg ist Krieg,” or sometimes they add in French, to emphasize their derision, “Ja, Ja, c’est la guerre,” and some among them, when their ugly business is done, turn to their book of canticles and sing psalms, such as the Saxon Lieut.  Reislang, who relates how one day he left his drinking bout to assist at the “Gottesdienst", but having eaten too much and drunken too much, had to quit the holy place in haste; and the Private Moritz Grosse of the 177th Infantry, who, after depicting the sacking of Saint-Vieth, (Aug. 22,) the sacking of Dinant, (Aug. 23,) writes this phrase: 

     Throwing of incendiary grenades into the houses, and in the
     evening a military chorus—­“Now let all give thanks to God.” 
     (Fig. 12.)

They’re all of a like tenor.  Now, if we consider that I could exchange the preceding texts with others quite similar, quite as cynical, and taken at random, for instance—­from the notebook of the Reservist Lautenschlager of the First Battalion, Sixty-sixth Regiment of Infantry, or the notebook of the Private Eduard Holl of the Eighth Corps, or the notebook of the sub-officer Reinhold Koehn of the Second Battalion of Pomeranian Pioneers, or that of the sub-officer Otto Brandt of the Second Section of Reserve Ambulances, or of the Reservist Martin Mueller of the 100th Saxon Reserve, or of Lieut.  Karl Zimmer of the Fifty-fifth Infantry, or that of the Private Erich Pressler of the 100th Grenadiers, First Saxon Corps, &c., and if we will note that, among the

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exactions reported above, there are very few that are the work of isolated brutes, (such as, unfortunately, may be found even in the most noble armies,) but that, on the contrary, the crimes represented here are collective actions in obedience to service orders, and such as rest upon and dishonor not only the individual but the entire troop, the officers, and the nation; and if we will further note that these thirty notebooks taken at random—­Bavarian, Saxon, Pomeranian, Brandeburger, or from the provinces of Baden and the Rhine—­must of necessity represent hundreds and thousands of others quite similar, as we may judge from the frightful monotony of their recitals; if we consider all this, we must, I think, be forced to admit that these atrocities are nothing less than the practical application of a methodically organized system.

[Illustration:  Figure 12.]


H.M. the Emperor of Germany, by ratifying The Hague Convention of 1907, covenanted (Article 24) that “it is forbidden (c) to kill or wound an enemy who, having laid down his arms, or being without means of defense, has surrendered unconditionally. (d) To declare that no quarter shall be given.”

Have the German armies respected these covenants?  Throughout Belgian and French reports depositions such as the following abound.  This is taken from a French Captain of the 288th Infantry: 

On the 22d, in the evening, I learned that in the woods, about one hundred and fifty meters north of the square formed by the intersection of the great Calonne trench with the road from Vaux-les-Palameis to Saint-Remy, there were corpses of French soldiers shot by the Germans.  I went to the spot and found the bodies of about thirty soldiers within a small space, most of them prone, but several still kneeling, and all having a precisely similar wound—­a bullet through the ear.  One only, seriously wounded in his lower parts, could still speak, and told me that the Germans before leaving had ordered them to lie down and that then had them shot through the head; that he, already wounded had secured indulgence by stating that he was the father of three small children.  The skulls of these unfortunates were scattered; the guns, broken at the stock, were scattered here and there; and the blood had besprinkled the bushes to such an extent that in coming out of the woods my cape was spattered with it; it was a veritable shambles.

I quote this testimony, not to base any accusations upon it, but simply to give precision to our indictment.  I will not lay stress upon it as evidence, for I wish to keep to the rule which I have laid down—­to have records of nothing but German sources of information.

I will quote here the text of an order of the day addressed by General Stenger, in command of the Fifty-eighth German Brigade, on the 26th of August, to the troops under his orders: 

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From this day forward no further prisoners will be taken.  All prisoners will be massacred.  The wounded, whether in arms or not in arms, shall be massacred.  Even the prisoners already gathered in convoys will be massacred.  No living enemy must remain behind us.

     Signed—­First Lieutenant in Command of the Company, Stoy;
     Colonel Commanding the Regiment, Neubauer; General in Command
     of the Brigade, Stenger.

About thirty soldiers of Stenger’s Brigade (112th and 142d Regiments of Baden Infantry) were questioned.  I have read their depositions, taken under oath and signed with their own names; all confirming the fact that this order of the day was given to them on the 26th of August.  In one place by the Major Mosebach, in another by Lieut.  Curtius, &c.  Most of these witnesses said that they were ignorant whether the order was carried out, but three among them testified that it was carried out under their own eyes in the Forest of Thiaville, where ten or twelve wounded French, already made prisoners by a battalion, were done away with; two others of the witnesses saw the order carried out along the road of Thiaville, where several wounded, found in the ditches by the company as it marched past, were killed.

[Illustration:  Figure 13.]

Of course, I cannot here produce the original autograph of General Stenger, nor am I here called upon to furnish the names of the German prisoners who gave this testimony.  But I shall have no trouble to establish entirely similar crimes on the faith of German autographs.

For instance, we find in the notebook of Private Albert Delfosse (111th Infantry of Reserves, Fourteenth Reserve Corps,) (Fig. 13:)

     In the woods (near Saint-Remy, 4th or 5th of September)—­Found
     a very fine cow and a calf killed; and again the corpses of
     Frenchmen horribly mutilated.

Must we understand that these bodies were mutilated by loyal weapons, torn perhaps by shells?  This may be, but it would be a charitable interpretation, which is belied by this newspaper heading, (Figs. 14 and 15:)

     JAUERSCHES TAGEBLATT Amtlicher Anzeiger Fuer Stadt und Kreis
     Jauer Jauer, Sonntag, Den 18, Oktober, 1914.  Nr. 245. 106,

This is a heading of a newspaper picked up in a German trench.  Jauer is a city of Silesia, about fifty kilometers west of Breslau, where two battalions of the 154th Regiment of Saxon Infantry are garrisoned.  One Sunday morning, Oct. 18, doubtless at the hour when the inhabitants—­women and children—­were wending their way to church, there was distributed throughout the quiet little town, and through the hamlets and villages of the district, the issue of this local paper with the following inscription:  “A day of honor for our regiment, Sept. 24, 1914,” as the title of an article of some two hundred lines, sent from the front by a member of the regiment—­the sub-officer Klemt of the First Company, 154th Infantry Regiment.

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Whose stubborn defense of Przemysl made it one of the most notable sieges of history.

(Photo from Underwood & Underwood.)]


Whose submarine exploits have done more damage to England’s navy than all Germany’s gunners.

(Photo from The Photo News.)]

[Illustration:  Figure 14.]

[Illustration:  Figure 15.]

The sub-officer Klemt relates how, on the 24th of September, his regiment having left Hannonville in the morning, accompanied by Austrian batteries, suddenly came up against a double fire of infantry and artillery.  Their losses were terrible, and yet the enemy was still invisible.  Finally, says this officer, it was found that the bullets came from above, from trees which the French soldiers had climbed.  From this point let me quote verbatim, (Fig. 16:)

[Illustration:  Figure 16.]

They’re brought down from the trees like squirrels, to get a hot reception with bayoneted stock; they’ll need no more doctors’ care.  We are not fighting loyal enemies, but treacherous brigands. [Note—­It is scarcely necessary to point out that it is no more “treacherous,” but quite as lawful, to fire from the branches of a tree as from a window, or from a trench, and that, on the contrary, it is rather more venturesome and more courageous, as the sequel of this story will show.] We crossed the clearing at a bound.  The foe is hidden here and there among the bushes, and now we are upon them.  No quarter will be given.  We fire standing, at will; very few fire kneeling; nobody dreams of shelter.  We finally reach a slight depression in the ground, and there the red trousers are lying in masses, here and there—­dead or wounded.  We club or stab the wounded, for we know that these rascals, as soon as we are gone by, will fire from behind.  We find one Frenchman lying at full length upon his face, but he is counterfeiting death.  A kick from a robust fusilier gives him notice that we are there.  Turning over he asks for quarter, but he gets the reply—­“Oh! is that the way, blackguard, that your tools work?” and he is pinned to the ground.  On one side of me I hear curious cracklings.  They’re the blows which a soldier of the 154th is vigorously showering upon the bald pate of a Frenchman with the stock of his gun; he very wisely chose for this work a French gun, for fear of breaking his own.  Some men of particularly sensitive soul grant the French wounded the grace to finish them with a bullet, but others scatter here and there, wherever they can, their clubbings and stabbings.  Our adversaries have fought bravely.  They were elite troops that we had before us.  They had allowed us to come within thirty, and even within ten, meters—­too close.  Their arms and knapsacks thrown down in heaps showed that they wanted to fly, but upon the appearance of our

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“gray phantoms” terror paralyzed them, and, on the narrow path in which they crowded, the German bullets brought them the order to halt!  There they are at the very entrance of their leafy hiding places, lying down moaning and asking for quarter, but whether their wounds are light or grievous, the brave fusiliers saved their country the expensive care which would have to be given to such a number of enemies.

Now the recital continues very ornate, very literary, and the writer relates how his Imperial Highness Prince Oscar of Prussia, being advised of the exploits (perhaps, indeed, other exploits than these) of the 154th and of the Regiment of Grenadiers, which forms the Brigade with the 154th, declared them both worthy of the name of “King’s Brigade,” and the recital closes with this phrase:  “When night came on, with a prayer of thankfulness on our lips we fell asleep to await the coming day.”  Then adding, by way of postscript, a little phrase “Heimkehr vom Kampf.”  He carries the notebook—­prose and verse together—­to his Lieutenant, who countersigns it:  “Certified as correct, De Niem, Lieutenant Commanding the Company,” and then he sends his paper to his town of Jauer, where he is quite confident that he will find some newspaper publisher to accept it, printers to set it up, and a whole population to enjoy it.  Now, let me ask any reader—­whatever be his country—­if he can imagine it possible for such a tale to be spread abroad in any paper in his language, in his native town, for the edification of his wife and his children.  In what other country than in Germany is such a thing conceivable?  Not in France, at all events.  Now, if my readers want another document to show how customary it is in the German Army to mutilate the wounded, well, I will borrow one from the notebook of Private Paul Gloede of the Ninth Battalion of Pioneers, Ninth Corps, (Figs. 17 and 18:)

Aug. 12, 1914, in Belgium.—­One can get an idea of the fury of our soldiers in seeing the destroyed villages.  Not one house left untouched.  Everything eatable is requisitioned by the unofficered soldiers.  Several heaps of men and women put to execution.  Young pigs are running about looking for their mothers.  Dogs chained, without food or drink.  And the houses about them on fire.  But the just anger of our soldiers is accompanied also by pure vandalism.  In the villages, already emptied of their inhabitants, the houses are set on fire.  I feel sorry for this population.  If they have made use of disloyal weapons, after all, they are only defending their own country.  The atrocities which these non-combatants are still committing are revenged after a savage fashion. Mutilations of the wounded are the order of the day.

This was written as early as the 12th of August—­the tenth day after the invasion of innocent Belgium—­and these wounded creatures that were tortured had done nothing more than defend their land against Germany—­their

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native land—­which Germany had sworn, not only to respect but, if need be, to defend.  And yet, in many countries pharisees reading these lines will go forward tranquilly to their churches, or their temples, or their banking houses, or their foreign offices, saying:  “In what do these things concern us?” “Ja, ja, this is war.”  Yes, it is war, but war such as was never made by the soldiers of Marceau, such as never will be made by the soldiers of Joffre, such as never has been made and never will be made by France—­“Mother of Arts, of Arms, and of Laws.”  Yes, it is war, but war such as Attila would not have carried on if he had subscribed to certain stipulations; for, in subscribing them, he would have awakened to the notion, which alone distinguishes the civilized man from the barbarian, distinguishes a nation from a horde—­respect for the word once given.  Yes, it is war, but war the theory of which could only be made up by such pedant megalomaniacs as the Julius von Hartmanns, the Bernhardis, and the Treitschkes; the theory which accords to the elect people the right to uproot from the laws and customs of war what centuries of humanity, of Christianity, and chivalry have at great pains injected into it; the theory of systematic and organized ferocity; today exposed to public reprobation, not only as an odious thing, but no less silly and absurd.  For have we not reached the ridiculous when the incendiaries of Louvain, and Malines, and Rheims, the assassins of women and children, and of the wounded, already find it necessary to repudiate their actions, at least in words, and to impose upon the servility of their ninety-three Kulturtraeger such denials as this:  “It is not true that we are making war in contempt of the law of nations, nor that our soldiers are committing acts of cruelty, or of insubordination, or indiscipline....  We will carry this conflict through to the end as a civilized people, and we answer for this upon our good name and upon our honor!” Why this humble and pitiful repudiation?  Perhaps because their theory of war rested upon the postulate of their invincibility, and that, in the first shiver of their defeat upon the Marne, it collapsed, and now their repudiation quickly follows—­in dread of the lex talionis.

[Illustration:  Figure 17.]

[Illustration:  Figure 18. [Continuation of Figure 17.]]

I will stop here.  I leave the conclusion to the allied armies, already in sight of victory.

NOTE.—­General Stenger’s order of the day, mentioned on page [Transcriber’s Note:  blank in original], was communicated orally by various officers in various units of the brigade.  Consequently, the form in which we have received it may possibly be incomplete or altered.  In face of any doubt, the French Government has ordered an inquiry to be made into the prisoners’ camps.  Not one of the prisoners to whom our magistrates presented the order of the day in the above-mentioned

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form found a word to alter.  They one and all declared that this was the order of the day which had been orally given in the ranks, repeated from man to man; many added the names of the officers who had communicated the order to them; some related in what a vile way it had been carried out under their eyes.  All the evidence of these German soldiers was collected in a legal manner, under the sanction of an oath, and it is after reading their depositions that I wrote the order of the day.
The text of all this evidence was transmitted to all the French Embassies and Legations in foreign countries on the 24th of October, 1914.  Every neutral wishing to clear his conscience is at liberty to obtain it from the representatives of the French Republic, who will certainly respond willingly.



    He had a woodland look—­half-startled, gay—­
      As if his eyes, light-thirsty, had not learned
    To wake accustomed on earth’s joyous day,
      A child, whose merriment and wonder burned
    In harmless flame, even his uniform
      Was but a lie to hide his wind-wild grace,
    Whose limbs were rounded youth, too supple, warm,
      To hold the measure of the street-made pace. 
    Music and marching—­colors in the sky—­
      The crowded station, then the train—­farewell! 
    For all he had the glance, exultant, shy,
      That seemed to marvel, “More to see—­to tell!”
    Yet with his breathing moved, hid by his coat,
    A numbered, metal disk, strapped round his throat!

American Reply to Britain’s Blockade Order

By William J. Bryan, American Secretary of State

With the publication on April 6, 1915, of its note in reply to the British Government’s Order in Council, proclaiming a virtual blockade against commerce to and from Germany—­printed in the April, 1915, number of THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY_—­the American Government rested its case.  The text of the note to Great Britain follows:_

WASHINGTON, March 30, 1915.

The Secretary of State to the American Ambassador at London: 

You are instructed to deliver the following to his Majesty’s Government in reply to your Nos. 1,795 and 1,798 of March 15:  The Government of the United States has given careful consideration to the subjects treated in the British notes of March 13 and March 15, and to the British Order in Council of the latter date.

These communications contain matters of grave importance to neutral nations.  They appear to menace their rights of trade and intercourse, not only with belligerents but also with one another.  They call for frank comment in order that misunderstandings may be avoided.  The Government of the United States deems it its duty, therefore, speaking in the sincerest spirit of friendship, to make its own view and position with regard to them unmistakably clear.

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The Order in Council of the 15th of March would constitute, were its provisions to be actually carried into effect as they stand, a practical assertion of unlimited belligerent rights over neutral commerce within the whole European area and an almost unqualified denial of the sovereign rights of the nations now at peace.

This Government takes it for granted that there can be no question what those rights are.  A nation’s sovereignty over its own ships and citizens under its own flag on the high seas in time of peace is, of course, unlimited, and that sovereignty suffers no diminution in time of war, except in so far as the practice and consent of civilized nations has limited it by the recognition of certain now clearly determined rights which it is conceded may be exercised by nations which are at war.

A belligerent nation has been conceded the right of visit and search, and the right of capture and condemnation, if upon examination a neutral vessel is found to be engaged in unneutral service or to be carrying contraband of war intended for the enemy’s Government or armed forces.

It has been conceded the right to establish and maintain a blockade of an enemy’s ports and coasts and to capture and condemn any vessel taken in trying to break the blockade.  It is even conceded the right to detain and take to its own ports for judicial examination all vessels which it suspects for substantial reasons to be engaged in unneutral or contraband service and to condemn them if the suspicion is sustained.  But such rights, long clearly defined both in doctrine and practice, have hitherto been held to be the only permissible exceptions to the principle of universal equality of sovereignty on the high seas as between belligerents and nations not engaged in war.

It is confidently assumed that his Majesty’s Government will not deny that it is a rule sanctioned by general practice that, even though a blockade should exist and the doctrine of contraband as to unblockaded territory be rigidly enforced, innocent shipments may be freely transported to and from the United States through neutral countries to belligerent territory, without being subject to the penalties of contraband traffic or breach of blockade, much less to detention, requisition, or confiscation.

Moreover, the rules of the Declaration of Paris of 1856—­among them that free ships make free goods—­will hardly at this day be disputed by the signatories of that solemn agreement.

His Majesty’s Government, like the Government of the United States, have often and explicitly held that these rights represent the best usage of warfare in the dealings of belligerents with neutrals at sea.  In this connection I desire to direct attention to the opinion of the Chief Justice of the United States in the case of the Peterhof, which arose out of the civil war, and to the fact that that opinion was unanimously sustained in the award of the Arbitration Commission

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of 1871, to which the case was presented at the request of Great Britain.  From that time to the Declaration of London of 1909, adopted with modifications by the Order in Council of the 23d of October last, these rights have not been seriously questioned by the British Government.  And no claim on the part of Great Britain of any justification for interfering with the clear rights of the United States and its citizens as neutrals could be admitted.  To admit it would be to assume an attitude of unneutrality toward the present enemies of Great Britain, which would be obviously inconsistent with the solemn obligations of this Government in the present circumstances.  And for Great Britain to make such a claim would be for her to abandon and set at nought the principles for which she has consistently and earnestly contended in other times and circumstances.

The note of his Majesty’s principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which accompanies the Order in Council, and which bears the same date, notifies the Government of the United States of the establishment of a blockade which is, if defined by the terms of the Order in Council, to include all the coasts and ports of Germany and every port of possible access to enemy territory.  But the novel and quite unprecedented feature of that blockade, if we are to assume it to be properly so defined, is that it embraces many neutral ports and coasts, bars access to them, and subjects all neutral ships seeking to approach them to the same suspicion that would attach to them were they bound for the ports of the enemies of Great Britain, and to unusual risks and penalties.

It is manifest that such limitations, risks, and liabilities placed upon the ships of a neutral power on the seas, beyond the right of visit and search and the right to prevent the shipment of contraband already referred to, are a distinct invasion of the sovereign rights of the nation whose ships, trade, or commerce is interfered with.

The Government of the United States is, of course, not oblivious to the great changes which have occurred in the conditions and means of naval warfare since the rules hitherto governing legal blockade were formulated.  It might be ready to admit that the old form of “close” blockade, with its cordon of ships in the immediate offing of the blockaded ports, is no longer practicable in the face of an enemy possessing the means and opportunity to make an effective defense by the use of submarines, mines, and air craft; but it can hardly be maintained that, whatever form of effective blockade may be made use of, it is impossible to conform at least to the spirit and principles of the established rules of war.

If the necessities of the case should seem to render it imperative that the cordon of blockading vessels be extended across the approaches to any neighboring neutral port or country, it would seem clear that it would still be easily practicable to comply with the well-recognized and reasonable prohibition of international law against the blockading of neutral ports, by according free admission and exit to all lawful traffic with neutral ports through the blockading cordon.

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This traffic would, of course, include all outward-bound traffic from the neutral country and all inward-bound traffic to the neutral country, except contraband in transit to the enemy.  Such procedure need not conflict in any respect with the rights of the belligerent maintaining the blockade, since the right would remain with the blockading vessels to visit and search all ships either entering or leaving the neutral territory which they were in fact, but not of right, investing.

The Government of the United States notes that in the Order in Council his Majesty’s Government give as their reason for entering upon a course of action, which they are aware is without precedent in modern warfare, the necessity they conceive themselves to have been placed under to retaliate upon their enemies for measures of a similar nature, which the latter have announced it their intention to adopt, and which they have to some extent adopted, but the Government of the United States, recalling the principles upon which his Majesty’s Government have hitherto been scrupulous to act, interprets this as merely a reason for certain extraordinary activities on the part of his Majesty’s naval forces and not as an excuse for or prelude to any unlawful action.

If the course pursued by the present enemies of Great Britain should prove to be in fact tainted by illegality and disregard of the principles of war sanctioned by enlightened nations, it cannot be supposed, and this Government does not for a moment suppose, that his Majesty’s Government would wish the same taint to attach to their own actions or would cite such illegal acts as in any sense or degree a justification for similar practices on their part in so far as they affect neutral rights.

It is thus that the Government of the United States interprets the language of the note of his Majesty’s principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which accompanies the copy of the Order in Council, which was handed to the Ambassador of the United States by the Government in London and by him transmitted to Washington.

This Government notes with gratification that “wide discretion is afforded to the prize court in dealing with the trade of neutrals in such a manner as may in the circumstances be deemed just, and that full provision is made to facilitate claims by persons interested in any goods placed in the custody of the Marshal of the prize court under the order.”  That “the effect of the Order in Council is to confer certain powers upon the executive officers of his Majesty’s Government,” and that “the extent to which these powers will be actually exercised and the degree of severity with which the measure of blockade authorized will be put into operation are matters which will depend on the administrative orders issued by the Government and the decisions of the authorities especially charged with the duty of dealing with individual ships and cargoes, according to the merits of each case.”

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This Government further notes with equal satisfaction the declaration of the British Government that “the instructions to be issued by his Majesty’s Government to the fleet and to the customs officials and executive committees concerned will impress upon them the duty of acting with the utmost dispatch consistent with the object in view, and of showing in every case such consideration for neutrals as may be compatible with that object, which is succinctly stated, to establish a blockade to prevent vessels from carrying goods for or coming from Germany.”

In view of these assurances formally given to this Government, it is confidently expected that the extensive powers conferred by the Order in Council on the executive officers of the Crown will be restricted by orders issued by the Government, directing the exercise of their discretionary powers in such a manner as to modify in practical application those provisions of the Order in Council, which, if strictly enforced, would violate neutral rights and interrupt legitimate trade.  Relying on the faithful performance of these voluntary assurances by his Majesty’s Government, the United States takes it for granted that the approach of American merchantmen to neutral ports situated upon the long line of coast affected by the Order in Council will not be interfered with when it is known that they do not carry goods which are contraband of war or goods destined to or proceeding from ports within the belligerent territory affected.

The Government of the United States assumes with the greater confidence that his Majesty’s Government will thus adjust their practice to the recognized rules of international law because it is manifest that the British Government have adopted an extraordinary method of “stopping cargoes destined for or coming from the enemy’s territory,” which, owing to the existence of unusual conditions in modern warfare at sea, it will be difficult to restrict to the limits which have been heretofore required by the law of nations.  Though the area of operations is confined to “European waters, including the Mediterranean,” so great an area of the high seas is covered and the cordon of ships is so distant from the territory affected that neutral vessels must necessarily pass through the blockading force in order to reach important neutral ports which Great Britain as a belligerent has not the legal right to blockade and which, therefore, it is presumed she has no intention of claiming to blockade.

The Scandinavian and Danish ports, for example, are open to American trade.  They are also free, so far as the actual enforcement of the Order in Council is concerned, to carry on trade with German Baltic ports, although it is an essential element of blockade that it bear with equal severity upon all neutrals.

This Government, therefore, infers that the commanders of his Majesty’s ships of war, engaged in maintaining the so-called blockade, will be instructed to avoid an enforcement of the proposed measures of non-intercourse in such a way as to impose restrictions upon neutral trade more burdensome than those which have been regarded as inevitable, when the ports of a belligerent are actually blockaded by the ships of its enemy.

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The possibilities of serious interruption of American trade under the Order in Council are so many, and the methods proposed are so unusual, and seem liable to constitute so great an impediment and embarrassment to neutral commerce, that the Government of the United States, if the Order in Council is strictly enforced, apprehends many interferences with its legitimate trade which will impose upon his Majesty’s Government heavy responsibilities for acts of the British authorities clearly subversive of the rights of neutral nations on the high seas.  It is, therefore, expected that the Majesty’s Government, having considered these possibilities, will take the steps necessary to avoid them, and, in the event that they should unhappily occur, will be prepared to make full reparation for every act which, under the rules of international law, constitutes a violation of neutral rights.

As stated in its communication of Oct. 22, 1914, “this Government will insist that the rights and duties of the United States and its citizens in the present war be defined by the existing rules of international law and the treaties of the United States irrespective of the provisions of the Declaration of London, and that this Government reserves to itself the right to enter a protest or demand in each case, in which those rights and duties so defined are violated or their free exercise interfered with by the authorities of the British Government.”

In conclusion you will reiterate to his Majesty’s Government that this statement of the view of the Government of the United States is made in the most friendly spirit, and in accordance with the uniform candor which has characterized the relations of the two Governments in the past, and which has been in large measure the foundation of the peace and amity existing between the two nationals without interruption for a century.


Germany’s Conditions of Peace

The First Authoritative German Presentation of the Idea

By Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, Late German Colonial Secretary of State

That Germany would be willing to make peace on the basis of a free neutral sea, guaranteed by the powers, was indicated in a letter written by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, ex-Colonial Secretary of Germany, and read at a pro-German mass meeting held in Portland, Me., on April 17, 1915.  After an explanatory note Dr. Dernburg divided into numbered clauses his letter, as follows:

(1) Whatever peace is concluded should be of a permanent nature; no perfunctory patching up should be permitted.  The horror of all the civilized nations of the Old World slaughtering one another, every one convinced of the perfect righteousness of their own cause—­a recurrence, if it could not be avoided absolutely, should be made most remote, so as to take the weight from our minds that all this young blood of the best manhood of Europe might be spilled in vain.

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(2) For this purpose it must be borne in mind that the world has changed considerably since the last big conflagration, and that all the countries striving for humanity and civilization are now one big family, with interests, spiritual as well as commercial, interlocking to a degree that no disturbance of any part of the civilized globe can exist without seriously affecting the rest.  A disturbance in one quarter must make quite innocent bystanders involuntary victims, to the serious detriment of spiritual peace and commercial pursuits.

The great highway on which thoughts and things travel are the high seas.  I can with full authority disclaim any ambition by my country as to world dominion.  She is much too modest, on the one hand, and too experienced, on the other hand, not to know that such a state will never be tolerated by the rest.  Events have shown that world dominion can only be practiced by dominion of the high seas.  The aim of Germany is to have the seas, as well as the narrows, kept permanently open for the free use of all nations in times of war as well as in times of peace.  The sea is nobody’s property and must be free to everybody.  The seas are the lungs from which humanity draws a fresh breath of enterprise, and they must not be stopped up.

I, personally, would go so far as to neutralize all the seas and narrows permanently by a common and effective agreement guaranteed by all the powers, so that any infringement on that score would meet with the most severe punishment that can be meted out to any transgressor.

(3) A free sea is useless except combined with the freedom of cable and mail communications with all countries, whether belligerent or not.  I should like to see all the cables jointly owned by the interested nations and a world mail system over sea established by common consent.  But, more than this, an open sea demands an open policy.  This means that, while every nation must have the right, for commercial and fiscal purposes, to impose whatever duties it thinks fit, these duties must be equal for all exports and imports for whatever destination and from whatever source.  It would be tantamount to world empire, in fact, if a country owning a large part of the globe could make discriminating duties between the motherland and dominions or colonies as against other nations.

This has been of late the British practice.  German colonies have always been open to every comer, including the motherland, on equal terms.  Such equality of treatment should be the established practice for all the future.  The only alternative to an open sea and free intercourse policy would be a Chinese wall around each country.  If there is no free intercourse every country must become self-sufficient.  Germany has proved that it can be done.  But this policy would mean very high customs barriers, discrimination, unbounded egotism, and a world bristling in arms.  While the free sea policy stands for the true aims of international relations, namely, in exchange of goods, which must benefit either party, to be mutually satisfactory, it will engender friendly feeling among all the peoples, advance civilization, and thereby have a sure tendency toward disarmament.

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(4) Germany has been taxed with disregarding treaty obligations, tearing up a scrap of paper—­a solemn engagement of international character regarding Belgium.  I have the less reason to enter into this matter since—­if it was a breach of international law at all—­it has been followed up by all other belligerents by destroying other parts of that code so essential to the welfare of the community of nations.  Two German men-of-war have been destroyed in neutral waters.  The protests that the Government of this country had to make against Great Britain’s treatment of international sea law and the rights of the neutrals are too numerous to be recounted.  Chinese neutrality has been violated in the grossest way.

In disregard of all conventions, China is now being subjected to demands incompatible with the rights of self-respecting nations.  Egypt and Cyprus have been annexed by Great Britain, disregarding all treaties.  Germany’s diplomatic representatives have been driven from China, Morocco, and Egypt—­all countries sovereign at the time.  The Declaration of London, which had been set up by the Government of the United States as the governing document, had to be dropped as such.  There is practically no part of international law that could stand the test.  Justice toward neutrals compels that international law should be re-established in a codified form, with sufficient guarantees so as to save, as far as possible, all the neutrals from possible implication in a war in which they do not take part.

(5) Germany does not strive for territorial aggrandizement in Europe; she does not believe in conquering and subjugating unwilling nations—­this on account of a spirit of justice and her knowledge of history.  No such attempts have ever been permanently successful.

Belgium commands the main outlet of Western German trade, is the natural foreland of the empire, and has been conquered with untold sacrifice of blood and treasure.  It offers to German trade the only outlet to an open sea and it has been politically established, maintained, and defended by England in order to keep these natural advantages from Germany.

The love for small peoples that England heralds now will never stand investigation, as shown by the destruction of the small Boer republics.  So Belgium cannot be given up.  However, these considerations could be disregarded if all the other German demands, especially a guaranteed free sea, were fully complied with and the natural commercial relationship of Belgium to Germany was considered in a just and workable form.  In this case Germany will not fail when the times come to help in rebuilding the country; in fact, she is doing so now.

(6) Germany is a country smaller in size than California, but populated thirty-five times as thickly as that State.  She loves and fosters family life, and sees her future in the raising of large families of healthy children under the home roof and under the national flag.  German parents have no desire to expatriate every year a considerable number of their children.  This implies that her industrial development, which would alone give occupation to the yearly increase of pretty nearly a million people, should go on unhampered.

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The activity of her people should have an outlet in the development of such foreign parts as need or wish for development.  Great Britain has shown very little foresight in constantly opposing such efforts, playing Morocco into the hands of France, a nation that remained stationary for forty-four years, with little more than half of the population of Germany, and with a system equally undermining religion and morality in keeping families small for the sake of worldly comforts.

England, furthermore, constantly obstructed the German endeavor to reclaim for the benefit of all of the world the granary in Mesopotamia.  A permanent peace will mean that this German activity must get a wide scope without infringement upon the rights of others.  Germany should be encouraged to continue her activities in Africa and Asia Minor, which can only result in permanent benefit to all the world.  Americans have a saying “that it will never do good to sit on a safety valve.”

There is nothing in the program of my country which would not be beneficial to the rest of the world, especially the United States.  That this is so the events of the last months have conclusively shown, and a better appreciation of what Germany really stands for has recently taken place.  So, if I plead the cause of my country, I am not pleading as a German alone, but as a citizen of a country who wishes to be a useful and true member of the universality of nations, contributing by humanitarian aims and by the enhancement of personal freedom to the happiness of even the lowliest members of the great world community.

I am proud to say that I cannot only give this assurance, but produce facts, and I beg to refer to the modern system of social reforms which Germany inaugurated and carries through at an expense which is every year larger by half than the expense of the military system.

The brunt of this war has not been borne by the men who fight, but by the women who suffer, and it will be one of the proudest and most coveted achievements that Germany will gain in rewarding in a dignified and permanently beneficial way the enormous sacrifices of womanhood, to alleviate to the extent of the possible the hardships and sorrows that this war has brought upon them.


The Allies’ Conditions of Peace

By Sir Edward Grey

Sir Edward Grey, presiding at a lecture on the war by Mr. Buchan, delivered March 22, 1915, reviewed the origin and causes of the conflict.  Germany, he said, refused every suggestion made to her for settling the dispute by means of a conference.  On her must rest for all time the appalling responsibility for having plunged Europe into this war.  One essential condition of peace must be the restoration to Belgium of her independence and reparation to her for the cruel wrong done to her.  England claims for herself and her allies claim

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for themselves, and together will secure for Europe, the right of independent sovereignty for the different nations, the right to pursue a national existence in the light of general liberty.

The occasion of our meeting this afternoon is to hear a lecture from my friend Mr. Buchan on the strategy of the war, and he is sure to make it informing and interesting.  His friends know him as a man of fine public spirit and patriotism, in whom a crisis such as this in his country’s history arouses the noblest feelings.  I am sorry that an engagement makes it necessary for me to return soon to the Foreign Office, and therefore it will be a great disappointment to me not to hear the whole of the lecture.  I take the opportunity to make my apology now, and also to make one or two remarks on the origin and issues of the war.  While we are engaged in considering the particular methods by which the war may be prosecuted to a successful conclusion do not let us lose sight even for a moment of the character and origin of this war and of the main issues for which we are fighting.  Hundreds of millions of money have been spent, hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost, and millions have been maimed and wounded in Europe during the last few months.  And all this might have been avoided by the simple method of a conference or a joint discussion between the powers concerned which might have been held in London, at The Hague, or wherever and in whatever form Germany would have consented to have it.  It would have been far easier to have settled by conference the dispute between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, which Germany made the occasion for this war, than it was to get successfully through the Balkan crisis of two years ago.  Germany knew from her experience of the conference in London which settled the Balkan crisis that she could count upon our good will for peace in any conference of the powers.  We had sought no diplomatic triumph in the Balkan Conference; we did not give ourselves to any intrigue; we pursued impartially and honorably the end of peace, and we were ready last July to do the same again.

In recent years we have given Germany every assurance that no aggression upon her would receive any support from us.  We withheld from her one thing—­we would not give an unconditional promise to stand aside, however aggressive Germany herself might be to her neighbors.  Last July, before the outbreak of the war, France was ready to accept a conference; Italy was ready to accept a conference; Russia was ready to accept a conference; and we know now that after the British proposal for a conference was made, the Emperor of Russia himself proposed to the German Emperor that the dispute should be referred to The Hague.  Germany refused every suggestion made to her for settling the dispute in this way.  On her rests now, and must rest for all time, the appalling responsibility for having plunged Europe into this war and for having involved herself and the greater part of the Continent in the consequences of it.

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We know now that the German Government had prepared for war as only people who plan can prepare.  This is the fourth time within living memory that Prussia had made war in Europe.  In the Schleswig-Holstein war, in the war against Austria in 1866, in the war against France in 1870, as we now know from all the documents that have been revealed, it was Prussia who planned and prepared these wars.  The same thing has occurred again, and we are determined that it shall be the last time that war shall be made in this way.

We had assured Belgium that never would we violate her neutrality so long as it was respected by others.  I had given this pledge to Belgium long before the war.  On the eve of the war we asked France and Germany to give the same pledge.  France at once did so.  Germany declined to give it.  When, after that, Germany invaded Belgium we were bound to oppose Germany with all our strength, and if we had not done so at the first moment, is there any one who now believes that when Germany attacked the Belgians, when she shot down combatants and non-combatants in a way that violated all the rules of war of recent times and the laws of humanity of all time—­is there any one who thinks it possible now that we could have sat still and looked on without eternal disgrace?

Now what is the issue for which we are fighting?  In due time the terms of peace will be put forward by our Allies in concert with us—­in accordance with the alliance that exists between us—­and published to the world.  One essential condition must be the restoration to Belgium of her independence, national life, and free possession of her territory, and reparation to her as far as reparation is possible for the cruel wrong done to her.  That is part of the great issue for which we, with our allies, are contending, and the great part of the issue is this—­We wish the nations of Europe to be free to live their independent lives, working out their own form of government for themselves, and their own national developments, whether they be great nations or small States, in full liberty.  This is our ideal.  The German ideal—­we have had it poured out by German professors and publicists since the war began—­is that of the Germans as a superior people, to whom all things are lawful in the securing of their own power, against whom resistance of any sort is unlawful—­a people establishing a domination over the nations of the Continent, imposing a peace which is not to be liberty for every nation, but subservience to Germany.  I would rather perish or leave the Continent altogether than live on it under such conditions.

After this war we and the other nations of Europe must be free to live, not menaced continually by talk of “supreme war lords,” and “shining armor,” and the sword continually “rattled in the scabbard,” and heaven continually invoked as the accomplice of Germany, and not having our policy dictated and our national destinies and activities controlled by the military caste of Prussia.  We claim for ourselves and our allies claim for themselves, and together we will secure for Europe, the right of independent sovereignty for the different nations, the right to pursue a national existence, not in the shadow of Prussian hegemony and supremacy, but in the light of equal liberty.

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All honor for ever be given from us whom age and circumstances have kept at home to those who have voluntarily come forward to risk their lives, and give their lives on the field of battle on land and on sea.  They have their reward in enduring fame and honor.  And all honor be from us to the brave armies and navies of our Allies, who have exhibited such splendid courage and noble patriotism.  The admiration they have aroused, and their comradeship in arms, will be an ennobling and enduring memory between us, cementing friendships and perpetuating national good will.  For all of us who are serving the State at home or in whatever capacity, whether officials, or employers, or wage earners, doing our utmost to carry on the national life in this time of stress, there is the knowledge that there can be no nobler opportunity than that of serving one’s country when its existence is at stake, and when the cause is just and right; and never was there a time in our national history when the crisis was so great and so imperative, or the cause more just and right.

South Africa’s Romantic Blue Paper

Recording the Vision of “Oom Niklaas,” the Boer Seer of Lichtenburg

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April 18, 1915.]

The South African “Blue Paper” is out.  It is unique.  However widely and however eagerly the official documents of the other countries involved in the present war may have been read, they could not be called romantic in any sense of the word.

The “Blue Paper” issued by the Union of South Africa presents a distinct contrast.  In the third paragraph of the very first page of this weighty document, which deals with the recent rebellion, is the following unusual sentence: 

It is not surprising, then, that in the ferment aroused by the gigantic struggle in Europe, which seemed to be shaking the world to its foundations, young men began to see visions and old men to dream dreams of what the outcome might be for South Africa.

And this is followed by a still stranger passage: 

The times were not without their signs.  There was a seer in Lichtenburg who had visions of strange import.  Years ago and long before any one in this country had dreamed of war he beheld a great fight of bulls, six or seven of them, engaged in bloody combat; a gray bull had emerged victorious from the contest.
The bulls signified the great nations of Europe, and the gray bull was Germany.  Thousands had discussed this strange vision and had remembered its prophetic character when, later, war actually broke out.  The vision seemed ominous.  Germany was predestined to triumph.

The seer is Niklaas van Rensburg, and he runs through this Government report like a scarlet thread through gray homespun.  It is around his influence that the uprising of Sept. 15 is built.  It is under his roof that all manner of lurid conspiracies are hatched.  Not only do his words carry with the crowds that gather before his house to hear his prophecy, but his warnings shape the actions of some of the Transvaal Generals.  The Government report will not go so far as to brand “Oom Niklaas” as a hoax.  Says the preface: 

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It is desired to point out that the narrative of events has been compiled in as objective a manner as possible, and that it contains no statement which is not borne out by evidence in possession of the Government.

Evidently, to denounce visions of gray bulls as hocus-pocus would be to describe a puzzling situation much too subjectively, since the Government has apparently no evidence that these are not genuine prophecy.  The best the Government can do is to call them “extraordinary and apparently quite authentic.”

But the extraordinary part of it is that an illiterate old soothsayer should be considered important enough to be included in an official report.

His most famous and most influential prophecy, the one that will go down in the history of South Africa, was that which concerned General de la Rey and the fatal number 15.

The prophecy which came back to the minds of van Rensburg’s followers when war broke out was one concerning General de la Rey, the intrepid soldier who had commanded the Lichtenburg burghers in the Boer war and since become President of the Western Transvaal Farmers’ Association.  Van Rensburg had always admired General de la Rey.  He had frequently hinted to his circle that great things were in store for him.  One of his visions had been well known to General de la Rey and his friends for some years.  The report says: 

The seer had beheld the number 15 on a dark cloud from which blood issued, and then General de la Rey returning home without his hat.  Immediately afterward came a carriage covered with flowers.

[Illustration:  H.M.  CONSTANTINE I.

King of Greece.

(Photo from P.S.  Rogers.)]

[Illustration:  JOHN REDMOND

The great Irish leader, who says that Ireland has now taken her proper place in the British Empire.

(Photo from P.S.  Rogers.)]

This was several years ago.  But the people did not forget the prophecy, and when war broke out in Europe the Western Transvaal—­in the Lichtenburg-Wolmaransstad area, where van Rensburg’s influence was strongest—­was immediately aflame.  The Government does not seek to minimize the importance of this influence: 

When the war at last broke out, the effect in Lichtenburg was instantaneous.  The prophecies of van Rensburg were eagerly recalled, and it was remembered that he had foretold a day on which the independence of the Transvaal would be restored.
Certain individuals could be seen daily cleaning their rifles and cartridges in order to be ready for the day.  Within a week of the declaration of war between England and Germany the district was further profoundly stirred by the news (now become generally known) that a great meeting of local burghers was to be held at Treurfontein on the 15th of August, and that certain local officers were commandeering their burghers to come to this meeting armed and fully equipped for active service.

The outbreak of the war in Europe suddenly brought the Lichtenburger’s prophecy down to earth and crystallized the dream.  The commandants were evidently as convinced that independence was at hand as the crowd.

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     Careful inquiries by other local officers brought to light the
     following facts: 

Veld Kornet, I.E.  Claassen, and Commandant F.G.A.  Wolmarans of Ward Onder Hartsrivier had been commandeering their own burghers as well as their political friends since the first week of August to come to the meeting which was to be held at Treurfontein on the 15th.  The instructions given to these men were that they were to come with rifle, horse, saddle and bridle, and as much ammunitions and provisions as they could manage to bring.

     The meeting was to be addressed by General de la Rey, and it
     was generally believed that the assembled burghers would march
     on Potchefstroom immediately after the meeting.

None doubted the truth of the seer’s prophecy now.  The Western Transvaal took it for its guide with implicit confidence.

The strange vision of the number 15, which had long been common knowledge, was now discussed with intense interest.  The 15, it was said, signified the 15th of August, the day of the meeting.  That would be the day which had been so long expected—­the day of liberation.
Van Rensburg was now the oracle.  His prophecies with regard to the great war had been signally fulfilled.  Germany was at grips with England, and her triumph was looked upon as inevitable.
The day had arrived to strike a blow for their lost independence.  Van Rensburg assured his following that the Union Government was “finished.”  Not a shot would be fired.  The revolution would be complete and bloodless.
Between the 10th and the 15th the plotters in Lichtenburg were actively preparing for the day.  There is evidence that German secret agents were working in concert with them.  When doubters asked how they could be so certain that the 15 signified a day of the month—­and of the month of August in particular—­they were scornfully if illogically told that “in God’s time a month sooner or later made no difference.”

Of course, General de la Rey was the storm centre.  He had been mentioned in the same vision with the number 15 and it was taken for granted that he would play the chief role in the Treurfontein meeting.  De la Rey was the unquestioned ruler of the Western Transvaal.  The report states: 

He possessed an unrivaled influence and was looked up to as the uncrowned king of the West.  His attitude at the meeting would sway the mass of his adherents and decide the question of peace or war.

Accordingly, General Louis Botha, Premier of the South African Union, summoned General de la Rey to Pretoria some days before the meeting, and persuaded him to use his best efforts to allay excitement.

On the 15th the meeting was held.  The situation was a tense one.  Not one of the burghers present doubted the outcome.  Yet General de la Rey exhorted them to remain cool and calm.  He urged them to await the turn of events in Europe.  After his address a “strange and unusual silence” was observed, says the “Blue Paper.”

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A resolution was passed unanimously expressing complete confidence in the Government to act in the best interests of South Africa in the present world crisis.  The burghers appeared to have taken their leader’s advice to heart, as they dispersed quietly to their homes.

All danger of a rebellious movement had apparently been averted.

The only difficulty was that the prophecy of “Oom Niklaas” was still standing.  The fact that the uprising had failed did not seem in the least to invalidate the vision.  If the mysterious number did not mean Aug. 15, then perhaps it did mean Sept. 15.

Accordingly, preparations were laid for a rebellion for the latter date.  The plot was engineered by Lieut.  Colonel Solomon G. Maritz and General Christian Frederick Beyers.  Maritz is a brilliant though unlettered Colonel who won distinction in the Boer war, while Beyers was the Commandant General of the South African Union forces.  Beyers is dead now; Maritz and some of the prominent men associated in the conspiracy are in prison awaiting trial.

Beyers and Maritz did not trust entirely to the prophecy of the seer of Lichtenburg.  Maritz had already obtained a guarantee from the authorities in German West Africa, with whom he had been in communication for some time, that in the event of Germany’s victory the Free State and the Transvaal would be given their freedom.  He had organized the back-veldt Boers into readiness to go over into German West Africa at a moment’s notice.  In the Free State, General de Wet was ready to aid the rebellion, and the Western Transvaal, already excited, could easily be swung into line.

The regiments of the west were to concentrate at Potchefstroom early in September for their annual training.  At that time the members of the Government, among them General de la Rey, who is a member of the Legislative Assembly, would be in Cape Town for the session of the Parliament.

Everything made the 15th of September look like an auspicious date for the conspirators and those who believed in van Rensburg.  But General de la Rey still remained the storm centre.  He was the factor which upset all plans.  He was the most difficult obstacle.  A large personality, his influence could never be discounted.  If he could be induced to join the conspiracy the cause was as good as won.  Should he oppose the movement it was lost, for neither Beyers nor Major Kemp, a leader in his district in West Transvaal, could hope to do anything against General de la Rey in the west.

General de la Rey believed in the Lichtenburg prophet.  A strong man, of extraordinary force and intelligence, the whole course of his plans might be altered by a new vision from van Rensburg.  Beyers knew this, says the report, and saw the way by which he should win the General to the conspiracy.

     There is evidence to prove that General Beyers set himself
     systematically to work in General de la Rey’s mind in order to
     induce him to join the conspiracy.

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General de la Rey was known to hold strong religious views, which colored his whole outlook.  The seer, van Rensburg, who was always full of religious talk, had in this way acquired a considerable amount of influence over General de la Rey.

     There is the best of evidence (General Beyers’s own statement)
     for the belief that he himself did not scruple to work on
     General de la Rey’s mind through his religious feelings.

Just how Beyers accomplished this has not yet been revealed, but there was material enough to his hand.  The news from Europe was disquieting.  The German drive to Paris seemed irresistible.  It looked as if in a week or two Germany would have the Allies at her mercy.

The prophet saw visions in which 40,000 German soldiers were marching up and down the streets of London.  He predicted significantly that the new South African State would have at its head “a man who feared God.”  The Government of Premier Botha and General Smuts, the Minister of Finance and Defense, was “finished.”  He had seen the English leaving the Transvaal and moving down toward Natal.  When they had gone far away, a vulture flew from among them and returned to the Boers and settled down among them.  That was Botha.  As for Smuts, he would flee desperately to England and would never be seen in South Africa again.  Through it all ran the strange number 15.

This was excellent material for the conspirators.  But the problem was to get General de la Rey away from the Parliament session at Cape Town and into the Potchefstroom camp at the psychological moment.  Beyers sent a series of urgent telegrams to Cape Town hinting at important business.  He emphasized the need for General de la Rey’s immediate presence in Potchefstroom.  He had evidently not yet broached the conspiracy to the General, but hoped only to get him to the camp at the critical moment when his presence would prove the deciding factor.

[Illustration:  [map of South Africa]]

Everything in Potchefstroom was in readiness.  The Active Citizen Force concentrated here—­about 1,600 men—­was to start the uprising.  The movement was to be promptly seconded throughout the Western Transvaal.  The “Vierkleur” was to be hoisted, and a march made on Pretoria, men and horses being commandeered on the way.  This was to take place on Tuesday, the 15th.  There was an attempt to line up the prophet to add to the theatric effect, says the report.

On the night of the 14th the “Prophet” himself was specially sent for by motor car to be personally present on the 15th to witness the consummation of his prophecy.  The conspirators hoped to profit by the impression he would undoubtedly make on those who still hesitated.

     Unfortunately for them, however, the seer refused to leave his
     home, saying that “it was not yet clear to him that that was
     his path.”

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The signal for the revolt was to be the arrival of General Beyers and General de la Rey in the Potchefstroom camp.  The latter was returning from Cape Town via Kimberley, and was due to arrive in Potchefstroom on the 15th.  But for some reason he chose to come back through the Free State, and by the 15th was only at Johannesburg.

This upset plans.  Beyers had to act quickly.  He had his chauffeur overhaul his motor car, equip it with new tubes and covers, in readiness for “a long journey.”  In a short time the car was on its way to bring General de la Rey from Johannesburg to Pretoria, where Beyers would meet him.

There was no time to be lost.  It was too late to stage the rebellion for the 15th, but Beyers arranged for it to be at 4 o’clock on the morning of Wednesday, the 16th.

General de la Rey arrived in Pretoria.  General Beyers met him and asked him to go immediately with him to Potchefstroom.

The car came within sight of Johannesburg.  A police cordon had been thrown around the town for the purpose of capturing three desperadoes, known as the “Foster gang,” who were trying to escape in a motor car.  The police were instructed to stop all motors and to examine in particular any car containing three men.

Beyers’s car held three men.  It was racing at high speed.  It was, of course, challenged by the police and ordered to stop.  But Beyers knew nothing of the “Foster gang” and the reason for the police cordon.  Keyed up to the highest pitch of nervous tension, his immediate conclusion was that his plot had been discovered and that the police were after him.  He believed he was trapped.

Meanwhile, Major Kemp at Potchefstroom grew more and more anxious as the hours slipped by.  Midnight came, and no news of the two Generals.  About 3 o’clock in the morning, says the report, an officer sharing the tent of a Lieutenant Colonel by the name of Kock, who was Kemp’s confidant, was awakened by the entrance of a man.  It proved to be Major Kemp.  He leaned over Kock’s bed and whispered something in his ear.

Kock, in a profoundly startled voice, exclaimed, “Oh, God!”

Kemp left immediately, and Kock then whispered to his friend:  “General de la Rey is dood geskiet,” (General de la Rey has been shot dead.)

The effect of this news on South Africa can be imagined.  The whole country was aflame.  This was what the number 15 meant.  The General had indeed “returned home without his hat, followed by a carriage full of flowers.”

Report ran through every town that General de la Rey had been deliberately assassinated by the Government.  As a matter of fact, the report states that the shooting was purely accidental, done by the police under the belief that this motor car which would not halt at their command contained the “Foster gang.”  Beyers exhibited the motor-car everywhere, arousing sentiment to the highest pitch.

The rest was easy.  The rank and file, at least, now believed firmly in the prophet.  He had always said that General Botha would offer no resistance, that the revolution would be bloodless, and thousands went over to the cause led by Maritz and Beyers in this belief.  But it was not until Oct. 12 that martial law was proclaimed in South Africa.  The rebellion had begun.

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[From Punch of London.]

     (Which are said to be rung by order occasionally to announce
     some supposed German victory.)

    The Bells of Berlin, how they hearten the Hun
      (Oh, dingle dong dangle ding dongle ding dee;)
    No matter what devil’s own work has been done
    They chime a loud chant of approval, each one,
    Till the people feel sure of their place in the sun
      (Oh, dangle ding dongle dong dingle ding dee.)

    If Hindenburg hustles an enemy squad
      (Oh, dingle dong dangle ding dongle ding dee,)
    The bells all announce that the alien sod
    Is damp with the death of some thousand men odd,
    Till the populace smiles with a gratified nod
      (Oh, dangle ding dongle dong dingle ding dee.)

    If Tirpitz behaves like a brute on the brine
      (Oh, dingle dong dangle ding dongle ding dee,)
    The bells with a clash and a clamor combine
    To hint that the Hated One’s on the decline,
    And the city gulps down the good tidings like wine,
      (Oh, dangle ding dongle dong dingle ding dee.)

    The Bells of Berlin, are they cracked through and through
      (Oh, dingle dong dangle ding dongle ding dee,)
    Or deaf to the discord like Germany, too? 
    For whether their changes be many or few,
    The worst of them is that they never ring true,
      (Oh, dangle ding dongle dong dingle ding dee.)

Warfare and British Labor

By Earl Kitchener, England’s Secretary of State for War

In his speech delivered in the House of Lords on March 15, 1915, Earl Kitchener calls upon the whole nation to work, not only in supplying the manhood of the country to serve in the ranks, but in supplying the necessary arms, ammunition, and equipment for successful operations in various parts of the world.

For many weeks only trench fighting has been possible owing to the climatic conditions and waterlogged state of the ground.  During this period of apparent inaction, it must not be forgotten that our troops have had to exercise the utmost individual vigilance and resource, and, owing to the proximity of the enemy’s lines, a great strain has been imposed upon them.  Prolonged warfare of this sort might be expected to affect the morale of an army, but the traditional qualities of patience, good temper, and determination have maintained our men, though highly tried, in a condition ready to act with all the initiative and courage required when the moment for an advance arrived.  The recently published accounts of the fighting in France have enabled us to appreciate how successfully our troops have taken the offensive.  The German troops, notwithstanding their carefully prepared and strongly intrenched positions, have been driven back for a considerable distance and the villages of Neuve Chapelle and L’Epinette have been captured and held by our army, with heavy losses to the enemy.

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In these operations our Indian troops took a prominent part and displayed fine fighting qualities.  I will in this connection read a telegram I have received from Sir John French: 

Please transmit following message to Viceroy India:  I am glad to be able to inform your Excellency that the Indian troops under General Sir James Willcocks fought with great gallantry and marked success in the capture of Neuve Chapelle and subsequent fighting which took place on the 10th, 11th, 12th and 13th of this month.  The fighting was very severe and the losses heavy, but nothing daunted them.  Their tenacity, courage and endurance were admirable and worthy of the best traditions of the soldiers of India.

I should like also to mention that the Canadian Division showed their mettle and have received the warm commendation of Sir John French for the high spirit and bravery with which they have performed their part.  Our casualties during the three days’ fighting, though probably severe, are not nearly so heavy as those suffered by the enemy, from whom a large number of prisoners have been taken.

Since I last spoke in this House substantial reinforcements have been sent to France.  They include the Canadian Division, the North Midland Division, and the Second London Division, besides other units.  These are the first complete divisions of the Territorial Force to go to France, where I am sure they will do credit to themselves and sustain the high reputation which the Territorials have already won for themselves there.  The health of the troops has been remarkably good, and their freedom from enteric fever and from the usual diseases incidental to field operations is a striking testimony to the value of inoculation and to the advice and skill of the Royal Army Medical Corps and its auxiliary organizations.

The French army, except for a slight withdrawal at Soissons, owing to their reinforcements being cut off by the swollen state of the Aisne River, have made further important progress at various points on the long line they hold, especially in Champagne.  Association with both our allies in the western theatre has only deepened our admiration of their resolute tenacity and fighting qualities.

In the Eastern theatre the violent German attacks on Warsaw have failed in their purpose, and a considerable concentration of German troops to attack the Russian positions in East Prussia, after causing a retirement, are now either well held or are being driven back.  In the Caucasus fresh defeats have been inflicted by the Russians on the Turks, and the latter have also been repulsed by our forces in Egypt when they attempted to attack the Suez Canal.  The operations now proceeding against the Dardanelles show the great power of the allied fleets, and, although at the present stage I can say no more than what is given in the public press on the subject, your Lordships may rest assured that the matter is well in hand.

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The work of supplying and equipping new armies depends largely on our ability to obtain the war material required.  Our demands on the industries concerned with the manufacture of munitions of war in this country have naturally been very great, and have necessitated that they and other ancillary trades should work at the highest possible pressure.  The armament firms have promptly responded to our appeal, and have undertaken orders of vast magnitude.  The great majority also of the employees have loyally risen to the occasion, and have worked, and are working, overtime and on night shifts in all the various workshops and factories in the country.

Notwithstanding these efforts to meet our requirements, we have unfortunately found that the output is not only not equal to our necessities, but does not fulfill our expectations, for a very large number of our orders have not been completed by the dates on which they were promised.  The progress in equipping our new armies, and also in supplying the necessary war material for our forces in the field, has been seriously hampered by the failure to obtain sufficient labor, and by delays in the production of the necessary plant, largely due to the enormous demands not only of ourselves, but of our allies.

While the workmen generally, as I have said, have worked loyally and well, there have, I regret to say, been instances where absence, irregular timekeeping, and slack work have led to a marked diminution in the output of our factories.  In some cases the temptations of drink account for this failure to work up to the high standard expected.  It has been brought to my notice on more than one occasion that the restrictions of trade unions have undoubtedly added to our difficulties, not so much in obtaining sufficient labor, as in making the best use of that labor.  I am confident, however, that the seriousness of the position as regards our supplies has only to be mentioned, and all concerned will agree to waive for the period of the war any of those restrictions which prevent in the very slightest degree our utilizing all the labor available to the fullest extent that is possible.

I cannot too earnestly point out that, unless the whole nation works with us and for us, not only in supplying the manhood of the country to serve in our ranks, but also in supplying the necessary arms, ammunition, and equipment, successful operations in the various parts of the world in which we are engaged will be very seriously hampered and delayed.  I have heard rumors that the workmen in some factories have an idea that the war is going so well that there is no necessity for them to work their hardest.  I can only say that the supply of war material at the present moment and for the next two or three months is causing me very serious anxiety, and I wish all those engaged in the manufacture and supply of these stores to realize that it is absolutely essential not only that the arrears in the deliveries of our munitions of war should be wiped off, but that the output of every round of ammunition is of the utmost importance, and has a large influence on our operations in the field.

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The bill which my noble friend is about to place before the House as an amendment to the Defense of the Realm act is calculated to rectify this state of things as far as it is possible, and, in my opinion, it is imperatively necessary.  In such a large manufacturing country as our own the enormous output of what we require to place our troops in the field thoroughly equipped and found with ammunition is undoubtedly possible, but this output can only be obtained by a careful and deliberate organization for developing the resources of the country so as to enable each competent workman to utilize in the most useful manner possible all his ability and energy in the common object which we all have in view, which is the successful prosecution and victorious termination of this war. [Cheers.] I feel sure that there is no business or manufacturing firm in this country that will object for one moment to any delay or loss caused in the product of their particular industry when they feel that they and their men are taking part with us in maintaining the soldiers in the field with those necessaries without which they cannot fight.

As I have said, the regular armament firms have taken on enormous contracts vastly in excess of their ordinary engagements in normal times of peace.  We have also spread orders both in the form of direct contracts and subcontracts over a large number of subsidiary firms not accustomed in peace time to this class of manufacture.  It will, I am sure, be readily understood that, when new plant is available for the production of war material, those firms that are not now so engaged should release from their own work the labor necessary to keep the machinery fully occupied on the production for which it is being laid down, as well as to supply sufficient labor to keep working at full power the whole of the machinery which we now have.

I hope that this result will be attained under the provisions of the bill now about to be placed before you.  Labor may very rightly ask that their patriotic work should not be used to inflate the profits of the directors and shareholders of the various great industrial and armament firms, and we are therefore arranging a system under which the important armament firms will come under Government control, and we hope that workmen who work regularly by keeping good time shall reap some of the benefits which the war automatically confers on these great companies.

I feel strongly that the men working long hours in the shops by day and by night, week in and week out, are doing their duty for their King and country in a like manner with those who have joined the army for active service in the field. [Cheers.] They are thus taking their part in the war and displaying the patriotism that has been so manifestly shown by the nation in all ranks, and I am glad to be able to state that his Majesty has approved that where service in this great work of supplying the munitions of war has been thoroughly, loyally and continuously rendered, the award of a medal will be granted on the successful termination of the war. [Cheers.]

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By Rene Bazin

[From King Albert’s Book.]

I believe that King Albert and Belgium, in sacrificing themselves as they have done for right, have saved Europe.

I believe that in order to act with such decision it was essential to have a King, that is to say, a leader responsible to history, of an old and proved stock.

I believe that for such action a Christian nation was essential, a nation capable of understanding, of accepting, and of enduring the ordeal.

I believe that the first duty of the Allies will be to restore the Kingdom of Belgium, and that the example shown by the King and his people will be exalted in all civilized countries as long as the world reads history.

Britain’s Peril of Strikes and Drink

By David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

The gravity of labor disputes in the present time of national danger was dealt with by Mr. Lloyd George in a speech to his constituents at Bangor on Feb. 28, 1915, special reference being made to the Clyde strike.  He declared that compulsory arbitration in war time was imperative, as it was “intolerable that the lives of Britons should be imperiled for a matter of a farthing an hour.”  This was essentially an engineers’ war, for equipment was even more needed than men.  Mr. Lloyd George went on to comment on the adverse effect of drinking upon production, and added:  “We have great powers to deal with drink, and we shall use them.”

I have promised for some time to address a meeting at Bangor.  I have been unable to do so because Ministers of the Crown have been working time and overtime, and I am sorry to say that we are not even able to make the best of the day of rest, the urgency is so great, the pressure is so severe.  I had something to say today, otherwise I should not have been here, and I had something to say that required stating at once.  This is the only day I had to spare.  It is no fault of mine.  It is because we are entirely absorbed in the terrible task which has been cast upon our shoulders.  I happened to have met on Friday morning, before I decided to come down here, one of the most eminent Scottish divines, a great and old friend of mine, Dr. Whyte of Edinburgh.  We were discussing what I have got to say today.  I remarked to him, “I have only one day on which to say it, and as that is Sunday afternoon I am very much afraid my constituents won’t listen to me.”  He replied, “If they won’t have you, come to Scotland, and we will give you the best Sunday afternoon meeting you ever had.”  But I thought I would try Wales first. [Cheers.] He told me that in the Shorter Catechism you are allowed to do works of charity and necessity, and those who tell me that this is not work of necessity do not know the need, the dire need, of their country at this hour.  At this moment there are Welshmen in the trenches of France facing cannon and death; the hammering of forges today is ringing down the church bells from one end of Europe to the other.  When I know these things are going on now on Sunday as well as the week days I am not the hypocrite to say, “I will save my own soul by not talking about them on Sundays.” [Cheers.]

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Do we understand the necessity?  Do we realize it?  Belgium, once comfortably well-to-do, is now waste and weeping, and her children are living on the bread of charity sent them by neighbors far and near.  And France—­the German Army, like a wild beast, has fastened its claws deep into her soil, and every effort to drag them out rends and tears the living flesh of that beautiful land.  The beast of prey has not leaped to our shores—­not a hair of Britain’s head has been touched by him.  Why?  Because of the vigilant watchdog that patrols the deep for us; and that is my complaint against the British Navy.  It does not enable us to realize that Britain at the present moment is waging the most serious war it has ever been engaged in.  We do not understand it.  A few weeks ago I visited France.  We had a conference of the Ministers of Finance of Russia, France, Great Britain, and Belgium.  Paris is a changed city.  Her gayety, her vivacity, is gone.  You can see in the faces of every man there, and of every woman, that they know their country is in the grip of grim tragedy.  They are resolved to overcome it, confident that they will overcome it, but only through a long agony.

No visitor to our shores would realize that we are engaged in exactly the same conflict, and that on the stricken fields of the Continent and along the broads and the narrows of the seas that encircle our islands is now being determined, not merely the fate of the British Empire, but the destiny of the human race for generations to come. [Cheers.] We are conducting a war as if there was no war.  I have never been doubtful about the result of the war, [cheers,] and I will give you my reasons by and by.  Nor have I been doubtful, I am sorry to say, about the length of the war and its seriousness.  In all wars nations are apt to minimize their dangers and the duration.  Men, after all, see the power of their own country; they cannot visualize the power of the enemy.  I have been accounted as a pessimist among my friends in thinking the war would not be over before Christmas.  I have always been convinced that the result is inevitably a triumph for this country.  I have also been convinced that that result will not be secured without a prolonged struggle.  I will tell you why.  I shall do so not in order to indulge in vain and idle surmises as to the duration of the war, but in order to bring home to my countrymen what they are confronted with, so as to insure that they will leave nothing which is at their command undone in order, not merely to secure a triumph, but to secure it at the speediest possible moment.  It is in their power to do so.  It is also in their power, by neglect, by sloth, by heedlessness, to prolong their country’s agony, and maybe to endanger at least the completeness of its triumphs.  This is what I have come to talk to you about this afternoon, for it is a work of urgent necessity in the cause of human freedom, and I make no apology for discussing on a Sunday the best means of insuring human liberty. [Cheers.]

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I will give you first of all my reasons for coming to the conclusion that after this struggle victory must wait on our banners if we properly utilize our resources and opportunities.  The natural resources of the allied countries are overwhelmingly greater than those of their enemies.  In the man capable of bearing arms, in the financial and economic resources of these countries, in their accessibility to the markets of the world through the command of the sea for the purpose of obtaining material and munitions—­all these are preponderatingly in favor of the allied countries.  But there is a greater reason than all these.  Beyond all is the moral strength of our cause, and that counts in a struggle which involves sacrifices, suffering, and privation for all those engaged in it.  A nation cannot endure to the end that has on its soul the crimes of Belgium. [Loud cheers.] The allied powers have at their disposal more than twice the number of men which their enemies can command.  You may ask me why are not those overwhelming forces put into the field at once and this terrible war brought to a triumphant conclusion at the earliest possible moment.  In the answer to that question lies the cause of the war.  The reason why Germany declared war is in the answer to that question.

In the old days when a nation’s liberty was menaced by an aggressor a man took from the chimney corner his bow and arrow or his spear, or a sword which had been left to him by an ancestry of warriors, went to the gathering ground of his tribe, and the nation was fully equipped for war.  That is not the case now.  Now you fight with complicated, highly finished weapons, apart altogether from the huge artillery.  Every rifle which a man handles is a complicated and ingenious piece of mechanism, and it takes time.  The German arsenals were full of the machinery of horror and destruction.  The Russian arsenals were not, and that is the reason for the war.  Had Russia projected war, she also would have filled her arsenals, but she desired above everything peace. ["Hear, hear!”] I am not sure that Russia has ever been responsible for a war of aggression against any of her European neighbors.  Certainly this is not one of them.  She wanted peace, she needed peace, she meant peace, and she would have had peace had she been left alone.  She was at the beginning of a great industrial development, and she wanted peace in order to bring it to its full fructification.  She had repeatedly stood insolences at the hands of Germany up to the point of humiliation, all for peace, and anything for peace.

Whatever any one may say about her internal Government, Russia was essentially a peaceable nation.  The men at the head of her affairs were imbued with the spirit of peace.  The head of her army, the Grand Duke Nicholas, [cheers,] is about the best friend of peace in Europe.  Never was a nation so bent on preserving peace as Russia was.  It is true Germany six or seven years ago had threatened to march

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her legions across the Vistula and trample down Russia in the mud, and Russia, fearing a repetition of the same threat, was putting herself in a position of defense.  But she was not preparing for any aggression, and Germany said, “This won’t do.  We don’t like people who can defend themselves.  We are fully prepared.  Russia is not.  This is the time to plant our dagger of tempered steel in her heart before her breastplates are forged.”  That is why we are at war. [Cheers.] Germany hurried her preparations, made ready for war.  She made a quarrel with the same cool calculation as she had made a new gun.  She hurled her warriors across the frontier.  Why?  Because she wanted to attack somebody, a country that could not defend herself.  It was the purest piece of brigandage in history. [Cheers.] All the same there remains the fact that Russia was taken at a disadvantage, and is, therefore, unable to utilize beyond a fraction the enormous resources which she possesses to protect her soil against the invader.  France was not expecting war, and she, therefore, was taken unawares.

What about Britain?  We never contemplated any war of aggression against any of our neighbors, and therefore we never raised an army adequate to such sinister purposes.  During the last thirty years the two great political parties in the State have been responsible for the policy of this country at home and abroad.  For about the same period we have each been governing this country.  For about fifteen years neither one party nor the other ever proposed to raise an army in this country that would enable us to confront on land a great Continental power.  What does that mean?  We never meant to invade any Continental country. [Cheers.] That is the proof of it.  If we had we would have started our great armies years ago.  We had a great navy, purely for protection, purely for the defense of our shores, and we had an army which was just enough to deal with any small raid that happened to get through the meshes of our navy, and perhaps to police the empire.  That was all, no more.  But now we have to assist neighbors becoming the victims of a power with millions of warriors at its command, and we have to improvise a great army, and gallantly have our men flocked to the standard. [Cheers.] We have raised the largest voluntary army that has been enrolled in any country or any century—­the largest voluntary army, and it is going to be larger. [Cheers.]

I saw a very fine sample of that army this morning at Llandudno.  I attended a service there, and I think it was about the most thrilling religious service I have ever been privileged to attend.  There were men there of every class, every position, every calling, every condition of life.  The peasant had left his plow, the workman had left his lathe and his loom, the clerk had left his desk, the trader and the business man had left their counting houses, the shepherd had left his sunlit hills, and the miner the darkness of the earth, the rich proprietor had

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left his palace, and the man earning his daily bread had quitted his humble cottage.  There were men there of diverse and varied faiths who worshipped at different shrines—­men who were in array against each other months ago in bitter conflict, and I saw them march with one step under one flag to fight for the same cause, and I saw them worship the same God.  What has brought them together?  The love of their native land, resentment for a cruel wrong inflicted upon the weak and defenseless.  More than that, what brought them together was that instinct which comes to humanity at critical times when the moment has arrived to cross rivers of blood in order to rescue humanity from the grip of some strangling despotism. [Cheers.] They have done nobly.  That is what has brought them together, but we want more, [cheers,] and I have no doubt we will get more.

If this country had produced an army which was equal in proportion to its population to the number of men under arms in France and in Germany at the present moment there would be three millions and a half in this country and 1,200,000 in the Colonies. [Cheers.] That is what I mean when I say our resources are quite adequate to the task.  It is not our fight merely—­it is the fight of humanity. [Cheers.] The allied countries between them could raise armies of over twenty millions of men.  Our enemies can put in the field barely half that number.

Much as I should like to talk about the need for more men, that is not the point of my special appeal today.  We stand more in need of equipment than we do of men.  This is an engineers’ war, [cheers,] and it will be won or lost owing to the efforts or shortcomings of engineers.  I have something to say about that, for it involves sacrifices for all of us.  Unless we are able to equip our armies our predominance in men will avail us nothing.  We need men, but we need arms more than men, and delay in producing them is full of peril for this country.  You may say that I am saying things that ought to be kept from the enemy.  I am not a believer in giving any information which is useful to him.  You may depend on it he knows, but I do not believe in withholding from our own public information which they ought to possess, because unless you tell them you cannot invite their co-operation.  The nation that cannot bear the truth is not fit for war, and may our young men be volunteers, while the unflinching pride of those they have left behind them in their deed of sacrifice ought to satisfy the most apprehensive that we are not a timid race, who cannot face unpleasant facts!  The last thing in the world John Bull wants is to be mollycoddled.  The people must be told exactly what the position is, and then we can ask them to help.  We must appeal for the co-operation of employers, workmen, and the general public; the three must act and endure together, or we delay and maybe imperil victory.  We ought to requisition the aid of every man who can handle metal.  It means that the needs of the community in many respects will suffer acutely vexatious, and perhaps injurious, delay; but I feel sure that the public are prepared to put up with all this discomfort, loss, and privation if thereby their country marches triumphantly out of this great struggle. [Cheers.] We have every reason for confidence; we have none for complacency.  Hope is the mainspring of efficiency; complacency is its rust.

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We laugh at things in Germany that ought to terrify us.  We say, “Look at the way they are making their bread—­out of potatoes, ha, ha!” Aye, that potato-bread spirit is something which is more to dread than to mock at.  I fear that more than I do even von Hindenburg’s strategy, efficient as it may be.  That is the spirit in which a country should meet a great emergency, and instead of mocking at it we ought to emulate it.  I believe we are just as imbued with the spirit as Germany is, but we want it evoked. [Cheers.] The average Briton is too shy to be a hero until he is asked.  The British temper is one of never wasting heroism on needless display, but there is plenty of it for the need.  There is nothing Britishers would not give up for the honor of their country or for the cause of freedom.  Indulgences, comforts, even the necessities of life they would willingly surrender.  Why, there are two millions of them at this hour who have willingly tendered their lives for their country.  What more could they do?  If the absorption of all our engineering resources is demanded, no British citizen will grudge his share of inconvenience.

But what about those more immediately concerned in that kind of work?  Here I am approaching something which is very difficult to talk about—­I mean the employers and workmen.  I must speak out quite plainly; nothing else is of the slightest use.  For one reason or another we are not getting all the assistance we have the right to expect from our workers.  Disputes, industrial disputes, are inevitable; and when you have a good deal of stress and strain, men’s nerves are not at their best.  I think I can say I always preserve my temper in these days—­I hope my wife won’t give me away—­[laughter]—­and I have no doubt that the spirit of unrest creeps into the relations between employer and workmen.  Some differences of opinion are quite inevitable, but we cannot afford them now; and, above all, we cannot resort to the usual method of settling them.

I suppose I have settled more labor disputes than any man in this hall, and, although those who only know me slightly may be surprised to hear me say it, the thing that you need most is patience.  If I were to give a motto to a man who is going to a conference between employers and workmen I would say:  “Take your time; don’t hurry.  It will come around with patience and tact and temper.”  But you know we cannot afford those leisurely methods now.  Time is victory, [cheers,] and while employers and workmen on the Clyde have been spending time in disputing over a fraction, and when a week-end, ten days, and a fortnight of work which is absolutely necessary for the defense of the country has been set aside, I say here solemnly that it is intolerable that the life of Britain should be imperiled for the matter of a farthing an hour.

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Who is to blame?  That is not the question, but—­How it is to be stopped?  Employers will say, “Are we always to give way?” Workmen say, “Employers are making their fortunes out of an emergency of the country; why are not we to have a share of the plunder?” ["Hear, hear!” and laughter.] There is one gentleman here who holds that view. [Laughter.] I hope he is not an engineer. [Renewed laughter.] “We work harder than ever,” say the workmen.  All I can say is, if they do they are entitled to their share.  But that is not the point—­who is right?  Who is wrong?  They are both right and they are both wrong.  The whole point is that these questions ought to be settled without throwing away the chances of humanity in its greatest struggle. [Cheers.] There is a good deal to be said for and there is a vast amount to be said against compulsory arbitration, but during the war the Government ought to have power to settle all these differences, and the work should go on.  The workman ought to get more.  Very well, let the Government find it out and give it to him.  If he ought not, then he ought not to throw up his tools.  The country cannot afford it.  It is disaster, and I do not believe the moment this comes home to workmen and employers they will refuse to comply with the urgent demand of the Government.  There must be no delay.

There is another aspect of the question which it is difficult and dangerous to tackle.  There are all sorts of regulations for restricting output.  I will say nothing about the merits of this question.  There are reasons why they have been built up.  The conditions of employment and payment are mostly to blame for those restrictions.  The workmen had to fight for them for their own protection, but in a period of war there is a suspension of ordinary law.  Output is everything in this war.

This war is not going to be fought mainly on the battlefields of Belgium and Poland.  It is going to be fought in the workshops of France and Great Britain; and it must be fought there under war conditions.  There must be plenty of safeguards and the workman must get his equivalent, but I do hope he will help us to get as much out of those workshops as he can, for the life of the nation depends on it.  Our enemies realize that, and employers and workmen in Germany are straining their utmost.  France, fortunately, also realizes it, and in that land of free institutions, with a Socialist Prime Minister, a Socialist Secretary of State for War, and a Socialist Minister of Marine, the employers and workmen are subordinating everything to the protection of their beautiful land.

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I have something more to say about this, and it is unpleasant.  I would wish that it were not I, but somebody else that should say it.  Most of our workmen are putting every ounce of strength into this urgent work for their country, loyally and patriotically.  But that is not true of all.  There are some, I am sorry to say, who shirk their duty in this great emergency.  I hear of workmen in armaments works who refuse to work a full week’s work for the nation’s need.  What is the reason?  They are a minority.  The vast majority belong to a class we can depend upon.  The others are a minority.  But, you must remember, a small minority of workmen can throw a whole works out of gear.  What is the reason?  Sometimes it is one thing, sometimes it is another, but let us be perfectly candid.  It is mostly the lure of the drink.  They refuse to work full time, and when they return their strength and efficiency are impaired by the way in which they have spent their leisure.  Drink is doing us more damage in the war than all the German submarines put together.

What has Russia done? [Cheers.] Russia, knowing her deficiency, knowing how unprepared she was, said, “I must pull myself together.  I am not going to be trampled upon, unready as I am.  I will use all my resources.”  What is the first thing she does?  She stops the drink. [Cheers.] I was talking to M. Bark, the Russian Minister of Finance, a singularly able man, and I asked, “What has been the result?” He said, “The productivity of labor, the amount of work which is put out by the workmen, has gone up between 30 and 50 per cent.” [Cheers.] I said, “How do they stand it without their liquor?” and he replied, “Stand it?  I have lost revenue over it up to L65,000,000 a year, and we certainly cannot afford it, but if I proposed to put it back there would be a revolution in Russia.”  That is what the Minister of Finance told me.  He told me that it is entirely attributable to the act of the Czar himself.  It was a bold and courageous step—­one of the most heroic things in the war. [Cheers.] One afternoon we had to postpone our conference in Paris, and the French Minister of Finance said, “I have got to go to the Chamber of Deputies, because I am proposing a bill to abolish absinthe.” [Cheers.] Absinthe plays the same part in France that whisky plays in this country.  It is really the worst form of drink used; not only among workmen, but among other classes as well.  Its ravages are terrible, and they abolished it by a majority of something like 10 to 1 that afternoon. [Cheers.]

That is how those great countries are facing their responsibilities.  We do not propose anything so drastic as that—­we are essentially moderate men. [Laughter.] But we are armed with full powers for the defense of the realm.  We are approaching it, I do not mind telling you, for the moment, not from the point of view of people who have been considering this as a social problem—­we are approaching it purely from the point of view of these works. 

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We have got great powers to deal with drink, and we mean to use them. [Cheers.] We shall use them in a spirit of moderation, we shall use them discreetly, we shall use them wisely, but we shall use them fearlessly, [cheers,] and I have no doubt that, as the country’s needs demand it, the country will support our action and will allow no indulgence of that kind to interfere with its prospects in this terrible war which has been thrust upon us.

There are three things I want you to bear in mind.  The first is—­and I want to get this into the minds of every one—­that we are at war; the second, that it is the greatest war that has ever been fought by this or any other country, and the other, that the destinies of your country and the future of the human race for generations to come depend upon the outcome of this war.  What does it mean were Germany to win?  It means world power for the worst elements in Germany, not for Germany.  The Germans are an intelligent race; they are undoubtedly a cultivated race; they are a race of men who have been responsible for great ideas in this world.  But this would mean the dominance of the worst elements among them.  If you think I am exaggerating just you read for the moment extracts from the articles in the newspapers which are in the ascendency now in Germany about the settlement which they expect after this war.  I am sorry to say I am stating nothing but the bare, brutal truth.  I do not say that the Kaiser will sit on the throne of England if he should win.  I do not say that he will impose his laws and his language on this country as did William the Conqueror.  I do not say that you will hear the tramp, the noisy tramp of the goose step in the cities of the Empire. [Laughter.] I do not say that Death’s Head Hussars will be patrolling our highways.  I do not say that a visitor, let us say, to Aberdaron, will have to ask a Pomeranian policeman the best way to Hell’s Mouth. [Loud laughter.] That is not what I mean.  What I mean is that if Germany were triumphant in this war it would practically be the dictator of the international policy of the world.  Its spirit would be in the ascendant.  Its doctrines would be in the ascendant; by the sheer power of its will it would bend the minds of men in its own fashion.  Germanism in its later and worst form would be the inspiriting thought and philosophy of the hour.

Do you remember what happened to France after 1870?  The German armies left France, but all the same for years after that, and while France was building up her army, she stood in cowering terror of this monster.  Even after her great army was built France was oppressed with a constant anxiety as to what might happen.  Germany dismissed her Ministers.  Had it not been for the intervention of Queen Victoria in 1874 the French Army would never have been allowed to be reconstructed, and France would simply have been the humble slave of Germany to this hour.  What a condition for a country!  And now France is fighting not so much

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to recover her lost provinces, she is fighting to recover her self-respect and her national independence; she is fighting to shake off this nightmare that has been on her soul for over a generation, [cheers,] a France with Germany constantly meddling, bullying, and interfering.  And that is what would happen if Russia were trampled upon, France broken, Britain disarmed.  We should be left without any means to defend ourselves.  We might have a navy that would enable us, perhaps, to resent insult from Nicaragua, [laughter,] we might have just enough troops, perhaps, to confront the Mad Mullah—­I mean the African specimen. [Loud laughter.]

Where would the chivalrous country be to step in to protect us as we protected France in 1874?  America?  If countries like Russia and France, with their huge armies, and the most powerful navy in the world could not face this terrible military machine, if it breaks that combination, how can America step in?  It would be more than America can do to defend her own interests on her own continent if Germany is triumphant.  They are more unready than we were.  Ah! but what manner of Germany would we be subordinate to?  There has been a struggle going on in Germany for over thirty years between its best and its worst elements.  It is like that great struggle which is depicted, I think, in one of Wagner’s great operas between the good and the evil spirit for the possession of the man’s soul.  That great struggle has been going on in Germany for thirty or forty years.  At each successive general election the better elements seemed to be getting the upper hand, and I do not mind saying I was one of those who believed they were going to win.  I thought they were going to snatch the soul of Germany—­it is worth saving, it is a great, powerful soul—­I thought they were going to save it.  So a dead military caste said, “We will have none of this,” and they plunged Europe into seas of blood.  Hope was again shattered.  Those worst elements will emerge triumphant out of this war if Germany wins.

What does that mean?  We shall be vassals, not to the best Germany, not to the Germany of sweet songs and inspiring, noble thoughts—­not to the Germany of science consecrated to the service of man, not to the Germany of a virile philosophy that helped to break the shackles of superstition in Europe—­not to that Germany, but to a Germany that talked through the raucous voice of Krupp’s artillery, a Germany that has harnessed science to the chariot of destruction and of death, the Germany of a philosophy of force, violence, and brutality, a Germany that would quench every spark of freedom either in its own land or in any other country in rivers of blood.  I make no apology on a day consecrated to the greatest sacrifice for coming here to preach a holy war against that. [Great cheering.]

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Concluding this speech in Welsh, Mr. Lloyd George said:  “War is a time of sacrifice and of service.  Some can render one service, some another, some here and some there.  Some can render great assistance, others but little.  There is not one who cannot help in some measure, whether it be only by enduring cheerfully his share of the discomfort.  In the old Welsh legend there is a story of a man who was given a series of what appeared to be impossible tasks to perform ere he could reach the desires of his heart.  Among other things he had to do was to recover every grain of seed that had been sown in a large field and bring it all in without one missing by sunset.  He came to an anthill and won all the hearts and enlisted the sympathies of the industrious little people.  They spread over the field, and before sundown the seed was all in except one, and as the sun was setting over the western skies a lame ant hobbled along with that grain also.  Some of us have youth and vigor and suppleness of limb; some of us are crippled with years or infirmities, and we are at best but little ants.  But we can all limp along with some share of our country’s burden, and thus help her in this terrible hour to win the desire of her heart.” [Loud cheers.]

Mr. Lloyd George and his party returned after the meeting to Llandudno, where today he will inspect the First Brigade of the Welsh Army Corps.


LONDON, April 14.—­The Times says this morning:

An important step has at last been taken by the Government toward the solution of the supreme problem of the moment—­the organization of the national output of munitions of war.  A strong committee has been appointed, with full power to deal with the question.  It is to be representative of not merely one department but of the Treasury, Admiralty, War Office, and Board of Trade; in short, of the whole Government, with all its resources and authority.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer is to be Chairman, and the first meeting will be held today.

The work before the committee is nothing less than the organization of the whole resources of the nation for the production of materials of war.  Hitherto, in spite of many warnings and some half-hearted attempts at organization, there has been no central, co-ordinated authority.

It is an open secret that it was during Lloyd George’s visit to France at the beginning of the year that he first appreciated the scientific organization of labor which our Allies had already achieved.  Not content with utilizing and extending the existing armament plant, the French have long since diverted several temporarily irrelevant industries to the main business of waging war.

With reference to the drink problem The Times says:

While the Government is apparently considering the expropriation of all the licensed houses in the kingdom, this far-reaching proposal has not at present gone beyond the stage of inquiry and consultation, and it is tolerably certain that it will go no farther unless it is assured of no serious opposition in the country.

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The Parliamentary Opposition, the leaders of which have been consulted in a general way, are believed to stand by the principle which they followed since the war began, namely:  They are not prepared to quarrel with any measure which the Government regards as necessary for the active prosecution of the war so long as no injustice is done to established interests.

Italy’s Evolution as Reflected in Her Press

Italy has reached her present position through the development of a policy the steps of which have been brightly illuminated by the press of the Peninsula.  The most important of these steps may be designated as follows: 
First, the declaration of the Government to the German Ambassador at Rome on Aug. 1, 1914, that it did not regard the conflict begun by Austria-Hungary and Germany as a defensive war and hence not binding on it as a member of the Triple Alliance, and its subsequent declarations of “neutrality,” of “armed neutrality,” and of “a neutrality which is likely to be broken if the interests of the country demanded it.”
Second, Premier Salandra’s speech of Dec. 3 for “armed, alert neutrality,” and the declaration in Parliament on Dec. 5 by Signor Giolitti showing that the declaration of Aug. 1 was merely a repetition of one conveyed to Austria in the Summer of 1913, when Austria had suggested that she aid Bulgaria in subduing Serbia.
Third, the arrival in Rome in December of the former German Imperial Chancellor, Prince von Buelow, as Extraordinary Ambassador to the Quirinal, for the purpose of keeping Italy neutral, and, when this seemed doubtful, to negotiate between Italy and Austria what territorial compensation the latter would render the former in order to perpetuate the neutrality of the Peninsula.
Aside from the influence of these official acts, which invited press comments, the Italian papers have paid keen attention to the conduct of the war, concerning which the Government could not, on account of its neutrality, offer an opinion.  Among such incidents of conduct have been the British declaration of a protectorate over Egypt and the bombardment of the Dardanelles by the Franco-British fleet.

     In order to weigh the full significance of the comments of the
     Italian papers on these subjects a word may be said concerning
     the status of the journals themselves: 

The most conspicuous is the Idea Nazionale, a paper of Rome practically dedicated to intervention.  Then comes the conservative and solid Corriere della Sera of Milan, whose Rome correspondent, Signor Torre, has peculiar facilities for learning the intentions of the Ministry.  Both the Tribuna and the Giornale d’Italia are considered Government organs, but, while the former rarely comments with authority except on accomplished facts, the latter, although often voicing the unofficial

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and personal opinions of Premier Salandra, who is known to be privately in favor of intervention, also voices the sentiment of former Premier Giolitti, who is known to be for continued neutrality.  The Stampa of Turin is a Giolitti organ.
The Osservatore Romano is the well-known Vatican organ, which naturally supports Austria, a Catholic country, where such support does not conflict too pointedly with the sentiments of Catholics in neutral countries.  Other clerical papers with strong pro-German opinions and with German industrial backing are the Corriere d’Italia and the Popolo Romano.  The Messaggero of Rome and the Secolo of Milan, influenced by important British and French interests, are for intervention at all costs.  The Avanti is the Socialist organ.


From the Corriere della Sera, Aug. 2, 1914:

Italy’s decision to remain neutral is based on three causes: 

1.  The terms of the Triple Alliance call for Italy’s participation in war only if Germany or Austria-Hungary is attacked by another power.  The present war is not a defensive war, but one brought on by Austria-Hungary and Germany.

2.  The spirit of the alliance demands that no warlike action be taken involving the three countries without full mutual discussion and agreement.  Italy was not even consulted by Austria-Hungary and the course of events was brought to her knowledge only by news agency reports.

3.  When Italy went to war with Turkey, Austria prevented her from acting with a free hand in the Adriatic and the Aegean, thereby prolonging the war at an enormous cost in men and money to Italy.  Italy would be justified in acting in precisely the same manner now toward Austria-Hungary.

From Secolo, Sept. 3, 1914:

During the last few days we have assisted at a deplorable example of our Latin impressionability.  The first German victories have made Italians waver, and Germany is taking advantage of the popular nervousness, and is working on public opinion in countless ways.  Italy is invaded by Germans, who assert that Germany will issue victorious, and that her commercial and industrial activity will not be arrested.  We are inundated with German letters, telegrams, newspapers, and private communications from German commercial houses, all asserting that Germany will win, and that Italy should keep neutral, to be on the winning side.

We are not of that opinion.  We cannot lose sight of England.  Germany knows that England represents her great final danger, hence the bitterness with which she speaks of England in all the above communications.  England is not playing a game of bluff.  She is not impotent by land, as Germany says, and may give Germany a mortal blow by sea.  The war may possibly end in a titanic duel between England and Germany.  In this case England will go through with the struggle calmly and grimly, smiling at difficulties and disregarding losses.

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From the Corriere d’Italia, Sept. 17, 1914:

We do not know what Italy will do tomorrow, but we are of opinion that, in face of all eventualities, it is the elementary duty of patriotism not to trouble the calm expectancy of public opinion and not to mar the task of the Government, already difficult enough.

From the Messaggero, Sept. 18, 1914:

The Italian Nation is beginning to ask itself whether it ought to remain until the conclusion of peace in an attitude of resignation.  It is necessary for us with clear vision to take our place in the fighting line.  While the destinies of a new Europe are being decided on the battlefields of Champagne, Belgium, Galicia, and Hungary the Government is assuming a grave responsibility before the country in deciding to be disinterested in the struggle.  The keen popular awakening which is manifested in demonstrations, meetings, and public discussions shows that growing preoccupation and varied uneasiness will not cease so long as the fate of the country is not decided at the right time by men who by temperament are best fitted to be interpreters of the soul and the interests of the nation.

From the Corriere della Sera, Oct. 4, 1914:

Many who now invoke a war of liberation complained at the beginning of August that Italy had not helped her allies.  The declaration of neutrality then seemed the greatest act of wisdom performed by Italy for many years.  Now, however, we must think of the future.  Let us remember that the powers will only support our wishes when they have need of us.  Gratitude and sympathy are mere phrases when the map of Europe is being redrawn.  If Italy desire to safeguard her interests in the Adriatic she cannot postpone her decision till the last moment.  Italy is isolated; the Triple Alliance treaty cannot defend her even if it be still in force.  Italy and Austria, as Count Nigra and Prince Buelow said, must be allies or enemies.  Can they remain allies after what has happened?


From the Idea Nazionale, Dec. 3, 1914:

The day on which Italy will undertake to realize those aspirations she will find full and unconditional support.  Great Britain is favorable to Italy gaining supremacy in the Adriatic, which is so necessary to her existence.  If Great Britain needs Italy’s support in Africa it will be only a matter of one or two army corps, and such an expedition, while having a great moral and political importance, would not diminish Italian military power in Europe.

From the Avanti, Dec. 4, 1914:

Premier Salandra’s speech was Jesuitical.  It contents the Jingoes by certain dubious phrases, while discontenting the Clerical and Conservative neutrals.

From the Corriere d’Italia, Dec. 4, 1914:

This much-applauded word, “aspirations,” was not (in Signor Salandra’s speech) meant to refer to any particular belligerent, and the Cabinet consequently has no program.

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From the Stampa, Dec. 5, 1914:

Austria, before the war, disclaimed any intention of occupying Serbia, and her declaration cannot be disregarded by Italy, whose relations with Austria have been always conditional on the maintenance of the Balkan status quo, which Austria now threatens to alter.  The Italian Government cannot ignore this condition, especially as during the Libyan war Austria menaced Italy, unless she desisted from bombarding the Albanian coast.  Thus the Serbian situation may constitute a new factor.

From the Corriere della Sera, Jan. 31, 1915:

Italy’s true policy is to come to a friendly agreement with the Slavs, which will guarantee their mutual interests.  Italy wants a national settlement in the Balkan Peninsula, independent of the great powers.  In no circumstances can Italy bind her lot to Austria-Hungary’s policy.


From the Idea Nazionale, Dec. 19, 1914:

The British Government’s act merely sanctions a situation already existing in fact since 1882.  In our governing circle it is not thought that the change of regime in Egypt will occasion, at least for the time being, any great modifications in public law in relation to the international statutes regulating the position of foreigners in Egypt.

From the Tribuna, Dec. 20, 1914:

The Mediterranean agreement, in which Italy, too, has taken part, implicitly recognized the actual status England had acquired in Egypt.  Now the war has demonstrated the judicial incongruity of a Turkish province in which and for which the English had to carry out warlike operations against Turkey.  The protectorate already existed in substance, and Great Britain might now even have proclaimed annexation.

From the Giornale d’Italia, Dec. 19, 1914:

Great Britain had for some months been preparing this event, which legally regulates a situation which has existed in fact.  The present situation has been brought about without any disturbance, like everything that England does, in silence, neatly and without disturbing any one.  Nobody can be astonished at Great Britain’s declaration of a protectorate over Egypt.


From the Giornale d’Italia, March 7, 1915:

It will be extremely difficult for Italy longer to remain neutral.  The attack by the allied fleet on the Dardanelles has brought up three great problems affecting Italian interests.  The first of these problems is the new rule to allow Russia access to the Mediterranean through the Dardanelles; the second concerns the equilibrium of the Balkans, and the third the partition of Asiatic Turkey, which affects the equilibrium of the Eastern Mediterranean.  It is impossible for Italy to keep out of the solution of such problems unless she be satisfied to see not only the powers of the Triple Entente settle these affairs according to their interests, but also the small but audacious and resolute nation, Greece.

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From the Messaggero, March 17, 1915:

The cession of the Trentino would be valueless if it implied the abandonment of Italian aspirations in Venetia Giulia, (land west of the Julian Alps,) in the Adriatic, and in Asia Minor, and submission to German policy.  We cannot obtain by neutrality the territory we want, nor, if we renew the Triple Alliance, can we make an agreement with Great Britain for our security in the Mediterranean.


From the Corriere della Sera, Feb. 8, 1915:

Happily our aspirations in the Adriatic, our interests in the Central Mediterranean and in Northern Africa coincide admirably with the policy which it is easiest for us to pursue.  Unless we profit with the utmost prudence, with the greatest circumspection, by the present rare opportunity which history offers us to set the finishing touches to our unification, to render our land and sea frontiers immeasurably more secure than they are, to harmonize our foreign with our domestic policy, we shall experience after the close of the war the darkest and most difficult days of our existence.  The crisis through which we are passing is the gravest we have yet encountered.  Let us make it a crisis of growth, not a symptom of irreparable senile decay.

From the Stampa, March 15, 1915:

There is surely no possibility of an Austro-Italian war without German intervention.  If Italy attacks Austria, Germany will attack Italy; nor will Austria make concessions, for Austria, like Turkey, never changes her system, even when wrong.

From the Giornale d’Italia, March 19, 1915:

Italy either can obtain peacefully immediate and certain satisfaction of her sacred aspirations, together with the protection of her great and complex interests, or she can have recourse to the supreme test of arms.  It is absurd to think that Italy, after seven months of preparation, when she is in an especially advantageous diplomatic and military position, will be satisfied with the Biblical mess of pottage or less—­mere promises.

However negotiations go the great national interests must be protected at any costs.  This is the firm will of the country and the duty of the Government.  For fifty years Italy has made great sacrifices to be an element of peace in Europe.  The equilibrium and peace of the Continent were broken through the fault of others against Italy’s desire and without consulting her.  Others have the responsibility for the present terrible crisis, but Italy would be unworthy if she did not issue with honor and advantage from the conflict.  Greece, Rumania, and Bulgaria are awaiting Italy’s move and will follow suit.  Thus Italian influence is great at this moment, which must be seized, as it is in her power to contribute to the formation of a new international combination.


Page 112


(Respectfully submitted to the British Government.)

    Great Churchill’s plan to fool the foe is simple and unique—­
    You only take a neutral flag and hoist it at your peak. 
    Thereby a ship with funnels four looks just like one with two,
    Because the pattern has been changed on her Red, White, and Blue.

    Now, cannot you improve on this, and so protect your towns,
    As well as all your gallant ships at anchor in the Downs? 
    Old London, with the Stars and Stripes, might well pass for New York;
    And Baltimore for Maryland instead of County Cork.

    To mouth of Thames (N-O-R-E) just add four letters more,
    Then hoist the Danish ensign, and, behold, ’tis Elsinore! 
    And Paris will be Washington if, on the Eiffel Tower,
    They raise the flag of U.S.A., (a well-known neutral power.)

    Your sailors might wear Leghorn hats, and out upon the blue,
    They’d look like sons of Italy, (at present neutral, too;)
    And, if upon your King the Hun would try to work some ill,
    With pickelhaube on his head he’d pass for Uncle Bill.


[German Cartoon]

The Fatal Moment In America

[Illustration:  _—­From Simplicissimus, Munich._

“Citizens of America, protect your existence and your honor by the force of arms!”

“Sorry, but just now we happen to be sold out!”]

[English Cartoon]

Top Dog

[Illustration:  _—­From The Bystander, London._]

[German Cartoon]

England’s “Splendid Isolation”

[Illustration:  _—­From Simplicissimus, Munich._]

[English Cartoon]

The Sultan “Over the Water”

[Illustration:  _—­From Punch, London._

MEHMED V. (to Constantinople):  “I don’t want to leave you, but I think I ought to go.”]

[German Cartoon]

Churchill’s Flag Swindle

[Illustration:  _—­From Simplicissimus, Munich._

“Really I don’t care to go out any more in these disgraceful rags!”

“Cheer up, Mrs. Britannia, just steal something better!”]

[German Cartoon]

May God Punish England!

[Illustration:  [Reproduction of a cover design of a widely advertised issue of “Simplicissimus,” the German comic weekly published in Munich.  The legend at the top reads, “May God Punish England!"]]

[Italian Cartoon]

Speeches of the Kaiser in 1915

[Illustration:  _—­From L’Asino, Rome._

JANUARY:  “I alone will defeat the world.”

MARCH:  “Naturally, with God’s help.”

JUNE:  “All goes badly—­the fault is not mine.”

DECEMBER:  “The fault is his.”]

[English Cartoon]

Our Embarrassing Cousin

Page 113

[Illustration:  _—­From The Bystander, London._

JONATHAN:  “In spite ’f my noo-trality, John, d’ye notice how ’ffectionate I am?—­how I sympathise with yer?”

JOHN BULL:  “M—­m’yes, that’s all right, but I should like it better just now if you’d leave my hands a bit freer to fight those rascals as they deserve!”]

[German Cartoon]

John Bull at the Costumer’s

[Illustration:  _—­From Simplicissimus, Munich._

“What costume shall I choose so that none will recognize me?”

“Why don’t you go as a gentleman?”]

[English Cartoon]

William o’ the Wisp

[Illustration:  _—­From Punch, London._]

[German Cartoon]

American Neutrality

[Illustration:  _—­From Meggendorfer-Blaetter, Munich._]

[English Cartoon]

What the War Office Has to Put Up With

[Illustration:  _—­From Punch, London._

Demonstration of a device for catching bombs from airships.]

[German Cartoon]

Va Banque!

[Illustration:  _—­From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

The Monte Carlo habitue’s last play.]

[Italian Cartoon]

The Final Earthquake—­In Germany

[Illustration:  _—­From L’Asino, Rome._

By the grace of God and the will of the nation.

[The falling columns are marked “feudalism” and “militarism."]]

[German Cartoon]

From the English Eating-House

[Illustration:  _—­From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

England utilizes the refuse of her domestic establishment as cannon fodder.]

[English Cartoon]

The Bread-Winner

[Illustration:  _—­From Punch, London._]

[Italian Cartoon]

Italy’s Neutrality

[Illustration:  _—­From L’Asino, Rome._

Every day the dance becomes more difficult.

(The dancer is the German Ambassador, von Buelow.)]

[English Cartoon]

Busy Packing

[Illustration:  _—­From The Bystander, London._

SULTAN MEHMED:  “’Am I there’?!!  I should rather think I am!!  We’re being ‘moved,’ you know.  And the hammering outside is something too awful!!”

His ISLAMIC MAJESTY HADJI GUILLIOUN:  “Kismet, my boy, Kismet!  Besides, I feel sure you’ll be awfully pleased with Asia Minor—­so quiet!—­we Mussulmans always feel so at home there, too!”

(The English preface their telephone conversations with “Are you there?” instead of “Hello!")]

[German Cartoon]

In the Cause of Culture

[Illustration:  _—­From Simplicissimus, Munich._

“Papa has gone away to Europe to protect the nice Englishmen from the savages.  If you are very good, perhaps he will bring you back a nice German beefsteak.”]

[English Cartoon]

Queen Elizabeth in the Dardanelles

Page 114

[Illustration:  _—­From Punch, London._

(The reference is to the huge British dreadnought that bears the name of
England’s famous queen.)]

[French Cartoon]

The “Sick Man” At Home

[Illustration:  _—­From Le Rire, Paris._

The camel with two humps.

(The original title was “Le Chameau a deux Boches.”  In French slang a
German is a bosche.)]

[German Cartoon]

“The Cripple-Entente”

[Illustration:  _—­From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

As it must finally be.]

[French Cartoon]

Beware of the John-Bull-Dog!

[Illustration:  _—­From Le Rire, Paris._

“Go lie down, contemptible little England!”

“What I get my teeth into I hang onto!”]

[German Cartoon]

The Great Question

[Illustration:  _—­From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

“If I remain neutral, will you remain neutral?”

“If you were neutral, would he be neutral?”

“If he is neutral then we will remain neutral.”

“If we remain neutral, will they remain neutral?”

“And you also, neutral?”

“Shall you remain neutral?”]

Facsimile of a Belgian Bread-Check

[Illustration:  The card is in French and Flemish.  The face reads:  “No. 6,715.  Gratis.  City of Brussels, Department of Public Supplies.  Committee No. 1.  Street ——.  Card issued to the family ——­, living at ——­, for the daily delivery of ——­ portions.  To be presented at ——­Street.  N.B.—­Victuals will be delivered only to the father or mother of a family.”  The reverse side bears stamps showing the dates on which rations were issued to the holder.  The original is somewhat larger than this reproduction.]



    You may seek and find if you will, perchance,
    Excuses for your attack on France,
    And perhaps ’twill not be so hard to show
    Why England finds you her deadly foe;
    There are reasons old and reasons new
    For feelings hard ’twixt the Russ and you,
    But talk as you may till the Judgment Day,
    You cannot ever explain away—­

    You have used both speech and the printed word
    To have your side of the story heard,
    We have listened long, we have listened well
    To everything that you had to tell,
    We would fain be fair, but it seems as though
    You can’t explain what we wish to know,
    And when lesser points have been cleared away,
    You are sure to fail us when we say—­

Page 115

    You may rant and talk about British gold,
    And opinions that are bought and sold,
    But facts, no matter how hard to face,
    Are facts, and the horrors taking place
    In that little land, pledged to honor’s creed,
    Make your cause a luckless one to plead. 
    There are two sides?  True.  But when both are heard,
    Our sad hearts echo a single word—­

We are not misled by the savage tales An invading army never fails To have told of it.  There are false and true, And we want to render you your due.  But our hearts go out to that ravished land Where a few grim heroes make their stand, And our ears hear faintly, from overseas, The wailing cry of those refugees—­ "Belgium—­Belgium—­Belgium!"

America’s Neutrality

By Count Albert Apponyi

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, March 28, 1915.]

The letter which follows was sent by Count Albert Apponyi to Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, and was written in the latter part of last month in Budapest.  Count Apponyi, who is one of the most distinguished of contemporary European statesmen, was President of the Hungarian Parliament from 1872 to 1904.  He was formerly Minister of Public Instruction, Privy Councillor, Member of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, and Member of the Interparliamentary Union.

I have been greatly interested in your account of American neutrality in the present European crisis.  I must confess that I had seen it in a somewhat different light before and that some of the facts under our notice still appear to me as hardly concordant with the magnificent attitude of impartiality, nay, not even with the international duties of neutrality, which intellectual and official America professes to keep.

We cannot explain to ourselves that a neutral power should suffer the selling of arms and ammunition by its citizens to one of the belligerent parties, when no such selling to the other party is practically feasible; we cannot understand why America should meekly submit to the dictates of England, declaring all foodstuffs and manufacturing materials contraband of war, with not even a show of right and with the clear and openly proclaimed intention of starving Germany and Austria-Hungary; why, on the other hand, America should use an almost threatening language against Germany, and against Germany alone, when the latter country announces reprisals against the English trade, which, under given circumstances, can be considered only as acts of legitimate self-defense against an enemy who chooses to wage war not on our soldiers only, but on our women and children, too.

Page 116

With all the respect we feel for the United States, we cannot find this attitude of their Government either fair or dignified.  I offer these remarks in no spirit of uncalled-for criticism, but because I see how much the moral authority of the United States and their splendid situation as the providential peace makers of some future—­alas! still far off—­day has been impaired by the aforementioned proceedings.  We cannot help considering them as so many acts of ill-disguised hostility against ourselves and of compliance with our foes.  How can you expect, then, to have your good offices accepted with confidence by both belligerent parties when the times are ripe for them?  It seems like the throwing away of a magnificent opportunity, and I think that those who, like yourself, cherish for your country the noble ambition of being some day the restorer of peace, should exert themselves to prevent practices which, if continued, would disable her to play any such part.

In your letter you strike the keynote of what I cannot help considering the partiality of Americans for the Entente powers.  It is the idea that “in the western area of conflict, at least, there is an armed clash between the representatives of dynastic institutions and bureaucratic rule on the one hand with those of representative government and liberal institutions on the other.”  I can understand that it impresses some people that way, but I beg to enter a protest against this interpretation of the conflict.

Liberal or less liberal institutions have nothing to do with it in the west; the progress of democracy in Germany will not be stopped by her victory, it will rather be promoted by it, because the masses are conscious of bearing the burden of war and of being the main force of its vigorous prosecution, and they are enlightened and strong enough to insist on a proper reward.  Rights cannot be denied to those who fulfilled duties involving self-sacrifice of the sublimest kind with unflinching devotion.  No practical interest of democracy then is involved in the conflict of the western powers.

As to their representing liberal institutions in a higher or lower degree, I am perfectly willing to admit England’s superior claims in that respect, but I am not at all inclined to recognize such superiority in modern France, republic though she calls herself.  The omnipresence and omnipotence of an obtruding bureaucratic officialism is just what it has been under the old monarchy; religious oppression has only changed sides, but it still flourishes as before.  In former times the Roman Catholic religion was considered as a State religion and in her name were dissent and Freemasonry oppressed; today atheism is the official creed, and on its behalf are Catholic believers oppressed.

Separation of Church and State, honestly planned and loyally fulfilled in America has been perverted in modern France into a network of vexations and unfair measures against the Church and her faithful servants; the same term is used and this misleads you to cover widely different meanings.  In a word, it is a perfect mistake to consider modern France as the “sweet land of liberty” which America is.  A German citizen, with less show of political rights, enjoys more personal freedom than is granted to a French one, if he happens to differ from the ruling mentality.

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So stand things in the western area of conflict.  But how about the east?  You are kind enough to admit in your letter that “from this (the aforementioned) standpoint of course the appearance of Russia among the allies is an anomaly and must be explained on other grounds.”  Anomaly is a rather tame word to characterize the meaning of this appearance of Russia.  I should hardly designate it by this term.

She does not “appear among the allies.”  She is the leading power among them; it is her war, as Mr. Tsvolski, the Russian Ambassador to Paris, very properly remarked:  “C’est ma guerre.”  She planned it, she gave Austria-Hungary no chance to live on peaceful terms with her neighbors, she forced it upon us, she drew France into it by offering her a bait which that poor country could not resist, she created the situation which England considered as her best opportunity for crushing Germany.  I must repeat it over and over again:  it is in its origin a Russian war, with a clearly outlined Russian program of conquest.

Here, then, you have a real clash between two principles; not shades of principles as these may subsist between Germany and her western foes, but principles in all their essential features; not between different tints of gray, but between black and white, between affirmation and negation; affirmation of the principle of human dignity, liberty, safety, and negation of the same; western evolution and eastern reaction.

I wonder why those prominent Americans who are so deeply impressed by the comparatively slight shades of liberalism differentiating Germany from England and France are not struck by the absolute contrast existing between Muscovitism and western civilized rule as represented by Austria-Hungary and Germany; that they overlook the outstanding fact that while in the western area the conflict has nothing whatever to do with the principles embodied in the home policy of the belligerents, in the east, on the other hand, these principles will in truth be affected by the results of war, since a Russian victory, followed by a Russian conquest, would mean the retrogression of western institutions and the corresponding expansion of eastern ones over a large area and large numbers of men.

It is the consciousness of fighting in this war which has been forced upon us, against the direst calamity threatening our kind and on behalf of the most precious conquests of progress and civilization, which enhances our moral force so as to make it unconquerable.  The hope which I expressed in my first letter, that Serbia’s doom would soon be fulfilled, has been prostrated by the mistakes of an over-confident Commander in Chief; but that means postponement only and does not alter the prospects of war in their essentials.

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Good progress is achieved in the campaign against Russia; a chapter of it may be brought to a happy close before long.  The spirit of the country shows no symptom of weakening; it is really wonderful what a firm resolve pervades our whole people, though every man between twenty and forty-two stands in the field, and though the losses are frightful.  Economically we hold out easily; the expenses of war are defrayed by inner loans, which give unexpected results; every bit of arable land is tilled as in time of peace, the old, the women and the half-grown youths doing the work of their absent supporters, neighbors assisting each other in a spirit of brotherhood truly admirable.  In cases of urgent need we have the prisoners of war, whose number increased to nearly 300,000 (in Austria-Hungary alone) and to whom it is a real boon to find employment in the sort of work they are accustomed to.

The manufacturing interest, of course, suffers severe losses; but the number of the unemployed is rather less than usual, since a greater part of the “hands” is absorbed by the army.  In a word, though the sufferings of war are keenly felt, they are less severe than had been expected, and there is not the smallest indication of a break-down.  The area of Germany, Austria, and Hungary taken as a whole is self-supporting with regard to foodstuffs.  The English scheme of starving us is quite as silly as it is abominable.  England can, of course, inflict severe losses on our manufacturers by closing the seas against their imports and exports; but this is not a matter of life and death, such as the first reprisals of Germany, if successful, may prove to England.

Generally speaking, it seems likely that England will be caught in the net of her own intrigue.  She did not scruple to enlist the services of Japan against her white enemies, but this act of treachery will be revenged upon herself.  The latest proceedings of Japan against China can have one meaning only—­the wholesale expulsion of the white man from Eastern Asia.  The Japs do not care one straw who wins in Europe; they seized upon their own opportunity for their own purposes.  England only gets her deserts; but how do Americans feel about it?  Can America be absolved from a certain amount of responsibility for what may soon prove imminent danger to herself?  Has not her partiality for England given encouragement to methods of warfare unprecedented in the history of civilized nations and fruitful of evil consequences to neutral nations?

To us, in our continental position, all this means much less than it means to you.  It does not endanger our prospects.  We feel comparatively stronger every day.  Our losses, though enormous, are only one-half of those of the Entente armies, according to the Geneva Red Cross Bureau’s calculation.  The astounding number of unwounded prisoners of war which Russia loses at every encounter, and even in spaces of time between two encounters, shows that

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the moral force of her army is slowly giving way, while the vigor of our troops is constantly increasing.  After six months of severe fighting our military position is certainly stronger than the position of the Entente powers, though the latter represent a population of 250,000,000, (English colonies and Japan not included,) against the 140,000,000 of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey.  Who can doubt on which side superior moral power fights?  Who can doubt, therefore, what the ultimate result promises to be?

If it takes more time to bring matters to a decision—­and a decision must be obtained at any price, if there is to follow a period of permanent peace—­part, at least, of the responsibility for the horrors of the protracted war, for the slaughter of many hundred thousands more of human beings, rests on America.  But for the American transports of guns and ammunition, the power of Russia would give way in a shorter time, considering her enormous losses in that respect and her inability to supplement them from her own workshops.

It is very edifying that American pacifists are exerting themselves against the current of militarism which appears to spread in their country; but wouldn’t it be better still, more to the purpose and certainly practically more urgent, to insist upon a truly neutral attitude of the great republic, to protest against her feeding the war by providing one belligerent side with its implements?  Do American pacifists really fail to see that their country by such proceedings disables herself from being the peacemaker of the future?  Do they think it immaterial from the standpoint of her moral power, as well as of her material interests, how central Europe, a mass of 120,000,000, think of her, feel about her?

I hope my readers will not find fault with me for using such plain language.  My well-known enthusiastic regard for the great American commonwealth makes it unnecessary that I should protest against the charge of meaning disrespect or anything else whatever but a sincere desire to state with absolute sincerity how we feel about these matters, in what light they appear to us.  I think America must know this, because it is part of the general situation she has to reckon with when shaping her policies.  I fervently hope these policies will remain in concordance with the great principles on which the commonwealth is built and with the teaching embodied in that farewell address which is read once a year in Congress and in which the greatest American emphatically warns his countrymen from becoming entangled in the conflicts of European nations.

A few words more about the future of Europe may be said on this occasion.  I have read with the keenest interest your own and Mr. Carnegie’s statements concerning a future organization of Europe on the pattern of the United States.  My personal views concerning this magnificent idea have been expressed in anticipation in my America lectures of the year 1911.  Allow me to quote my own words: 

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Analogies are often misleading, the most obvious ones especially so.  Nothing seems more obvious than to draw conclusions from the existing union of American States to a possible union of European nations; but no fancied analogy is to be applied with greater caution than this one.  The American Union’s origin was the common struggle of several English colonies, now States, for their emancipation; unity of purpose was the main principle of their growth, union its natural result.
Europe, on the other hand, is, in her origin and in her present state, a compound of conflicting interests and struggling potentialities.  Mutual antagonism remained the principle of growth embodied in the several national lives.  The juridical formula of this system is the principle of national sovereignty in its most uncompromising interpretation and most limitless conception.  As such it is the natural result of a historical growth mainly filled with antagonism; in the consciousness of (European) nations it lives as synonymous with national honor, as something above doubt and discussion.

Let me add to this the following remarks: 

1.  Any sort of union among the nations of Europe appears impossible if it is meant to include Russia.  Russia represents eastern mentality, which implies an unadmissible spirit of aggression and of conquest.  It seems to be a law of nature on the old Continent that eastern nations should wish to expand to the west as long as they are powerful.  Not to mention the great migration of nations which gave birth to mediaeval organizations, you may follow this law in the history of the Tartars, of the Turks, and of Russia herself.  The spirit of aggressiveness vanishes only when decay sets in, which is still far from being the case of Russia, or when a nation is gradually converted to Occidental mentality, which, I hope, will some day be her happy lot.  But till then, and that may mean a century or two, any sort of union including Russia would mean a herd of sheep including a wolf.

2.  What I hope then, for the present, as the most desirable result of the war, is a thorough understanding between the nations of the Western European Continent, construction of a powerful political block, corresponding to the area of western mentality, in close connection with America; such a block would discourage aggression from the east; it would urge Russia on the path of reform and home improvement.  England would be welcome to join it, on condition of renouncing those pretensions to monopolizing the seas which are as constant a menace to peace as Russian aggressiveness is.  So we should have, if not “the United States of Europe,” which at present lies beyond the boundary lines of possibilities, a strong peace union of the homogeneous western nations.  Alas! this result can be reached only by destroying the present unnatural connections, which mean the continuance of war till a crushing decision is obtained.

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3.  The American colonies of England did not think of union as of a peace scheme; they had been compelled into it by war, by the necessity of self-defense.  It is only such an overpowering motive which has force enough to blot out petty rivalries and minor antagonisms.  If union between States belonging to the same race and not divided either by history or by serious conflicting interests could be effected only under the pressure of a common peril, we must infer “a minori ad majus” that such a powerful incentive will be more necessary still to persuade into union nations of different races, each cherishing memories of mutual collisions and actually aware of not unimportant clashing interests.

The menace of aggression from the east has been brought home to us by the present war; gradually it will be understood even by those Occidentals who at present unhappily lend their support to that aggression.  On this perception of the higher common interests of self-defense do I build the possibilities of a western coalition.  But a time may come when Russia will be compelled to join it and to complete thereby the union of the whole of Europe; it may come sooner than the conversion of Russia to western ideas could be effected by natural evolution; it may come through the yellow peril, the menace of which has been brought nearer to us by the accursed policy of England.

Let Japan organize the dormant forces of China, as it seems bent upon doing, and the same law of eastern aggressiveness which is at the bottom of the present war will push the yellow mass toward Europe.  Russia, as comparatively western, will have to bear their first onset; for this she will require Occidental assistance, and in the turmoil of that direful conflict—­or, let us hope, in order to avoid it—­she will readily give up all designs against her western neighbors, and she may become really western by the necessities which impel her to lean on the west.

But this may or may not happen.  What I see before me as a tangible possibility is the great western block.  It is the only principle of reconstruction after war that contains a guarantee of a permanent peace; it is the one, therefore, which the pacifists of all nations should strive for, once they get rid of the passing mentality of conflict that now obscures the judgment of the best among us.


Neutral Spirit of the Swiss

An Interview With President Motta of the Swiss Confederation

[From The London Times, Jan. 30, 1915.]

BERNE, Jan. 20.

The President of the Swiss Confederation is the symbol of a democracy so perfect that the man in the street is not quite sure who the President is.  He knows that he is one of a council of seven, and that he is elected for one year, and that is all.  In the Federal Palace, the Berne Westminster and Downing Street, the anonymity is almost as complete.  Officers pass and repass in the corridors—­one of the signs, like the waiting military motor cars at the door, of mobilization—­but this does not change the spirit, simple and civilian, of the interior.

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M. Motta, Chief of State for this year, is a man of early middle life.  He is the best type of Swiss, a lawyer by profession, whose limpid French seems to express culture as well as candor.  Nor could one doubt for a moment the sincerity of his speech.  Speaking on the Swiss position in the war, M. Motta was anxious to remove the impression that it was colored, dominated by the existence of the German-speaking cantons, more numerous than the French.  “Of course,” he said, “we have our private sympathies, which incline us one way or the other, and there is the language tie—­though here we are greatly attached to our Bernese patois—­but I would have you believe the Swiss are essentially just and impartial, they look at the war objectively.

“We have good-will toward all the nations.  Need I say that we respect and esteem England?  Have you not found that you are well received?  There is no antagonistic feeling against any one.  Our neutrality is imposed upon us by our position, a neutrality that is threefold in its effects, for it is political, financial, and economic.  Italy, France, Germany, Austria, are our neighbors; we send them goods, and we receive supplies from them in return.”

We then talked of the army, of that wonderful little army which, at this moment, is watching the snowy passes of the Alps.  Two years ago it is said to have impressed the Kaiser on manoeuvres; perhaps for that reason he has refrained to pass that way.  Outside, in the slippery streets, over which the red-capped children passed with shouts of glee, I had seen something of the preparations; the men, steel-like and stolid, marching by, the officers, stiff and martial-looking, saluting right and left under the quaint arcades of this charming city.  Colored photographs of corps commanders adorned the windows and seemed to find a ready sale.  These things pointed in the same direction.  Switzerland, posted on her crests, was watching the issue of the terrific struggle in the plains.

“We must defend our neutrality,” the President said, “our 600 years of freedom.  There is not a single man in the country who thinks differently.  I am an Italian-Swiss, one of the least numerous of our nationalities, but there is only one voice here as elsewhere—­only one voice from Ticino to Geneva.  That we shall defend our neutrality is proved by the great expenditure on our army; otherwise, it would be the height of folly.”

The President spoke of army expenditure, of the simple army system, of the reorganization which had been carried out some years before.  Switzerland was spending L20,000 a day, a large sum for a small country.  Since the day when the general mobilization had been decreed—­some classes have now been liberated—­Switzerland had spent L4,500,000.  It was a lot of money.

The army, of course, was a militia; some few officers were professional soldiers, others were drawn from a civil career and were doctors, lawyers, engineers, and merchants.  In 1907 the country had consented to lengthen the periods of training in what are quaintly called the “recruits’ schools” and “rehearsal schools.”  In the former category the men do sixty-five days’ training a year, in the latter forty-five.

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“I assure you,” continued M. Motta, “whatever sympathy the German-Swiss may feel toward Germany, the French-Swiss toward France, or the Italian toward Italy, it is nothing like as warm and as intimate as that which each Swiss feels toward his fellow-Swiss.”

This was the national note which dominated everything.  At first there was a little difficulty in the councils of the nation.  Some showed a tendency to lose their balance, but that phase had passed, and each day, I gathered, purely Swiss interests were coming uppermost.

“And the press, M. le President?”

M. Motta admitted that some writers had been excessive in their language and had been lacking in good taste; but, on the whole, he thought the newspapers had impartially printed news from both sides, and he cited a list of leading organs—­Switzerland is amazingly full of papers—­which had been conspicuous for their moderation.

And then there was the question of contraband.  Orders were very precise on the subject; the Cabinet had limitless power since the opening of the war; if there was any smuggling it was infinitesimal, and, as to foodstuffs, Switzerland regretted she could not import more for her own needs.  The Government had established a monopoly and forbidden re-exportation, but supplies were not up to the normal.  The route by the Rhine was closed.

Finally came the phrase, concluding the conversation:  “Whoever violates our neutrality will force us to become the allies of his enemy.”  There could be nothing more categorical.



[From King Albert’s Book.]

     All the great things have been done by the little

    Sire, King of men, disdainer of the mean,
      Belgium’s inspirer, well thou stand’st for all
    She bodes to generations yet unseen,
      Freedom and fealty—­Kingship’s coronal.

    Nation of miracles, how swift you start
      To super-stature of heroic deeds
    So brave, so silent beats your bleeding heart
      That ours, e’en in the flush of welcome, bleeds.

    No sound of wailing.  Look, above, afar,
      Throbs in the darkness with triumphant ray
    A little yet an all-commanding star,
      The morning star that heralds forth the day.

A Swiss View of Germany

By Maurice Millioud

M. Maurice Millioud, an eminent member of the Faculty of the University of Lausanne, Switzerland, has written an article of marked breadth and penetration in which he presents a quite novel view of the forces which, in combination, have brought Germany to its actual position.  These forces are political, social, and economic; beneath and through them works the subtle impulsion of a national conception of right and might which

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the author sums up as the “ideology of caste.”  Want of space forbids the publication of the entire article.  We give its most significant parts with such summary of those portions which it was necessary to omit as, we trust, will enable our readers to follow the general argument.

Humanitarians the most deeply buried in dreams yield with stupefaction to the evidence of fact.  European war was possible, since here it is, and even a world war, for all continents are represented in the melee.  Millions of men on the one side or the other are ranged along battle fronts of from 500 to 1,000 kilometers.  We are witnessing a displacement of human masses to which there is nothing comparable except the formidable convulsions of geologic ages.

The world then was in formation.  Will a new Europe, a new society, a new humanity, take form from the prodigious shock by which our imagination is confounded?

We can at least seek to understand what we cannot hinder.

This war was not a matter of blind fate, but had been foreseen for a long time.  What are the forces that have set the nations in movement?  I do not seek to establish responsibility.  Whosoever it may be, those who have let loose the conflict have behind them peoples of one mind.  That, perhaps, is the most surprising feature in an epoch when economic, social, and moral interests are so interwoven from one end of the earth to the other that the conqueror himself must suffer cruelly from the ruin of the conquered.

The Governments have determined the day and the hour.  They could not have done it in opposition to the manifest will of the nations.  Public sentiment has seconded them.  What is it then which rouses man from his repose, impels him to desert his gains, his home, the security of a regular life, and sends him in eager search for bloody adventures?

This problem involves different solutions because it embraces a number of cases.  Between the Russians, the French, the English, the Germans there is a similarity of will, but not, it seems, an analogy of sentiment.  I shall undertake to analyze the case of Germany.  It has peculiar interest on account of its importance, of its definiteness, of the comparisons to which it leads, and the reflections which it suggests.  Numerous facts easy to verify and in part recent permit us to throw some light upon it and offer us a guarantee against hazardous conjectures.

Defining a caste as “a group of men bound to each other by solidarity of functions in society,” such as the Brahmins of India and the feudal nobility, Prof.  Millioud says that he will use the terms as equivalent or nearly equivalent to a “directing class.”  Quoting the article from Vorwaerts which led to the suspension of that Socialist organ and which “admits by implication that responsibility for the war falls on Germany,” he proceeds to examine the origins of the influence of the war party and the interests it served.

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Here we must have recourse to history.  In Germany the dominant class is composed in part of an aristocracy by birth and of bourgeois capitalists, more or less of them ennobled.  The interior policy of Germany since 1871 and even since 1866 is explained by the relations, sometimes kindly, sometimes hostile, of these two categories of persons, by the opposition or the conjunction of these two influences, and not by a struggle of the dominant class against the socialistic mass.  That struggle, which is in France and is becoming in England a fact of essential gravity, has been in Germany only a phenomenon of secondary importance.  It has determined neither the profound evolution of the national life nor the chief decisions of the Government.

In Germany, as is known, the abolition of the ancien regime did not take place brusquely as in France.  After the revolution and the French occupation, the noble caste recovered all its privileges.  It has lost them little by little, but not yet entirely.  Even the liquidation of the property of the feudal regime was not completed until toward 1850.  Napoleon made some sad cuts in the little sovereignties, but from 1813 to 1815 the princely families did their utmost to recover their independence.  The greater part were mediatized, but their tenacity offered a serious obstacle up to 1871 to the establishment of German unity.

That unity was accomplished in despite of them, by sword and fire, as Bismarck said, that is to say, by the wars of 1866 and 1870.  Care was taken, however, not to abase them more than was strictly necessary, for it was intended to maintain the hierarchy.  What was wanted was a monarchical unity, made from above down, and not a democratic unity brought about by popular impulsion.

On the other hand, the smaller nobles formed, after 1820, a vast association for the defense of their rights, the Adelskette.  Moreover, they could not be sacrificed, in the first place, because they had rendered invaluable services in the wars of independence, they had arisen as one man, and they had ruined themselves in sacrifices for the national cause, they had organized the people and led it to victory, finally because they served to restrain the high nobility whose domination was feared.  They sustained the throne against the princes, the higher nobility against the democracy, the lesser nobility against the higher, the two forming an intermediary class between the monarch and the nation.  That was the social conception which prevailed with those who were working to realize the unity of Germany, so that the nobility, lesser or higher, in default of its privileges retained its functions.

Treitschke, in his last lessons, about 1890, called it “a political class.”  For the bourgeois, he said, wealth, instruction, letters, arts.  Their part is fine enough.  The nobility is apt at governing.  That is its special distinction.  For a long time, in fact, the nobility has filled alone or almost alone the great administrative, governmental, and military posts.

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Bismarck was the finished type, the representative par excellence of this class of men.  He had their intellectual and moral qualities carried to the highest degree of superiority.  But he underwent evolution after 1871, and his caste with him, under the pressure of general circumstances.

Bismarck was a Junker, a Prussian rustic, monarchist, particularist, agrarian and militarist.  Each of his qualities is an attribute of a mentality of caste, a very curious one, not lacking in grandeur, but very narrow and not always adequate to the conduct of affairs.

Monarchist means anti-Parliamentarian.  The fine scorn of rhetoric and even of public discussion, a conviction that democracy will not lead to anything beyond a display of mediocrity, that is one of the salient features of his mind.  Patriotism conceived as an attachment to personal relations, as the service of one man, the subject, to another man, the King, and not the service of an anonymous person, the functionary, to an abstraction, the State, the republic, this was formerly designated by the word faithful, (feal,) which has disappeared from our vocabulary because it is without meaning in our present moral state.

The Junker is particularist, at least he was.  The political and administrative centralization which the Jacobins achieved in France inspires him with horror.  For him it is disorder.  He sees in it nothing but a dust heap of individuals crushed beneath a formula.  Even today, when the German accuses France of anarchy, that is what he means.  He figures to himself the nation as a vast hierarchy of liberties, an autonomy of States within the empire, of provinces within the State, of communes within the province, of proprietors within the commune.  Equality is equality of rank, of worth, of wealth, of force, but impersonal equality before the law is for him an unnatural thing, an invention of the professors which at heart he despises.

He is agrarian and militarist, that is to say, conservative and enamored of force.  In 1830 four-fifths of the population lived by agriculture and the landlord governed his peasants patriarchally.  He kept the conservatist spirit of a rustic, a very lively sense of authority and the military instinct.  He had scant liking for distant enterprises or adventures.  He was at once religious, warlike, and realist, knowing how to nurse his ambitions and to confine his view to what was within reach.

Bismarck for a long time was the decided opponent of naval armaments and colonial policy, in short, of imperialism.  Even his projects for social reform—­insurance against sickness, against old age—­which have been accepted as concessions to modern ideas, were due entirely to his monarchical and patriarchal conception of the State.  He copied the ancient decrees of Colbert as to naval personnel.  He would have gone as far as assurance against non-employment.  In the dominion of the King, he said, no one should die of hunger.

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The Junker made a force of Prussia; he made Prussia itself.  It was due to him that she passed after 1815 from the form of a Polizeistaat to the form of Kulturstaat, the latter only an expansion of the former.  In place of a watchful, regulating, and vexatious State she became an organized State, the instructor of youth, the protector of religion, the source of inspiration for agricultural reforms, and all great commercial and industrial enterprises.  This State was not an emanation from the national will, but the creator of a nation, the living and moving self-incarnation of the Hegelian “idea,” that is to say, the Divine thought.

Of all the German aristocracy the noble of Pomerania or Brandenburg, the Prussian Junker, represented this social type most definitely.  In the south the liberal tendencies—­to be exact, the memories of the French Revolution—­persisted far into the nineteenth century.  But it is well known that German unity was accomplished by military force and against liberalism.

After 1871, and even after Sadowa, the problem of interior policy which presented itself was that of the “Prussianization” of Germany.  At one time it seemed that Bismarck was on the point of succeeding in it.  What was that national liberal party upon which he depended for so long?  It was the old liberal party, with advanced tendencies tainted with democratic liberalism and even with cosmopolitanism, keeping up its relations with the intellectuals, the university men, who made so much noise with pen and voice about 1848 and later.  They dreamed of the unity of Germany in the democratic liberty and moral hegemony of their nation, having become in Europe the sobered heir of the French Revolution.

Under the influence of Bismarck they sacrificed to their dream of unity, to their national dream, their liberal dream, and they secured for the Chancellor the support of the upper bourgeoisie.

It was indeed the Prussianization of Germany, but in that spirit and in that system contemporary German militarism would never have fructified.  It was contrary to the characteristic tendencies of a monarchical State supported by a conservative caste, which was also particularist, military, and agricultural.  A State of this kind tends to become a closed State.

What then happened?  An event of capital importance which everybody knows, but of which we only now begin to see the consequences.  It was the radical transformation of Germany from an agricultural to an industrial nation.  In its origin this phenomenon dates from before the nineteenth century.  By 1848 it had become perceptible.  Since 1866, and especially since 1871, it has dominated the entire social evolution of the empire.  Here, in fact, is the revolution.  It partakes of the character of a tragedy, it has overturned the conditions of life throughout the entire German territory.

At the close of the War of Independence, four out of five Germans lived on the land, two out of three were engaged in agriculture.  By 1895 the agricultural population was only 35.7 per cent.  That, supported by industry and commerce, kept continually increasing.  In 1895 it was 50.6 per cent.

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This progress of industry and trade indicates the rise of a new class of the population, that of the capitalists.  It seemed at first that their arrival would result in a dispossession of the nobility.  For example, under the ancien regime the bourgeois could not acquire the property of the nobles.  Toward 1880, for Eastern Prussia only, 7,086 estates of 11,065 belonged to non-nobles.  They could have been acquired only with money.  Capital was supplanting birth.  Today even, in Prussia, five members of the Ministry, a little more than one-third, are bourgeois not enjoying the particle von.

The new dominant class encroached upon the ancient in two ways, by depriving it of its clientele and by acquiring a considerable weight in the State.  “The weight of a social class” is the totality of its means of action, which it possesses on account of its numbers, its personal influence, its wealth, and the importance of the interests which it represents.  The clientele of the agrarian nobility was essentially the peasants, who have continually diminished in number, the attraction of industrial and commercial employments having caused a great migration to the interior, to the factories, and the cities.

For many years this phenomenon has been disclosed by statistics and pointed out by economists and sociologists, but no remedy has been found.  Today, although emigration abroad has much moderated, Germany has not labor for its tillage.  It is obliged to import farm hands and even cereals.  It no longer produces foodstuffs sufficient for its own support.

Moreover, the peasant who remains upon the soil is freed from the landlord, and agricultural production has become specialized—­industrialized.  There is the case, for instance, of that peasant woman who declared that she had not the time to wash her linen and who sent it to the steam laundry at Karlsruhe.  Here is not merely an economic transformation, but a moral evolution.  The agriculturist who no longer produces in order to consume but in order to sell, and who must live from the product of his sales, tries to produce as much as possible.  He hires foreign labor to get from it all that he can.  The impersonal relations of employer and employed replace the patriarchal traditions.  Thus the land owner finds himself caught in the mechanism of the capitalistic system.

As to the “weight” of the new class, it increased prodigiously during the years following the war of 1870, thanks to the millions which the empire could invest in its industries and which allowed it to endow its commerce and its merchant marine, to complete the network of its roads, canals, and railways.

The law of concentration of capital was verified on this occasion in a striking manner.  In the famous years 1871 to 1874, which the Germans call the Gruendejahre, the foundation years, gigantic industrial and commercial enterprises took a spring which seemed irresistible.  A Director of the Deutsche Bank, of the Dresdener Bank, the President of a company for transatlantic commerce, such as the Hamburg-American Line, or of the committee of great electric establishments, enjoyed an influence in the councils of the State far greater than that of a Baron, a Count, or a little mediatized Prince.

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What was the aristocracy of birth going to do about it?  Struggle desperately?  It took that tack at first.  Bismarck ranged himself in its support for some time.  He was himself an agrarian.  But he was not long in installing paper mills on his estates at Varzin.  It is said that the Emperor himself possesses porcelain factories.  A part of the nobility for a long time tried to adapt itself to the new method of production.  It took to it awkwardly and often ended in ruin.

Freytag has described this phenomenon at its beginnings in a romance which is a chef d’oeuvre.  A part of the nobility yielded, fell into the hands of the financiers, the money lenders, the managers of agricultural enterprises, sold their lands, and took refuge in the great civil, administrative and military posts.  The remainder resisted as well as they could.  There was antagonism between their interests and those of the capitalists, between the religious and particularist tendencies on one hand and free thought and cosmopolitanism on the other.  The agrarians demanded tariff duties on agricultural products to raise the price of their foodstuffs.  The industrials wanted a low cost of living in order to avoid the rise of wages and to compete with better advantage for foreign markets.

Bismarck was the target for vehement opposition when he inclined toward the party of the traders and the industrials in his colonial and tariff policy.  This evolution came about 1879.  For a while the great Chancellor was looked upon almost as a traitor.

Nevertheless, his view was just.  Balancing the forces on the one hand by those on the other, ceding protective duties first to one side and then to the other, offsetting the advantages which he offered to one side by the prerogatives which he accorded to the other, he finally succeeded in reconciling them.

From this reconciliation of the two dominant classes has resulted the extraordinary power of Germany.  The bourgeois parties have from time to time grumbled over the military appropriations, but they have always voted them.  And militarism, which is the support of the aristocracy, has been placed at the service of capitalistic ambition.  By the prestige of force, awakening hopes here and inspiring fears there, more than once by the help of manoeuvres of intimidation, it has become an instrument of economic conquest.

Other combinations, other reciprocal interlacings, have taken place which have given an exceptional and unique character to contemporary Germany.  It is a case of social psychology of extreme interest.  To describe it would require long detail.  The combination of the aristocratic and military tendency with the industrial and plutocratic tendency, the tendency of the police spirit, the regularizing spirit of the Kulturstaat with the individual initiative of the capitalist entrepreneur, methodical habits of administration with the love of risk characteristic of the speculator, all this constitutes imperialism, German imperialism, distinct from every other, because to a definite object, economic conquest, it adds another, less precise, in which the moral satisfaction dear to aristocracy, the pleasure of dominating, the love of displaying force, the tendency to prove one’s own superiority to one’s self, play a large part.

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Economic conquest has become a necessity for Germany.  Transformed into an industrial State, it no longer produces its own food.  Since 1885 its imports have exceeded its exports by 1,353,000,000 marks.  Whence did Germany derive these 1,300,000,000 marks which were needed, good year and bad, to meet its balance of trade?  It owes them to its maritime commerce and the revenue of its capital invested abroad.  Its maritime commerce then must augment and must triumph over all competition.  At every cost it must open for itself outlets for its industrial products in order to buy foodstuffs which it does not produce sufficiently.  If not, famine.

Let us see now how the complicated play of all these social forces and the effect of this economic situation have been embodied in formulas, what has been its intellectual expression.

This is no idle question, for men have always claimed to be guided by ideas, and generally they are, but they rarely know where their ideas come from or in what they consist.  Without intellectual expression imperialism would not have extended to all the classes of society.  The passion of economic conquest did not prevail throughout the whole of Germany.  The bourgeois in the Liberal provinces, the corps of officers, the corps of teachers, the clergy were refractory to it.  This direct form of imperialism does not seduce them.  Not everybody can see his country and the universe through the eyes of an oligarch of high finance.  A doctrine works with power when it appeals to instincts, when it awakens collective emotions, diverse enough in themselves, and joins them to each other with an appearance of logical deduction.  It is not indispensable, but it is useful that it should borrow the language of the day.  In the mediaeval epoch this language was religious.  Beginning with the seventeenth century it was metaphysical.  In our own time it is a scientific language set off by Greek words.

If the German philosophies of the second half of the nineteenth century are considered, there are not many of them that pass beyond the limit of the school.  They are honest, scholarly productions elaborated by men who have read much, of whom some, like Wundt, are eminent specialists, but who have not conquered either their subjects or their readers.  One feels that they are not of their century.

It is not from them, it is not from Eucken, the pleasant popularizer, it is not from Windelbund or Ostwald that the cultivated public sought the direction for its thought.  To satisfy the need of general ideas which was everywhere felt, associations were formed, churches with or without God, of which a very important one was the “Monistenbund,” in which Haeckel exploited his materialism transformed into a sort of biological pantheism.

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But it was outside of the associations and outside of the school that the flame of creative genius burned brightly.  The man of the last generation was Nietzsche.  That his thought has been perverted by his interpreters there is no doubt.  They have taken this eagle who gazed unblinded at the sun and exhibited him to the young people in all sorts of philosophic roles for the benefit of the industrial and military coalition.  Nietzsche depicted in lines of fire the resurrection of heroism, his vision of the superman was that of an ardent soul, steeled by sufferings, meditating a tragic conception of life with serenity, and in his solitary individualism surmounting the infirmity of man and his own by the insistent will to eternal ascension.

He was made the apostle of brute force, a sort of Messiah of the “struggle for life.”  Moreover, he was soon put one side and Gobineau was revived.  He also, who if he did not have genius had wit, would have been surprised and hardly flattered perhaps by the role which they made him play.  The dolichocephalic (long-skulled) blonde whom he celebrated was not exactly the one whom we are now judging by his works, but at least he proclaimed the superiority of the German race.

His doctrine was the centre around which were gathered a complete ensemble of dogmas and of very diverse theories, whose connected thread it is not easy to discover when it is searched for logically, but appears quite distinctly when not reason, but reasons, are demanded.  The reasons are found in the need of justifying in theory the economic and military imperialism, born as we have seen from conditions of fact and from very practical motives.

I do not pretend that it was calculated, nor that the optimates made express requisition of the naturalists, economists, and historians and sociologists and moralists to provide an imperialistic philosophy for the use of adult and normal dolichocephalous blondes.  But there certainly was a coincidence.  It may have been due to the influence of what is called a milieu ambiant, that of the commercial and military party.  The authors of the doctrine lived in a special atmosphere.  Their intellect was there formed—­or deformed—­their work consisted in gathering facts, inventing reasonings, elaborating formulas, so as to subject natural science, history and morality to the service of that keen will for hegemony which was in Germany the common characteristic and was the connecting link between the ancient and the new directing class.

To convince one that this is so, it is enough to arrange the works of the pan-Germanists in a series passing from the simplest to the most complicated.  The dates are of no importance.  We might put at one of the extremes the works of the Prussian General, von Bernhardi, and at the other the gigantic lucubration of a famous pan-German zealot, a neophite, a convert, almost a deserter, Mr. Houston Stewart Chamberlain.

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Prof.  Millioud examines at some length and acutely the tendencies and teachings of von Bernhardi, now familiar to American readers, sums up the work of the philosophers of minor rank and turns to Mr. Chamberlain.

With Mr. Chamberlain the thesis of vital competition, the morality of force, the judgment of history against little nations, the civilizing mission imposed upon greater Germany by its very greatness, by its economic, scientific and artistic superiority, everything tends to the glorification of the German, to his duty to govern the whole world which he feels so imperatively and which he accepts with such a noble simplicity.  His work is not easily summarized, not only because it counts 1,379 pages and two appendices, but because all is in everything, and everything in the universe is also in Mr. Chamberlain’s book.  And the German has made everything.  Not indeed the world; that he has only remade and is about to remake.  But he has a way of remaking so creative that one might say that without him the Creator Himself would be a bit embarrassed.  He has gathered to himself alone the heritage of Greece and Rome as far as it was worth anything.  From the year 1200 to the year 1800 he founded, ripened, and saved a new civilization several times over.  The mother of our sciences and our arts, Italy, is Germanic; the great architecture of the Middle Ages is Germanic; the true interpretation of Christianity, the true conception of art, the true social economy, the love of nature, the sense of individuality, the exploration of the world and of the soul, the great reawakenings of conscience, all the great flashes of thought are Germanic; everything is Germanic, except you and me, perhaps; so much the worse for me and so much the worse for you.  After this book, the success of which has been prodigious, it would truly seem that there is nothing more to say.  Germanic thought has appropriated the universe to itself.  It only remained for the German sword to complete the work.  It is drawn!

I have tried to describe the modifications, or rather the successive additions, by which the elementary themes disclosing economic, political, and military appetites in the directing class have been disguised as theories of biology, history, political economy, sociology, and morality.  It would take another study or another article to show how science was perverted to such ends.  The severity of methods, rigor in the determination of facts, precision in reasoning, prudence in generalization, serene impartiality and objectivity in verification, in a word the scientific spirit, cannot be bent to so many pleasant compromises without sacrificing a great part of its dignity and its title to respect.

This has been a singular and melancholy event for those of us who have been raised in respect for German science and in admiration for its methods, as well as for its discoveries.  Certainly, from Liebig to Roentgen and to Behring, from Kant to Wundt, Germany has counted many distinguished pioneers.  In the matter of fecund originality, however, and creative inspiration, Italy and France have always equaled, if not surpassed, her.  She has had no Marconi, no Pasteur or Poincare, no Carrel.

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What we have received from her so long that it has become almost a matter of instinct is less dazzling flashes than an equal and constant light.  And the savants, the university men who bring to us anthropological romances, history stuffed with legends and personal prejudices, sociology constructed in contempt of the facts!

In these later days we have seen all these joining under the guidance of their most illustrious members to address the civilized nations in an appeal in which by virtue of their quality as savants they undertook to pronounce upon facts which they don’t understand, to deny those which they cannot help understanding, and solemnly to declare that it is not true that Germany has violated the neutrality of the territory of Belgium.  For proof of this, nothing but their word of honor.  Do they take us for those young gentlemen who said to Monge, “Professor, give us your word of honor that this theorem is true and we will excuse you from the demonstration of it”?

Fully to explain the role of the intellectual savants and university men in the formation of the ideology of caste which prevails among the Germans it would be necessary to recite the history of instruction in Germany, not such as Davis and Paulson have written it, but such as it actually is under the influence of institutions and programmes—­I mean the moral history of instruction.

The great Frederick was wont to cry, “I commence by taking; afterward I shall always have pedants enough to establish my rights.”  Pedants or not, the members of the teaching corps of every grade in Germany are a wheel of the State, their mission is to form not men, but Germans, to inculcate the national idea.  Their views have penetrated even to the common people.

Germany receives a double education—­that of the school and that of the barracks.  The spirit of these two institutions is the same, and their influence, which has been exercised since 1848 in opposition to humanitarian and internationalist ideas, has encountered no serious obstacles, for it went readily with certain old instincts which it was not difficult to reawaken and which general circumstances favored.

“Latrocinia nullam habent infamiam,” said Caesar, speaking of the Germans.  Pillage brings no shame.  This desire of gain, this positive and realistic tendency is one of the motives which the brusque and prodigious economic expansion of Germany has promoted in the most efficient manner.

This total assimilation of a people of 70,000,000 of souls by an aristocratic, almost a feudal, directing class, a combination of plutocrats and militarists, is in reality a most curious phenomenon, more than curious, in a sense grandiose, and in any case full of suggestions and menaces.

Surrender of body and soul, confidence almost religious, enthusiastic faith, the directing class has conquered everything within in order to conquer everything without.  Now it stakes everything upon the cast of the dice.  I have not undertaken to decide whether it is just or not.  The event will determine whether it is genius or madness.

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By Alfred Sutro

[From King Albert’s Book.]

I have translated many books of Maeterlinck’s; I have wandered with him among the canals of Bruges and the fragrant gardens of Ghent; I have seen the places where he dreamed of Pelleas and Melisande, and the hives of the bees he loved.  Through him I learned to know Belgium, today all the world knows.  Her cities are laid waste now and her people scattered, but her people will return and rebuild the cities, and the enemy will be dust.  The day will come when the war will be far distant, a thing of the past, remote, forgotten, but never, while men endure or heroism counts, will it be forgotten what the Belgians did for Liberty’s sake and for the sake of Albert, their King.

America and Prohibition Russia

Two Mustard Seeds of Reform Carried From This Land to the Steppes

By Isabel F. Hapgood

When Russia recently abolished the sale of liquor, first in the shops run as a Government monopoly, and, after a brief experience of the beneficent results, in the restaurants and clubs as well, an astonished and admiring world recognized the measure as one of the greatest events in the moral history of a nation.  It takes rank with the reforms of Peter the Great.  It almost casts into the shade the emancipation of the serfs.

There has always existed in Russia a strong party which severely disapproved of Peter precisely because he forced “Western” ideas upon them.  Their idea has always been that Russia would have developed a far higher degree of genuine culture and far more precious spiritual qualities had she been left to the promptings of her own genius and its “healthy, natural” development.  And there are, indubitably, persons scattered through the vast Russian Empire who entertain parallel opinions with regard to the total prohibition of liquor just effected, and with regard to the projected change in the calendar now assumed to be imminent.  I trust that I shall not increase their numbers to dangerous proportions if I call attention to the fact that these reforms have also, like Peter the Great’s ideas, been imported from the West—­from the Far West, the United States.  I am sure my fellow-countrymen will be gratified to learn the truth, and I cheerfully accept the risk, and assume that Russia will, in all probability, remain ignorant of my interference!

It is true that we do not have actual, effective prohibition anywhere here in America, and that we do not seem to be within measurable distance of such an achievement; that Russia has distanced us again in this, just as she distanced us by emancipating her serfs, without a war, before we emancipated our slaves, with the aid of a war.  But we have supplied the scriptural mustard seed in the case of prohibition in Russia, and have either furnished the seed for the change in the calendar, or, at any rate, have provided elements that have hastened its growth to a very remarkable degree.

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Mustard seed No. 1 was carried over from the United States in the Autumn of 1887 and sown on the good ground of the late Count Tolstoy, and other noble men, whence—­as results show—­it spread abroad with a swiftness suggestive rather of the proverbial weed than of the fair flower its blossoming has shown it to be.

In the Autumn of 1886 Dr. Peter Semyonovitch Alexyeeff of Moscow, accompanied by his wife, sailed for Canada and the United States for the purpose of inspecting the hospitals, prisons, and elementary schools; and they came for the Winter because some parts of Canada during that season possess a climate similar to that of Central Russia, while in other parts the climates are identical.  In fact, Canada is the only country in the world where the climatic conditions are at all analogous.  The construction of new hospitals, the adaptation of already existing buildings for hospital use, the internal arrangement, and the perfection of their internal machinery had long been matters of deep interest to Dr. Alexyeeff.

Germany and France, with climates so different from that of Russia, could not furnish him with the information available in North America, where, in his opinion, the habits and conditions of existence—­such important factors in matters connected with hospitals and invalids—­also differ less from those of Russia than do the general surroundings in the countries of the Continent.  After visiting the principal cities of Canada and the United States from Quebec to Vancouver, and from Boston to Washington, (some of them more than once,) Dr. Alexyeeff arrived at the conclusion that the hospitals of the United States were better built and much better administered than those of London, Paris, Berlin, and Vienna.

Naturally, no one could spend nine months in investigating hospitals and prisons in this country without coming in contact with the liquor problem.  Moreover, Dr. Alexyeeff was a wideawake man, who took an interest not only in all matters connected with his profession, but in very many outside of it.  He was, also, a man of very lofty character.  His wife once wrote me concerning him somewhat as follows:  “He walks, habitually, on such moral heights, in such a rarefied spiritual atmosphere, that I, the daughter of an English clergyman, reared accordingly, and myself (as you know) deeply in sympathy with it, find difficulty in following him.”  Obviously, he was precisely the man to appreciate the temperance movement, and to carry it to its logical conclusion.  In the preface to a volume, “About America,” which he published in Moscow in 1888, he writes: 

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Neither the wonders of wild nature in the Rocky Mountains nor the menacing might and grandeur of Niagara produce such an impression on a Russian as the success of the fight with drunkenness—­the temperance movement—­and the successful development, in all classes of society, of morality and the strict application of practical morals.

He did not confine himself to this brief, general statement.  He wrote in praise of temperance, of prohibition, for learned Russian societies.  Then he wrote a book entitled “Concerning Drunkenness.”  The Censor’s permit to publish is dated March 29, (April 10,) 1887.  It was published by the management of the magazine, Russkaya Mysl, (Russian Thought,) which may indicate that it had first appeared in that monthly as a series of articles, though I have not been able to verify the fact.  The book may have been published promptly, or at least the article from the medical magazine may have been published in the cheap form (costing two or three cents) used by the semi-commercial, semi-philanthropic firm “Posrednik,” which may be rendered “Middleman” or “Mediator,” designed for the dissemination of good and useful reading among the masses.

At any rate, “Concerning Drunkenness” appeared at the price of one ruble (about fifty cents) in 1891, prefaced by a dissertation by Count Tolstoy, “Why Do People Stupefy Themselves?” specially written for this occasion, as Dr. Alexyeeff told me. (It has been translated under the title of “Alcohol and Tobacco,” London, and published without any indication that Dr. Alexyeeff inspired it.)

In 1896 a second edition, revised and enlarged, was published, also in Moscow; and to this the author added a list of helpful publications and a summary bibliography, which included books issued in various foreign countries, ranging in number from 705 for Great Britain and Colonies, 142 for the United States, 247 for Germany, 124 for ten other countries combined, (up to 1885 in all these cases,) to ten for Russia.  Of these ten, four are in Latin, four in German, one is in Swedish and one in Russian—­the latter, evidently, an article republished from The Medical News.  On the whole, a list practically non-existent, so far as Russia was concerned!

Dr. Alexyeeff had discovered a field of endeavor as virgin as the unplowed steppe.  Only scientists desperately hard up for an unusual topic for a strictly academic discussion and recklessly willing to risk incurring universal unpopularity would have dreamed of unearthing those volumes.  He promptly aroused Count Tolstoy’s interest in the subject of temperance, which in this case signified prohibition, since the Count in his preface to Dr. Alexyeeff’s book (dated July 10-22, 1890,) treated liquor on the same basis as tobacco, which he had totally abjured at least two years previously.  With Tolstoy, to become convinced that a reform was desirable was, as all the world knows, to become an ardent propagandist of that reform.  Thanks to the efforts of Dr. Alexyeeff, seconded by those of Tolstoy, temperance began to attract attention in Russia, temperance societies were formed, and have been steadily increasing ever since in numbers and activity.

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Eventually Mr. Tchelisheff arrived on the scene with his splendid vital force and practical solutions of the financial and other problems (or suggestions for them) that arise from prohibition, (especially when a Government monopoly and revenue are concerned,) which he most strenuously advocated when Mayor of Samara, as representative in the Duma—­everywhere, in fact, where he could obtain a hearing, willing or unwilling, up to the Emperor Nicholas himself.  And the Emperor showed that he was equal to the magnificent opportunity, and joined hands with the former peasant in aiding his country.

In an interview published by THE TIMES a while ago Mr. Tchelisheff mentions that his attention was first drawn to the subject of the evils of drunkenness by a book which he saw a muzhik reading.  Judging from the point at which he inserts that mention into his outline sketch of his career (previous to the great famine which he—­erroneously—­assigns to the “end of the ’80s,” but which came in 1891) his interest was aroused precisely at the time when Dr. Alexyeeff’s first utterances may be assumed to have seen the light of print.  At any rate, it is an admitted fact that Dr. Alexyeeff carried to Russia and to Tolstoy from the United States the idea and inspiration which has borne such wonderful fruit in the abolition of the liquor traffic “forever,” as the Imperial ukase runs.

Mr. Tchelisheff is a noteworthy figure in history accordingly, but Dr. Alexyeeff should not be forgotten.  When I made his acquaintance at Count Tolstoy’s, in Moscow, he had just requested (and obtained) a detail of service in Tchita, Trans-Baikal Province, Siberia, as physician to the political exiles there, thinking the region would repay study from many points of view, in his leisure hours.  The preface to the first edition of his book “Concerning Drunkenness” is dated “July, 1899, Tchita,” and from Tchita I received my copy from him.  In that preface he states the scope of his book in a way which confirms my conviction that Mr. Tchelisheff was first stirred to interest, and in the end aroused to action, by the United States, via Dr. Alexyeeff.  He writes: 

The battle which in all ages has been waged against drunkenness has been confined hitherto almost exclusively to the realms of medicine and ethics; the social part of the question is only just beginning to be worked out, and has hardly as yet won the rights of citizenship, and down to our own day there have been no serious legal measures adopted for the battle with drunkenness.

Therefore, he omits the legal aspects of the matter in his book and confines himself to an attempt at popularizing the information scattered in divers individual books, “borrowing everything which can lead to the ultimate goal—­the extermination of the evil caused by the use of spirituous drinks.”  He continues: 

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Public opinion has nowhere as yet, even in the lands where considerable success has attended the war on drunkenness, ripened sufficiently a desire to give, even incompletely, a summary of the information about that battle, and make my fellow-countrymen acquainted with a matter still little known in Russia, so I am prompted to write what follows.

The second edition of this book, with the surprising list of Russian treatises on drunkenness to which I have already alluded, is dated “June, 1895, Riga,” where he lived after his return from Siberia, as an official of the Government medical service, until his death in August, 1913.  During the stay in Tchita of the Alexyeeffs, the present Emperor (then the heir,) passed through it, on his way home (from the trip to India and Japan which came so near terminating fatally in the latter country) after having officially opened work upon the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, on the shores of the Pacific Ocean.  A formal reception and ceremonies were organized in Tchita; and I allude to the matter because of a curious detail mentioned in a letter to me by Mrs. Alexyeeff.  Foreigners have very queer ideas, she said, as to the position and treatment of the political exiles in Siberia; some of the Tchita exiles served as heads of the committees for welcoming the heir, and he shook hands with them and treated them exactly as he treated the Governor General of the Province.

Whether it was his admiration for the American temperance movement which influenced Dr. Alexyeeff’s views on everything American, I cannot say.  But, assuredly, not many foreign visitors have pronounced upon our country such a panegyric as is contained in the preface to his “Across America.”  He writes: 

Conscientious fulfillment of every duty, industry, energy, and moral purity are the typical qualities of the genuine American.  It is difficult to form any idea of the wide development of philanthropy, the significance of religion, and the practical application to life of ethical principles, the application of moral obligations in business, the upright, God-fearing life of the Americans, unless one has lived among them.  They have neither prostitution, foundling hospitals, nor hospitals for venereal diseases.  A European is not accustomed to see empty prisons and hospitals in densely settled localities—­to come upon cities where there is nothing for the police, the Judges, and the doctors to do he finds startling.  They have attained the height where priests, pastors, preachers, and teachers are rarely obliged to contend with indifference....
After a trip to America it would be difficult to return an atheist—­you are more likely to come back in a religious frame of mind....  Idleness and luxury are not among the distinguishing characteristics of the descendants of the Puritans....  In the light, transparent atmosphere of the States, simplicity, the cheerful,

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alert spirit infects the foreigner, makes him a more frank, trustful, optimistic warrior for the truth, and causes him to forget what it means to be downcast in spirit, or what spleen and hypochondria are.

Until he died, in Siberia, in Russia, everywhere, Dr. Alexyeeff worked for temperance.  He was enthusiastic about it when I saw him and his wife in England, in 1907.

Mr. Tchelisheff having been aroused to interest, theoretically, by America, via Dr. Alexyeeff, as is fairly proven, it was only natural that he should proceed to make the personal observations on the practical, social side of drunkenness which he mentions in his Times interview.  He noticed, during the great famine of 1891, that it was the drunkards who had squandered their grain and pawned their possessions to the keepers of the dramshops who robbed other men’s granaries and houses, burned, rioted, and murdered; while the men who did not drink had plenty of food and grain to hold out.  We are informed from Russia that even during its still brief reign prohibition has resulted in remarkable improvement in health, living conditions, and bank accounts.

Mr. Tchelisheff is, as I have said, a noteworthy figure in history.  He would be a remarkable figure in any land; but for those who are not acquainted with Russia, the rise of a man born a peasant, educated solely by his own efforts on stray newspapers and books which fell in his way in his schoolless village, and absolutely lacking in money or influence, ("svyazi”—­connections, is the Russian version of “pull,”) to the position of multi-millionaire and co-worker with the Emperor, is amazing almost beyond belief.  In reality, it is as simple as the rise of an American newsboy, of an Edison or a Carnegie to a position of power in the United States.  Fate, circumstances, as well as their own personality are the factors in all these cases; and in every similar case.

Moreover, there is in Russia no eternally impassable barrier of caste, but there is a genuine democracy which is not easy to define, but is very easily felt.  For instance, the title of “Prince,” (to which, unlike that of “Count” or “Baron”—­conferrable—­one must be born, runs the rule, with exceptions for such national heroes as Suvaroff,) counts for nothing or approximately that, unless its owner possesses, in addition, the wealth, character, learning or other characteristics which would render him a man of mark without it.

There are other interesting instances of peasants who have risen high in Russia, and Mr. Tchelisheff is their worthy successor.  The founder of the great silversmiths’ firm of Ovtchinnikoff was a serf.  His successors have made it their rule, “out of gratitude to God,” to maintain and educate a certain number of poor boys, who, when their intellectual and technical training is completed, are free to remain with the firm as valued artists or to go forth independently.  When the Emperor Alexander II. celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary

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of his accession to the throne, all the Sovereigns of Europe sent him magnificent presents.  These are assembled in his library, at the Winter Palace, Petrograd; and in the centre—­accorded that place by the Russians with equal good feeling, good taste, and justice—­is a large group in solid silver, representing a huge mass of rock upon whose pinnacles stand figures representing the different parts of the empire—­Little Russia, Siberia, and so forth.  The inscription reads:  “To the Tzar-Liberator from the Liberated Serf.”  It was made by the Ovtchinnikoffs and presented by another ex-serf, who had become a millionaire railway magnate.

Mustard Seed No. 2 from America to Russia falls into a somewhat different category.  It more nearly resembles one of those grains of antique wheat found in a tomb and sprouting vigorously when finally planted in congenial, helpful soil.  I trust that my comparison may not be regarded as disrespectful.  One could not, willingly, be disrespectful to the calendar, any more than to the thermometer!

Russia, by adhering to the Julian Calendar and refusing to adopt the Gregorian, has now fallen thirteen days behind the rest of the world.  It falls behind about a day for every century.  There are several reasons why Russia has not, up to now, remedied the serious inconvenience caused by this conflict of dates.  One is—­the Gregorian Calendar is Roman Catholic, and named after a Pope.  It is, also, inaccurate.  Worst of all, the rectification might—­almost infallibly would, under ordinary circumstances—­cause trouble at the outset, especially in one incalculably important direction.

Russian scientists long ago worked out a new calendar far more accurate than the Gregorian for thousands of years, and when the change is made that calendar will be adopted.  The fundamental difficulty lies in the fact that all the people whose saints’ days must inevitably be skipped for the first year in the process of rectification will inevitably feel that they are being robbed of their guardian angels, that they are “orphans”—­a mournful word greatly beloved of the Russian masses under multiform circumstances, both material and spiritual—­and orphaned in a peculiarly distressing and irrevocable way.  They might even feel when their saints’ days came around quite correctly the next year that some spurious adventurer—­Angel of Darkness—­was being foisted upon them.

Fanatics and professional mischief-makers would certainly seize with avidity upon such a godsend of a chance, unparalleled since the days of Peter the Great’s father, when the Patriarch Nikon had the errors of the copyists in the Scriptures and church service books corrected.  But the present war has fused all parties, united all hearts in patriotism, loyalty to, and confidence in their Emperor and created a fervid inclination amounting to enthusiasm to accept even the most drastic reforms he may make cheerfully, unquestionably, as for the good of the fatherland.

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On the matter of the calendar reform America has for many years past been exerting a steadily increasing influence.  During the past twenty years the steady flow of immigrants from Russia and other countries belonging to the Orthodox Catholic Church of the East, (Greco-Russian,) has increased to a great volume, and it seems destined to attain still greater proportions when the war is over.  These people are obliged to work and keep holiday by the Gregorian calendar and to worship by the Julian.  This entails hardships.

For example, a devout Russian who has been forced to remain idle on our Christmas and New Year’s Days must sacrifice his pay—­sometimes risk or lose his job—­if he wishes to observe the feasts of his own church.  A reform of the calendar would be hailed with joy by innumerable such immigrants, who have been over here long enough to consider calmly the practical aspects of a temporary dislocation of saints’ days.  The ecclesiastical authorities in this country have frequently protested, in print, both here and in Russia, and I have been informed that the Holy Synod has been appealed to, more than once, to induce it to cast its influence into the balance with that of the scientists and the governmental authorities, who have been discussing the matter for years past, and hesitating over the probable consequences of action—­a case of peasant joining hands with the rulers of Russia, once more like Mr. Tchelisheff and the Emperor Nicholas—­or the people of the United States and the President—­to secure a needed reform!

And these same peasant-immigrants in America have, without the shadow of a doubt, already written back to their relatives and friends in the old country—­and very frequently—­about the difficulties of the antiquated Julian calendar, and these, in turn, can disseminate common sense about the change in a way which the Government, aided by the Holy Synod and the explanations of home-staying parish priests, unaided, could never effect.  When the fitting time arrives, perhaps the Russian Government will avail itself of just this argument, among others—­the welfare of friends in distant America.  There has never been a propitious time in Russia to make that calendar reform since the reign of Peter the Great until now.  And America may fairly be said to have brought from its dark hiding place the mustard seed which has been trying so long to germinate, and imparted to it a vivifying impulse.



    Hush, oh, my baby, your father’s a soldier,
      He’s off to the war, and we’ve nothing to eat. 
    And the glory is neither for you nor for me,
      With the cockleburr crushing the wheat.

    Little boy baby, look well on your mother;
      Some day you may ask why she bore you at all;
    For the trenches are foul with the blood and the wallow,
      And the bayonet is sharp for your fall.

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    Rest, rosy limbs, and blue eyes and gold lashes—­
      Made in the mold of the Saviour, they say! 
    Drink deep of my bosom, my starved, meagre bosom,
      That—­keeps you alive for the fray.

    Sleep, oh, my man child, and smile in your sleeping,
      But the gun has been fashioned to lay in your hand,
    And your life blood flows smooth in your fair little body
      The better to water and plenish the land!

Pan-American Relations As Affected by the War

Consequences of the European Conflict on Future Commerce Between the United States and Latin America

By Huntington Wilson,

Formerly Assistant Secretary of State.


A study of the effects of the war upon our relations with the other republics of this hemisphere involves political, commercial, financial and strategic elements of far-reaching scope and much complexity.  The situation presents an opportunity.  It offers a lesson even more vital than the opportunity.  The political considerations are most relevant to the lesson; and the final text of the lesson will be the result of the war.  The economic opportunity is already upon us, definite and clear.  It will not wait.  It must be grasped without delay and may therefore be first discussed.

There is something repellent in counting our advantages under the shadow of so great a tragedy but we must try to be as practical as those who are fond of accusing us of materialism.  Does any one think that the steam-roller of admirably organized and Government-fostered German competition would pause if we lay in the road; that if we received a check, Anglo-Saxon cousinship and fair play would always mitigate British competition; or that then not a single European merchant in South America would ever again use scorn and detraction against our goods, or encourage, through influence with the press, prejudice due to “Yankee peril” nonsense?  In short, is it likely that all our competitors would suddenly love us just because we were in trouble?  No, things are not as they should be and meanwhile must be dealt with as they are.

There used to be apparently very little hope of our shaking the tree and gathering the golden fruit of foreign enterprise unless forced to it by the collapse, through dire hard times, of the wonderful home market which has made spoiled children of our manufacturers.  Now comes this war.  It forces upon us a wonderful, a unique opportunity to gain and hold our proper place in the finance, trade, and enterprise of Latin America.  The richness of the field is often exaggerated, but its cultivation is certainly worth the effort of men of foresight.

What are we going to do about it?  This is the question; for if American business men do not do their part the ultimate effect of the war upon our economic interests in this part of the world will be unimportant.  We must not be like the young gold miners who were looking exclusively for large nuggets with handles.  We must go at it seriously and scientifically and solidly, not superficially, casually, and opportunistically.  We must begin with the earnest intention of continuing our efforts for all time.

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An enthusiastic commercial spasm will be worth nothing.  There have got to be real efforts, real hard work, the expenditure of money for future and not merely immediate profits, a cheerful readiness to discard old and cherished methods, a new adaptability, a new painstaking attention to details.  There has got to be serious study of foreign countries and keen interest in our relations to them.  Without all this, mailing catalogues, (usually in English,) banquets and speeches and organizations will take us nowhere.

American business men are bestirring themselves.  They know that we need ships to carry our goods advantageously, and banks for the favorable financing of our trade.  They should be able to compel our Government’s support where needful, as in a ship subsidy or a limited guarantee of reasonable profit to American investment in ships.  In connection with our efforts at Caribbean commerce, as another instance, they should be able to get a flexible sliding scale tariff provision passed by Congress, so that, in dealing with the countries whose coffee or other special products we buy, we could induce them to give us for our exports reciprocal advantages over our competitors.  Indeed, a kind of Caribbean tariff union might well be feasible and desirable.

So long ago as last August the British Government sent all over the world for samples and specifications of German goods which their manufacturers might contrive to displace.  We should take corresponding action in regard to the goods of our competitors.  Our manufacturers should be reconciled to sending to find out what each market wants instead of asking a population to take or leave what we make.  Our commercial campaign should include the effort to replace goods from one belligerent country formerly handled by local merchants from another belligerent country, such as British goods previously sold through the German houses which so abound in these countries.

Good men from small countries without political significance in world-politics already make their influence felt as employes of foreign Governments and as merchants in foreign countries.  The war may set free many more men and send them about the world to work for their own interests, for the country they most believe in, and perhaps ultimately for an adopted country.  International commerce must have its courtiers, and the good will of all such men should also be reckoned with.  They spread friendship or prejudice against us.  Many of them are importers and will push our goods or some one else’s according to the manner in which we deal with them.

American manufacturers are doubtless weary of being told that they pack badly, that they are niggardly about credits, that they do not send enough or sufficiently qualified representatives, that they are careless of details, and so on.  Still, before mentioning some further particular steps that should be taken, it is necessary to emphasize the fact that these same old faults are, and until corrected must remain, the chief detriments to our foreign trade.

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In some of the republics there is a real disposition to deal with us; in others there is a preference for Europe.  Now, as to many goods, they must deal with us or go without, although I am informed that a German firm, for example, has got word to its clients in these countries that it is prepared to fill orders via Copenhagen.  If we think that our competitors have gone entirely or permanently out of business we shall be ridiculously and sadly disappointed.  We shall be on trial, and if our exporters make good they will find a conservative disposition to continue to buy from us.

In the effort it is important to remember that there is much to live down in criticism of methods of the past.  One Latin-American gentleman, an enthusiast for American commerce, exclaimed to me in despair:  “Son hombres capazes de poner una hacha Collins con vidrios para ventanas,” which means:  “they (the American exporters) are capable of packing a Collins hatchet with window glass.”  Others told me how leading firms always stamped their letters for domestic and not foreign postage.  The office boy simply would not learn geography.  Nobody minded paying the deficit, but through local red tape this seeming trifle sometimes caused two or even three weeks’ delay in the delivery of important letters.

Certain of our strongest firms have been calmly ignoring shipping directions.  What did they care if the packages had to cross the Andes on mule back, and if mules could only carry packages of a certain size and weight?  What did they care if the duty remission for materials on some Government contract, or the customs classification of a shipment, depended on adherence to specific directions?  I could multiply examples of the most amazing casualness and careless disregard, of bad packing, of ungenerous credit, which have enraged the importer.

A European merchant, many years established in a South American city, and knowing the community, has been selling pianos in this way:  The manufacturer would quote him a price and deliver the piano, giving him long credit at an ordinary rate of interest.  The merchant would finally sell the piano on the installment plan, receiving interest at a higher rate on the deferred payments, the merchant trusting the buyer, the manufacturer trusting the merchant, both thus making good profits, and the purchaser being accommodated.  This man found the American manufacturer entirely unwilling to deal in this way.

European houses on the spot, whether independent or financed by large home houses, give credits for as long, sometimes, as a year.  They would not continue to do so if they lost by doing it.  Often this fits the customs of the local domestic trade.  In one country the local retailer is expected to be paid within eighteen months.  Naturally, our exporters’ demand for “cash down on receipt of documents,” even when the customer is well vouched for, does not appeal to him.

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He prefers to get long credit from a European house, and pay interest for it, rather than to borrow from his bank at high interest or sink his own capital to pay for American goods, long before he gets them, their price plus the profit of a commission house.  Indeed, he is generally dissatisfied with the methods of American export trade as now conducted, which is almost exclusively through commission houses.  These, it seems, might become more efficient through organization and more aggressive and scientific methods.

On the other hand, the export trade of certain of the big combinations is beginning to be pushed with commendable zeal and efficiency.  Trade at large, to reach its greatest volume, must include the pushing of smaller lines of goods.  These smaller lines, in the aggregate, would reach considerable sums, and it does not appear that there have hitherto existed efficient agencies for their marketing.  To hold Latin-American trade we must equal our competitors in liberality of credits, in representation on the spot, and in other facilities.

There is no doubt that more American merchants resident in the trade centres would give valuable impetus to our commerce.  Even our commission houses operating on the spot are so few that in handling many lines there is the greatest danger of their sacrificing the building up of a steady trade to the opportunities of unduly heavy profits now and then, and so damaging our general commercial interests.  Then we must send many commercial travelers.

Just here, however, it cannot be too strongly emphasized that Americans sent to these countries to do business must above all be men of agreeable manners.  In these countries many quite unworthy people have these:  so a good man who lacks them is likely to be badly misjudged.  They should have sympathetic personality and sufficient education, besides being men of sobriety and good character, and should be able to speak the language of the country.

All this will be expensive, but non-competing firms might join in sending men, or competing firms might, it is hoped, be guaranteed against the terrors of the Sherman law in order to join in sending a corps of representatives upon some basis of division of the field or the profits.  Combination is even more necessary abroad to put forth the nation’s strength in world competition than it is for efficiency at home.  These men would be students and salesmen, and perhaps future merchants who would settle in these countries and emulate the patriotic groups of resident foreigners who in so many places help to form an atmosphere favorable to their countries’ interests.

They would work to replace with our goods those now shut off by the war, but also to introduce dozens of lines of American products which are now comparatively hard to find in these markets.  A number of strong firms might join to establish commercial houses or selling agencies in trade centres of certain groups of countries.  Commission houses might do the same if they carried samples and instructed their clients in packing, credits, &c., but in each case there should be American houses on the spot which would carry general lines and supply to the eye that visible evidence of the goods themselves which is such a valuable form of advertisement.

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In the establishment of American houses in these countries, as in many other respects, much may be learned from the Germans.  They bring out carefully selected young men.  These, if efficient, have sure promotion.  The partners retire before old age to make room for those who work up.  The inefficient are dropped.  It is a little like the principle of a good foreign service.

I think the most minute study should be given, first, to the nearer countries, say those north of the Equator, including the republics of the Caribbean.  Each country must be separately studied.  Primarily, there will be found a cry, sometimes desperate, for capital.  Public works, concessionary and otherwise, have stopped for lack of funds from Europe.  New developments in railroad building, mining, harbor works, plantations, are arrested.  Where European credits have been customarily used to handle crops, there is distress, and no less so in cases in which such credit has previously been given by ostensibly American houses operating really with European capital.

American capital may come to the rescue by advances upon good security through local banks.  It can establish banks or buy controlling interests in existing banks, many of which pay their stockholders 15 per cent. or more.  It can relieve the stagnation and make profitable investment by an active campaign for public and private contracts and for sound and fair concessions, not visionary or get-rich-too-quick schemes.

Supposably, the repairing of the destruction brought by the war will make European capital scarce for some years, but an effort will doubtless be made to retain for it its former preponderance in these countries; and so it is important that, whatever the war’s effects upon our own money markets, use should be made of such an opportunity as does not come more than once.

To be sure, the scarcity of money in the United States makes this difficult, but the same worldwide money scarcity will secure an especially high rate of interest in Latin America, where even in normal times money can often be placed on excellent security in some of the countries, and at a rate very high indeed compared to that prevailing now in the United States.  For safe investments with such a margin of profit, it is to be hoped that money, even if dear at home, will be forthcoming.

Undoubtedly the purchasing power of these republics has been hard hit by the cutting off of credits and markets by the war, as their Governments have been hard hit through the falling off of revenues from import duties.  Some of the Governments will require foreign loans.  Capital, I repeat—­and I mean really American capital—­is the urgent need.  We are not asked to make them a present of capital to buy our goods with, but if we do not help finance them and buy their products they will have nothing with which to buy our goods.

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The situation invites us to give capital and credit to take the place of the European supply which has failed.  One need not fear that the returns will be uninviting, for Europe would hardly have been supplying credit and capital to Latin America as a mere matter of amiability.  Thus our capital must regenerate Latin-American prosperity, while our bankers, merchants, and manufacturers are engaged in making solid, permanent arrangements, not opportunistic ones, to take possession of a great share in the present and still more in the growing future development and commerce of these countries.  Capital, then, and credit are the first requisites.

The war has had the effect of making the Latin-American countries realize for once the economic importance to them of the United States.  The products of some, like the tin of Bolivia and the nitrates of Chile, have been going almost entirely to Europe.  Several republics suffer the more acutely in proportion to their previous failure to cultivate financial and commercial relations with the United States.

They now feel this and are compelled to a mood receptive to our advances.  More, they are forced to seek new markets for their goods just as they are forced to buy some of ours.  In this way there should come about new exports to the United States, and there should spring up there the corresponding new industries and habits of consumption, to the ultimate benefit of all the countries concerned.

Meanwhile, the United States is the only present economic hope of a number of the republics.  It is to be hoped that our capitalists and business men will realize the responsibilities as well as the opportunities of profit in the role they are asked to play, and that their response to their new opportunities will be one of courage, thoroughness and intelligence, and one also of quiet patriotism.



Turning from the opportunity to the lesson, from the commercial and economic aspects of this question to those that are political in the large sense, one’s imagination is appalled at the potentialities of the yet unknown results of so vast an upheaval.  Yet we must envisage some of these if we are to be prepared for their effect upon us.  We must be ready for the impact of the resultant forces of these great dynamics.  We must be ready everywhere, but nowhere more than in our relations with Latin America, in the zone of the Caribbean, and wherever the Monroe Doctrine as still interpreted gives us a varying degree of responsibility.

The war’s first effect upon our Latin-American relations is to compel through commercial and financial rapprochement a larger measure of material interdependence, more contact, and, we may hope, a substitution of knowledge for the former reciprocity of ignorance.  All this makes for better social and intellectual relations, good understanding and friendship, and so for political relations much more substantial in the case of many of the republics than the rather flimsy Pan-Americanism celebrated in eloquent speeches and futile international conferences.

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There is little in Pan-Americanism of that kind.  The “raza Latina” of eloquence is not itself homogeneous; still less so is the population of the whole hemisphere.  And with Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and Santiago we have, of course, far less propinquity than we have with the capitals of Europe.  But what we really can do is to build up, especially with the nearer republics, real ties of common interest and good neighborhood, and with the distant ones ties of commerce and esteem.

The war may tend to cure certain rather self-centred countries of affecting the morbid view that the people of the United States are lying awake nights contriving to devour them, when, in fact, it would be hard to find in a crowded street in the United States one in a thousand of the passersby who knew more than the name, at most, of one of those very few countries referred to.

Europe’s preoccupation with the war temporarily deprives such a country and its few misguided prophets whose monomania is dread of that chimera, the “Colossus of the North,” of the pastime of nestling up to Europe in the hope of annoying us.  It postpones, too, the hope of the morbid ones that we shall come to war with a powerful enemy.  Now, perhaps, even these will appreciate the remark of a diplomatist of a certain weak country in contact with European powers, who once said:  “If we only had the United States for a neighbor!  What I can’t understand is that your neighbors do not realize their good luck.”  Turning from these exceptional phenomena, the very fact of the war leaves the United States in a general position of greater political prestige.

Whatever the upshot of the European tragedy, its political and psychological consequences are likely to be great.  If it result in new national divisions upon racial lines of more reality, who knows but that the awakened spirits of nationality will germinate fresh military ambitions?  Or will the horrors of the war force political reforms and the search for assurance in more democratic institutions against any repetition of those horrors?  And is popular government an assurance against useless war while men remain warlike even when not military?

Except from the successful countries or from those where disaster has brought such sobering change that men can return to work heartened with new hope, when the war is over there is likely to be a heavy emigration of disgusted people.  Possibly even victory will be so dear that men will emigrate from a country half prostrate in its triumph.  Many will come as the Puritans came, and as the bulk of our own excellent Germanic element came, and will cast in their lot with a new nation.  We shall get a good share, but doubtless some will go to the republics of the far South, and some to the highlands of the tropics and through the canal to the West Coast.  If so, this will tend gradually toward increased production and purchasing power, as well as toward a leavening of social, political, and economic conditions of life.

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If the war were indecisive or left all the combatants more or less prostrated, peaceful immigration might give a big impulse to the gradual growing up of powerful States in the temperate zone of the extreme South.  The situation there, and the evolution of our own power, make it perhaps even now fair to consider the question of regarding as optional in any given case the assertion by us of the Monroe Doctrine much below the equator, let us say, beyond which it may possibly be doubtful whether we have nowadays much reason for special interest.

But, even so, our relations to South America and our obligations under the Monroe Doctrine, in spite of the blessed fortifications of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, leave us where it is tempting fate to be without a navy of the first magnitude, and a big merchant marine.  We have seen what happened to Belgium and Luxemburg.  We have seen how even some of the most enlightened nations can still make force their god.  Nations learn slowly, and there are perhaps some new big ones coming on, like China.

If the war is a fight to a finish, and the Allies triumph, we can imagine Russia, with its teeming millions of people, occupied for a while in the Near East; Japan consolidating her position in the Far East, an increasingly powerful neighbor to us in the Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, and the Pacific Ocean; France still a great power; and England as a world power of uncomfortably ubiquitous strength, able to challenge the Monroe Doctrine at will.

Or, let us suppose that Germany should triumph and that German emigration should swarm into the Caribbean countries, or into Brazil or some other country where there is already a large German colony—­elated, triumphant Germans, not Germans disgusted by a disastrous war.  Would Germany be likely to heed the Monroe Doctrine, or would it be only another “scrap of paper”?

In the present stage of civilization the safety of America should not be left dependent upon the forbearance of any power that may emerge dangerously strong from the war or that may otherwise arise.  The obligations and rights of our Latin-American relations, under the Monroe Doctrine and otherwise, like our security and our efficiency as a force for peace and good in the world, demand a big navy, a merchant marine, and the self-discipline and safeguard of adequate military preparedness.  The need of these and of a diplomacy of intelligent self-interest, continuity, and intense nationalism is the lesson brought home to us by the European war in its effects upon our Latin-American relations as well as upon our general position as a great power.



    Into what depths of misery thou art hurled,
    Belgium, thou second Saviour of the World! 
      Thou who hast died
    For all of Europe, lo, we bathe thy feet
    So cruelly pierced, and find the service sweet,
      Thou crucified.

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    But though we mourn thy agony and loss,
    And weep beneath the shadow of thy cross—­
      We know the day
    That brings the resurrection and the life
    Shall dawn for thee when war and all its strife
      Hath passed away.

    Then, out of all her travail and her pain,
    Belgium, though crushed to earth, shall rise again;
      And on the sod
    Whence sprang a race so strong, so free from guile,
    Men shall behold, in just a little while,
      The smile of God.

    Land of the brave—­soon, by God’s grace, the free—­
    Thy woe is transient; joy shall come to thee;
      It cannot fail. 
    The darkest night gives way to rosy dawn,
    And thou, perchance, shalt see on Easter morn,
      The Holy Grail.

An Interview on the War With Henry James

By Preston Lockwood

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, March 21, 1915.]

One of the compensations of the war, which we ought to take advantage of, is the chance given the general public to approach on the personal side some of the distinguished men who have not hitherto lived much in the glare of the footlights.  Henry James has probably done this as little as any one; he has enjoyed for upward of forty years a reputation not confined to his own country, has published a long succession of novels, tales, and critical papers, and yet has apparently so delighted in reticence as well as in expression that he has passed his seventieth year without having responsibly “talked” for publication or figured for it otherwise than pen in hand.

Shortly after the outbreak of the war Mr. James found himself, to his professed great surprise, Chairman of the American Volunteer Motor Ambulance Corps, now at work in France, and today, at the end of three months of bringing himself to the point, has granted me, as a representative of THE NEW YORK TIMES, an interview.  What this departure from the habit of a lifetime means to him he expressed at the outset: 

“I can’t put,” Mr. James said, speaking with much consideration and asking that his punctuation as well as his words should be noted, “my devotion and sympathy for the cause of our corps more strongly than in permitting it thus to overcome my dread of the assault of the interviewer, whom I have deprecated, all these years, with all the force of my preference for saying myself and without superfluous aid, without interference in the guise of encouragement and cheer, anything I may think worth my saying.  Nothing is worth my saying that I cannot help myself out with better, I hold, than even the most suggestive young gentleman with a notebook can help me.  It may be fatuous of me, but, believing myself possessed of some means of expression, I feel as if I were sadly giving it away when, with the use of it urgent, I don’t gratefully employ it, but appeal instead to the art of somebody else.”

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It was impossible to be that “somebody else,” or, in other words, the person privileged to talk with Mr. James, to sit in presence of his fine courtesy and earnestness, without understanding the sacrifice he was making, and making only because he had finally consented to believe that it would help the noble work of relief which a group of young Americans, mostly graduates of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, are carrying on along their stretch of the fighting line in Northern France.

Mr. James frankly desired his remarks to bear only on the merits of the American Volunteer Motor Ambulance Corps.  It enjoys today the fullest measure of his appreciation and attention; it appeals deeply to his benevolent instincts, and he gives it sympathy and support as one who has long believed, and believes more than ever, in spite of everything, at this international crisis, in the possible development of “closer communities and finer intimacies” between America and Great Britain, between the country of his birth and the country, as he puts it, of his “shameless frequentation.”

There are many people who are eloquent about the war, who are authorities on the part played in it by the motor ambulance and who take an interest in the good relations of Great Britain and the United States; but there is nobody who can tell us, as Mr. James can, about style and the structure of sentences, and all that appertains to the aspect and value of words.  Now and then in what here follows he speaks familiarly of these things for the first time in his life, not by any means because he jumped at the chance, but because his native kindness, whether consciously or unconsciously, seemed so ready to humor the insisting inquirer.

“It is very difficult,” he said, seeking to diminish the tension so often felt by a journalist, even at the moment of a highly appreciated occasion, “to break into graceful license after so long a life of decorum; therefore you must excuse me if my egotism doesn’t run very free or my complacency find quite the right turns.”

He had received me in the offices of the corps, businesslike rooms, modern for London, low-ceiled and sparely furnished.  It was not by any means the sort of setting in which as a reader of Henry James I had expected to run to earth the author of “The Golden Bowl,” but the place is, nevertheless, today, in the tension of war time, one of the few approaches to a social resort outside his Chelsea home where he can be counted on.  Even that delightful Old World retreat, Lamb House, Rye, now claims little of his time.

The interviewer spoke of the waterside Chelsea and Mr. James’s long knowledge of it, but, sitting not overmuch at his ease and laying a friendly hand on the shoulder of his tormentor, he spoke, instead, of motor ambulances, making the point, in the interest of clearness, that the American Ambulance Corps of Neuilly, though an organization with which Richard Norton’s corps is in the fullest sympathy, does not come within the scope of his remarks.

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“I find myself Chairman of our Corps Committee for no great reason that I can discover save my being the oldest American resident here interested in its work; at the same time that if I render a scrap of help by putting on record my joy even in the rather ineffectual connection so far as ‘doing’ anything is concerned, I needn’t say how welcome you are to my testimony.  What I mainly seem to grasp, I should say, is that in regard to testifying at all unlimitedly by the aid of the newspapers, I have to reckon with a certain awkwardness in our position.  Here comes up, you see, the question of our reconciling a rather indispensable degree of reserve as to the detail of our activity with the general American demand for publicity at any price.  There are ways in which the close presence of war challenges the whole claim for publicity; and I need hardly say that this general claim has been challenged, practically, by the present horrific complexity of things at the front, as neither the Allies themselves nor watching neutrals have ever seen it challenged before.  The American public is, of course, little used to not being able to hear, and hear as an absolute right, about anything that the press may suggest that it ought to hear about; so that nothing may be said ever to happen anywhere that it doesn’t count on having reported to it, hot and hot, as the phrase is, several times a day.  We were the first American ambulance corps in the field, and we have a record of more than four months’ continuous service with one of the French armies, but the rigor of the objection to our taking the world into our intimate confidence is not only shown by our still unbroken inability to report in lively installments, but receives also a sidelight from the fact that numerous like private corps maintained by donations on this side of the sea are working at the front without the least commemoration of their deeds—­that is, without a word of journalistic notice.

“I hope that by the time these possibly too futile remarks of mine come to such light as may await them Mr. Norton’s report of our general case may have been published, and nothing would give the committee greater pleasure than that some such controlled statement on our behalf, best proceeding from the scene of action itself, should occasionally appear.  The ideal would, of course, be that exactly the right man, at exactly the right moment, should report exactly the right facts, in exactly the right manner, and when that happy consummation becomes possible we shall doubtless revel in funds.”

Mr. James had expressed himself with such deliberation and hesitation that I was reminded of what I had heard of all the verbal alterations made by him in novels and tales long since published; to the point, we are perhaps incorrectly told of replacing a “she answered” by a “she indefinitely responded.”

I should, indeed, mention that on my venturing to put to Mr. James a question or two about his theory of such changes he replied that no theory could be stated, at any rate in the off-hand manner that I seemed to invite, without childish injustice to the various considerations by which a writer is moved.  These determinant reasons differ with the context and the relations of parts to parts and to the total sense in a way of which no a priori account can be given.

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“I dare say I strike you,” he went on, “as rather bewilderedly weighing my words; but I may perhaps explain my so doing very much as I the other day heard a more interesting fact explained.  A distinguished English naval expert happened to say to me that the comparative non-production of airships in this country indicated, in addition to other causes, a possible limitation of the British genius in that direction, and then on my asking him why that class of craft shouldn’t be within the compass of the greatest makers of sea-ships, replied, after brief reflection:  ’Because the airship is essentially a bad ship, and we English can’t make a bad ship well enough.’  Can you pardon,” Mr. James asked, “my making an application of this to the question of one’s amenability or plasticity to the interview?  The airship of the interview is for me a bad ship, and I can’t make a bad ship well enough.”

Catching Mr. James’s words as they came was not very difficult; but there was that in the manner of his speech that cannot be put on paper, the delicate difference between the word recalled and the word allowed to stand, the earnestness of the massive face and alert eye, tempered by the genial “comment of the body,” as R.L.  Stevenson has it.

Henry James does not look his seventy years.  He has a finely shaped head, and a face, at once strong and serene, which the painter and the sculptor may well have liked to interpret.  Indeed, in fine appreciation they have so wrought.  Derwent Wood’s admirable bust, purchased from last year’s Royal Academy, shown by the Chantrey Fund, will be permanently placed in the Tate Gallery, and those who fortunately know Sargent’s fine portrait, to be exhibited in the Sargent Room at the San Francisco Exhibition, will recall its having been slashed into last year by the militant suffragettes, though now happily restored to such effect that no trace of the outrage remains.

Mr. James has a mobile mouth, a straight nose, a forehead which has thrust back the hair from the top of his commanding head, although it is thick at the sides over the ears, and repeats in its soft gray the color of his kindly eyes.  Before taking in these physical facts one receives an impression of benignity and amenity not often conveyed, even by the most distinguished.  And, taking advantage of this amiability, I asked if certain words just used should be followed by a dash, and even boldly added:  “Are you not famous, Mr. James, for the use of dashes?”

“Dash my fame!” he impatiently replied.  “And remember, please, that dogmatizing about punctuation is exactly as foolish as dogmatizing about any other form of communication with the reader.  All such forms depend on the kind of thing one is doing and the kind of effect one intends to produce.  Dashes, it seems almost platitudinous to say, have their particular representative virtue, their quickening force, and, to put it roughly, strike both the familiar and the emphatic note, when those are the notes required,

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with a felicity beyond either the comma or the semicolon; though indeed a fine sense for the semicolon, like any sort of sense at all for the pluperfect tense and the subjunctive mood, on which the whole perspective in a sentence may depend, seems anything but common.  Does nobody ever notice the calculated use by French writers of a short series of suggestive points in the current of their prose?  I confess to a certain shame for my not employing frankly that shade of indication, a finer shade still than the dash....  But what on earth are we talking about?” And the Chairman of the Corps Committee pulled himself up in deprecation of our frivolity, which I recognized by acknowledging that we might indeed hear more about the work done and doing at the front by Richard Norton and his energetic and devoted co-workers.  Then I plunged recklessly to draw my victim.

“May not a large part of the spirit which animates these young men be a healthy love of adventure?” I asked.

The question seemed to open up such depths that Mr. James considered a moment and began: 

“I, of course, don’t personally know many of our active associates, who naturally waste very little time in London.  But, since you ask me, I prefer to think of them as moved, first and foremost, not by the idea of the fun or the sport they may have, or of the good thing they may make of the job for themselves, but by that of the altogether exceptional chance opened to them of acting blessedly and savingly for others, though indeed if we come to that there is no such sport in the world as so acting when anything in the nature of risk or exposure is attached.  The horrors, the miseries, the monstrosities they are in presence of are so great surely as not to leave much of any other attitude over when intelligent sympathy has done its best.

“Personally I feel so strongly on everything that the war has brought into question for the Anglo-Saxon peoples that humorous detachment or any other thinness or tepidity of mind on the subject affects me as vulgar impiety, not to say as rank blasphemy; our whole race tension became for me a sublimely conscious thing from the moment Germany flung at us all her explanation of her pounce upon Belgium for massacre and ravage in the form of the most insolent, ’Because I choose to, damn you all!’ recorded in history.

“The pretension to smashing world rule by a single people, in virtue of a monopoly of every title, every gift and every right, ought perhaps to confound us more by its grotesqueness than to alarm us by its energy; but never do cherished possessions, whether of the hand or of the spirit, become so dear to us as when overshadowed by vociferous aggression.  How can one help seeing that such aggression, if hideously successful in Europe, would, with as little loss of time as possible, proceed to apply itself to the American side of the world, and how can one, therefore, not feel that the Allies are fighting to the death for the soul and the purpose and the future that are in us, for the defense of every ideal that has most guided our growth and that most assures our unity?

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“Of course, since you ask me, my many years of exhibited attachment to the conditions of French and of English life, with whatever fond play of reflection and reaction may have been involved in it, make it inevitable that these countries should peculiarly appeal to me at the hour of their peril, their need and their heroism, and I am glad to declare that, though I had supposed I knew what that attachment was, I find I have any number of things more to learn about it.  English life, wound up to the heroic pitch, is at present most immediately before me, and I can scarcely tell you what a privilege I feel it to share the inspiration and see further revealed the character of this decent and dauntless people.

“However, I am indeed as far as you may suppose from assuming that what you speak to me of as the ‘political’ bias is the only ground on which the work of our corps for the Allies should appeal to the American public.  Political, I confess, has become for me in all this a loose and question-begging term, but if we must resign ourselves to it as explaining some people’s indifference, let us use a much better one for inviting their confidence.  It will do beautifully well if givers and workers and helpers are moved by intelligent human pity, and they are with us abundantly enough if they feel themselves simply roused by, and respond to, the most awful exhibition of physical and moral anguish the world has ever faced, and which it is the strange fate of our actual generations to see unrolled before them.  We welcome any lapse of logic that may connect inward vagueness with outward zeal, if it be the zeal of subscribers, presenters or drivers of cars, or both at once, stretcher-bearers, lifters, healers, consolers, handy Anglo-French interpreters, (these extremely precious,) smoothers of the way; in short, after whatever fashion.  We ask of nobody any waste of moral or of theoretic energy, nor any conviction of any sort, but that the job is inspiring and the honest, educated man a match for it.

“If I seem to cast doubt on any very driving intelligence of the great issue as a source of sympathy with us, I think this is because I have been struck, whenever I have returned to my native land, by the indifference of Americans at large to the concerns and preoccupations of Europe.  This indifference has again and again seemed to me quite beyond measure or description, though it may be in a degree suggested by the absence throughout the many-paged American newspaper of the least mention of a European circumstance unless some not-to-be-blinked war or revolution, or earthquake or other cataclysm has happened to apply the lash to curiosity.  The most comprehensive journalistic formula that I have found myself, under that observation, reading into the general case is the principle that the first duty of the truly appealing sheet in a given community is to teach every individual reached by it—­every man, woman and child—­to count on appearing there, in their habit as they live, if they will only wait for their turn.

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“However,” he continued, “my point is simply my plea for patience with our enterprise even at the times when we can’t send home sensational figures.  ‘They also serve who only stand and wait,’ and the essence of our utility, as of that of any ambulance corps, is just to be there, on any and every contingency, including the blessed contingency of a temporary drop in the supply of the wounded turned out and taken on—­since such comparative intermissions occur.  Ask our friends, I beg you, to rid themselves of the image of our working on schedule time or on guarantee of a maximum delivery; we are dependent on the humors of battle, on incalculable rushes and lapses, on violent outbreaks of energy which rage and pass and are expressly designed to bewilder.  It is not for the poor wounded to oblige us by making us showy, but for us to let them count on our open arms and open lap as troubled children count on those of their mother.  It is now to be said, moreover, that our opportunity of service threatens inordinately to grow; such things may any day begin to occur at the front as will make what we have up to now been able to do mere child’s play, though some of our help has been rendered when casualties were occurring at the rate, say, of 5,000 in twenty minutes, which ought, on the whole, to satisfy us.  In face of such enormous facts of destruction—­”

Here Mr. James broke off as if these facts were, in their horror, too many and too much for him.  But after another moment he explained his pause.

“One finds it in the midst of all this as hard to apply one’s words as to endure one’s thoughts.  The war has used up words; they have weakened, they have deteriorated like motor car tires; they have, like millions of other things, been more overstrained and knocked about and voided of the happy semblance during the last six months than in all the long ages before, and we are now confronted with a depreciation of all our terms, or, otherwise speaking, with a loss of expression through increase of limpness, that may well make us wonder what ghosts will be left to walk.”

This sounded rather desperate, yet the incorrigible interviewer, conscious of the wane of his only chance, ventured to glance at the possibility of a word or two on the subject of Mr. James’s present literary intentions.  But the kindly hand here again was raised, and the mild voice became impatient.

“Pardon my not touching on any such irrelevance.  All I want is to invite the public, as unblushingly as possible, to take all the interest in us it can; which may be helped by knowing that our bankers are Messrs. Brown Brothers & Co., 59 Wall Street, New York City, and that checks should be made payable to the American Volunteer Motor Ambulance Corps.”

A Talk With Belgium’s Governor

By Edward Lyall Fox

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April 11, 1915.]

Copyright, 1915, by the Wildman News Service.

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“It would have been a very grave mistake not to have invaded Belgium.  It would have been an unforgivable military blunder.  I justify the invading of Belgium on absolute military grounds.  What other grounds are there worth while talking about when a nation is in a war for its existence?”

It is the ruler of German Belgium speaking.  The stern, serious-faced Governor General von Bissing, whom they call “Iron Fist,” the man who crushes out sedition.  Returning, I had just come up from the front around Lille, and almost the only clothes I had were those on my back; and the mud of the trenches still clung to my boots and puttees in yellow cakes.  They were not the most proper clothes in which to meet King Albert’s successor, but in field gray I had to go.

The Governor General received me in a dainty Louis Quinze room done in rose and French gray, and filled incongruously with delicate chairs and heavy brocaded curtains, a background which instantly you felt precisely suited his Excellency.  In the English newspapers, which, by the way, are not barred from Berlin cafes, I had read of his Excellency as the “Iron Fist,” or the “Heavy Heel,” and I rather expected to see a heavy, domineering man.  Instead, a slender, stealthy man in the uniform of a General rose from behind a tapestry topped table, revealing, as he did, a slight stoop in his back, perhaps a trifle foppish.  He held out a long-fingered hand.

General von Bissing spoke no English.  Somehow I imagined him to be one of those old German patriots who did not learn the language simply because it was English.  Through Lieut.  Herrmann I asked the Governor General what Germany was doing toward the reconstruction of Belgium.  I told him America, when I had left, was under the impression that Belgium was a land utterly laid waste by the German armies.  I frankly told him that in America the common belief was that the German military Government meant tyranny; what was Germany doing for Belgium?

“I think,” replied Governor General von Bissing, “that we are doing everything that can be done under the circumstances.  Those farm lands which you saw, coming up from Lille to Brussels, were planted by German soldiers and in the Spring they will be harvested by our soldiers.  Belgium has not been devastated, and its condition has been grievously misstated, as you have seen.  You must remember that the armies have passed back and forth across it—­German, Belgian, English, and French—­but I think you have seen that only in the paths of these armies has the countryside suffered.  Where engagements were not fought or shots fired, Belgium is as it was.

“There has been no systematic devastation for the purpose of intimidating the people.  You will learn this if you go all over Belgium.  As for the cities, we are doing the best we can to encourage business.  Of course, with things the way they are now, it is difficult.  I can only ask you to go down one of the principal business streets here, the Rue de la Neuf, for instance, and price the articles that you find in the shops and compare them with the Berlin prices.  The merchants of Brussels are not having to sacrifice their stock by cutting prices, and, equally important, there are people buying.  I can unhesitatingly say that things are progressing favorably in Belgium.”

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The conversation turned upon Belgian and English relations before this war.  The Governor General mentioned documentary evidence found in the archives in Brussels, proving an understanding between these countries against Germany.  He spoke briefly about the point that the subjects of King Albert had been betrayed into the hands of English financiers and then laconically said:  “The people of Belgium are politically undisciplined children.

“They are the victims of subtle propaganda that generally takes the form of articles in French and neutral newspapers,” and General von Bissing looked me straight in the eyes, as though to emphasize that by neutral he meant the newspapers of the United States.  “I can understand the French doing this,” he said, “because they always use the Belgians and do not care what happens to them.  It is beyond my comprehension, though, how the Government of any neutral country permits the publication of newspaper articles that can have but one effect, and that is to encourage revolt in a captured people.  A country likes to call itself humanitarian, and yet it persists in allowing the publication of articles that only excite an ignorant, undisciplined people and lead them to acts of violence that must be wiped out by force,” and the Governor General’s mouth closed with a click.

“Do you know that the people of Brussels, whenever a strong wind carries the booming of heavy guns miles in from the front, think that French and English are going to recapture the city?  Any day that we can hear the guns faintly, we know that there is an undercurrent of nervous expectancy running through the whole city.  It goes down alleys and avenues and fills the cafes.  You can see Belgians standing together, whispering.  Twice they actually set the date when King Albert would return.

“This excitement and unrest, and the feeling of the English coming in, is fostered and encouraged by the articles in French and neutral newspapers that are smuggled in.  I do not anticipate any uprising among the Belgians, although the thoughtless among them have encouraged it.  An uprising is not a topic of worry in our councils.  It could do us no harm.  We would crush it out like that,” and von Bissing snapped his thin fingers, “but if only for the sake of these misled and betrayed people, all seditious influences should cease.”

I asked the Governor General the attitude of officials of the Belgian Government who were being used by the Germans in directing affairs.

“My predecessor, General von der Goltz,” he replied, “informed me that the municipal officials in Brussels and most Belgian cities showed a good co-operative spirit from the start.  The higher officials were divided, some refusing flatly to deal with the German administration.  I do not blame these men, especially the railway officials, for I can see their viewpoint.  In these days railway roads and troop trains were inseparable, and if those Belgian railway officials had helped us, they

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would have committed treason against their country.  There was no need, though, for the Post Office officials to hold out, and only lately they have come around.  Realizing, however, that without their department the country would be in chaos, the officials of the Department of Justice immediately co-operated with us.  Today the Belgian Civil Courts try all ordinary misdemeanors and felonies.  Belgian penal law still exists and is administered by Belgians.  However, all other cases are tried by a military tribunal, the Feld Gericht.”

I asked General von Bissing if there was much need for this military tribunal.  I shall not forget his reply.

“We have a few serious cases,” he said.  “Occasionally there is a little sedition but for the most part it is only needle pricks.  They are quiet now.  They know why,” and, slowly shaking his head, von Bissing, who is known as the sternest disciplinarian in the entire German Army, smiled.

We talked about the situation in America.

“The truth will come out,” said von Bissing slowly.  “Your country is renowned for fair play.  You will be fair to Germany, I know.  Your American Relief Commission is doing excellent work.  It is in the highest degree necessary.  At first the German Army had to use the food they could get by foraging in Belgium, for the country does not begin to produce the food it needs for its own consumption, and there were no great reserves that our troops could use.  But the German Army is not using any of the Belgian food now.”

[Illustration:  H.M.  MOHAMMED V.

Sultan of Turkey.

(Photo from P.S.  Rogers.)]

[Illustration:  H.M.  VITTORIO EMANUELE III.

King of Italy.]

I asked the Governor General if the Germans had not been very glad that America was sending over food.

“It is most important,” he said, “that America regularly sends provisions to Belgium.  Your country should feel very proud of the good it has done here.  I welcome the American Relief Committee; we are working in perfect harmony.  Despite reports to the contrary, we never have had any misunderstanding.  Through the American press, please thank your people for their kindness to Belgium.

“But,” he continued impressively, referring back to the justification of Germany’s occupation and speaking with quiet force, “if we had not sent our troops into Belgium, the English would have landed their entire expeditionary army at Antwerp, and cut our line of communication.  How do I know that?  Simply because England would have been guilty of the grossest blunder if she had not done that, and the man who is in charge of England’s Army has never been known as a blunderer.”



    Out of the trenches lively, lads! 
      Steady, steady there, number two! 
    Step like your feet were tiger’s pads—­
      Crawl when crawling’s the thing to do!

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    Column left, through the sunken road! 
      Keep in touch as you move by feel! 
    Empty rifles—­no need to load—­
      Night work’s close work, stick to steel!

    Wait for shadows and watch the clouds,
      When it’s moonshine, down you go! 
    Quiet, quiet, as men in shrouds,
      Cats a-prowl in the dark go slow.

    Curse you, there, did you have to fall? 
      Damn your feet and your blind-bat eyes! 
    Caught in the open, caught—­that’s all! 
      Searchlights! slaughter—­we meant surprise!

    Shrapnel fire a bit too low—­
      Gets us though on the ricochet! 
    Open order and in we go,
      Steel, cold steel, and we’ll make ’em pay.

    God above, not there to win? 
      Left, while my men go on to die! 
    Take them in, Sergeant, take them in! 
      Go on, fellows, good luck—­good-bye!

A New Poland

By Gustave Herve

Gustave Herve, author of the article translated below, which appears in a recent number of his paper, La Guerre Sociale—­suppressed, it is reported, by the French authorities—­has been described as “the man who fights all France.”  He is 44 years old, and has spent one-fourth of his life in prison, on account of Socialistic articles against the French flag and Government.  He used to continue writing such articles from prison and thus get his sentences lengthened.
Herve has always opposed everything savoring of militarism and conquest.  From his article on Poland it will be seen that, although he says nothing anti-French or antagonistic to the Allies in general, he desires a Russian triumph over Germany not for his own sake, but as a preliminary to a reconstruction of the Polish Nation out of the lands wrested from Poland by Russia, Germany, and Austria.

In spite of its vagueness, the Grand Duke Nicholas’s proclamation justifies the most sanguine hopes.  This has been recognized not only by all the Poles whom it has reached, those of Russian Poland, and the three million Polish refugees who live in America, but moreover, all the Allies have interpreted it as a genuine promise that Poland would be territorially and politically reconstructed.

What would it be right to include in a reconstructed Poland, if the great principle of nationality is to be respected?

First, such a Poland would naturally include all of the Russian Poland of today—­by that I mean all the districts where Poles are in a large majority.  This forms a preliminary nucleus of 12,000,000 inhabitants, among whom are about 2,000,000 Jews.  This great proportion of Jews is accounted for by the fact that Poland is in the zone where Jews are allowed to live in Russia.

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Our new Poland would not comprise the ancient Lithuania—­the districts of Wilno, Kovno, and Grodno—­although Lithuania formerly was part of Poland and still has about one million Polish inhabitants who form the aristocracy and bourgeoisie.  Lithuania, which is really the region of the Niemen, is peopled by Letts, who have their own language, resembling neither Polish nor Russian, and they likewise hope to obtain some day a measure of autonomy in the Russian Empire, with the right to use their language in schools, churches, and civil proceedings.  One thing is certain:  they would protest, and rightly, against actual incorporation into the new Poland.

The 125,000 square kilometers and 12,000,000 inhabitants of Russian Poland, lying around Warsaw, would constitute the nucleus of reconstructed Poland.

Must we add to this the 79,000 square kilometers and 8,000,000 inhabitants of Galicia, which was Austria’s share in the spoils of old Poland?  Certainly, so far as western Galicia around Cracow is concerned, for this is a wholly Polish region, the Poles there numbering 2,500,000.

As for eastern Galicia, of which the principal city is Lemberg, (Lvov in Polish,) the question is more delicate.  Though Eastern Galicia has over 1,500,000 Poles and 600,000 Jews, most of the population is Ruthenian.  Now these Ruthenians, who are natives, subjugated in former times by the conquering Poles, and who still own much of the big estates, are related to the “Little Russians,” the southerners of Russia, and speak a dialect which is to Russian what Provencal is to French.

Besides, whereas the Poles are Catholics, the Ruthenians are Greek Orthodox Christians like the Russians, but differ from the latter in that they are connected with the Roman Church, and are thus schismatics in the eyes of the Russian priests.

Should these Ruthenians be annexed to Russia along with the 1,500,000 Poles and 500,000 Jews, among whom they have lived for centuries, they would scarcely look upon this as acceptable unless they were certain of having under Russian rule at least equal political liberty and respect for their dialect and religion as they have under Austrian rule.

Should they be incorporated with the rest of Polish Galicia into the new Poland?  It is hardly probable that they desire this, having enjoyed under Austria a considerable measure of autonomy as regards their language and schools.  Would not the best solution be to make of Eastern Galicia an autonomous province of the reconstructed Poland, guaranteeing to it its local privileges?

That leaves for consideration the portion of Poland now forming part of Prussia.

There can be no question as to what should be done with the districts of Posen and Thorn.  These are the parts of Poland stolen by Prussia, which the Prussians, a century and a quarter after the theft, have not succeeded in Germanizing.

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North of the Posen district is Western Prussia, whose principal city is Dantzic; that too is a Polish district, stolen in 1772.  Since then Dantzic has been Germanized and there are numerous German officials and employes in the other towns of the region.  All the rural districts and a part of the towns, however, have remained Polish in spite of attempts to Germanize them as brutal as those applied to Posnania.  But, if united Poland should include Western Prussia, as she has the right to do—­there being no rule against what is right—­Eastern Prussia, including Koenigsberg, will be cut off from the rest of Germany.

Now, Eastern Prussia, with the exception of the southern part about the Masurian Lakes, which has remained Polish, has been German from early mediaeval times.  It is the home of the most reactionary junkers of all Prussia, a cradle of Prussian royalty and of the Hohenzollerns.  Despite our hatred for these birds of prey, could we wish that the new Poland should absorb these 2,000,000 genuine Germans?

If the region of Koenigsberg remains Prussian and the Masurian Lakes region is added to Poland, why not leave to Germany the strip of land along the coast, including Dantzic, in order that Eastern Prussia may thus be joined to Germany at one end?

Another question:  There is in Prussian Upper Silesia a district, that of Oppeln, rich in iron ore, which was severed in the Middle Ages from Poland, but which has remained mostly Polish and which adjoins Poland.  If the majority of Polish residents there demand it, would it not be well to join it once more to Poland, which would become, by this addition, contiguous to the Czechs of Bohemia?

To sum up: 

Without laying hands on the German district of Koenigsberg, united Poland, by absorbing all the territory at present held by Prussia, in which the majority of the inhabitants are Poles, will take from the latter 70,000 square kilometers and 5,700,000 inhabitants.  With these, the new Poland would have 24,000,000 inhabitants, including Eastern Galicia.

If Russia gave to this Poland in lieu of actual independence the most liberal autonomy and reconstructed a Polish kingdom under the suzerainty of the Czar—­a Poland with its Diet, language, schools and army—­would not the present war seem to us a genuine war of liberation and Nicholas II. a sort of Czar-liberator?

And if resuscitated Poland, taught by misfortune, compassionate toward the persecuted and proscribed because she herself has been persecuted and proscribed, should try to cure herself of her anti-Semitism, which has saddened her best friends in France, would not you say that she indeed deserved to be resuscitated from among the dead?

“With the Honors of War”

By Wythe Williams

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

It was just at the dawn of a March morning when I got off a train at Gerbeviller, the little “Martyr City” that hides its desolation as it hid its existence in the foothills of the Vosges.

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There was a dense fog.  At 6 A.M. fog usually covers the valleys of the Meurthe and Moselle.  From the station I could see only a building across the road.  A gendarme demanded my credentials.  I handed him the laisser-passer from the Quartier General of the “First French Army,” which controls all coming and going, all activity in that region.  The gendarme demanded to know the hour when I proposed to leave.  I told him.  He said it would be necessary to have the permit “vised for departure” at the headquarters of the gendarmerie.  He pointed to the hazy outlines of another building just distinguishable through the fog.

This was proof that the town contained buildings—­not just a building.  The place was not entirely destroyed, as I had supposed.  I went down the main street from the station, the fog enveloping me.  I had letters to the town officials, but it was too early in the morning to present them.  I would first get my own impressions of the wreck and the ruin.  But I could see nothing on either hand as I stumbled along in the mud.  So I commented to myself that this was not as bad as some places I had seen.  I thought of the substantial station and the buildings across the road—­untouched by war.  I compared Gerbeviller with places where there is not even a station—­where not one simple house remains as the result of “the day when the Germans came.”

The road was winding and steep, dipping down to the swift little stream that twists a turbulent passage through the town.  The day was coming fast but the fog remained white and impenetrable.  After a few minutes I began to see dark shapes on either side of the road.  Tall, thin, irregular shapes, some high, some low, but with outlines all softened, toned down by the banks of white vapor.

I started across the road to investigate and fell into a pile of jagged masonry on the sidewalk.  Through the nearness of the fog I could see tumbled piles of bricks.  The shapes still remained—­spectres that seemed to move in the light wind from the valley.  An odor that was not of the freshness of the morning assailed me.  I climbed across the walk.  No wall of buildings barred my path, but I mounted higher on the piles of brick and stones.  A heavy black shape was now at my left hand.  I looked up and in the shadow there was no fog.  I could see a crumbled swaying side wall of a house that was.  The odor I noticed was that caused by fire.  Sticking from the wall I could see the charred wood joists that once supported the floor of the second story.  Higher, the lifting fog permitted me to see the waving boughs of a tree that hung over the house that was, outlined against a clear sky.  At my feet, sticking out of the pile of bricks and stones, was the twisted iron fragments that was once the frame of a child’s bed.  I climbed out into the sunshine.

I was standing in the midst of a desolation and a silence that was profound.  There was nothing there that lived, except a few fire-blacked trees that stuck up here and there in the shelter of broken walls.  Now I understood the meaning of the spectral shapes.  They were nothing but the broken walls of the other houses that were.  They were all that remained of nine-tenths of Gerbeviller.

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I wandered along to where the street turned abruptly.  There the ground pitched more sharply to the little river.  There stood an entire half of a house unscathed by fire; it was one of those unexplainable freaks that often occur in great catastrophes.  Even the window glass was intact.  Smoke was coming from the chimney.  I went to the opposite side and there stood an old woman looking out toward the river, brooding over the ruin stretching below her.

“You are lucky,” I said.  “You still have your home.”

She threw out her hands and turned a toothless countenance toward me.  I judged her to be well over seventy.  It wasn’t her home, she explained.  Her home was “la-bas”—­pointing vaguely in the distance.  She had lived there fifty years—­now it was burned.  Her son’s house for which he had saved thirty years to be able to call it his own, was also gone; but then her son was dead, so what did it matter?  Yes, he was shot on the day the Germans came.  He was ill, but they killed him.  Oh, yes, she saw him killed.  When the Germans went away she came to this house and built a fire in the stove.  It was very cold.

And why were the houses burned?  No; it was not the result of bombardment.  Gerbeviller was not bombarded until after the houses were burned.  They were burned by the Germans systematically.  They went from house to house with their torches and oil and pitch.  They did not explain why they burned the houses, but it was because they were angry.

The old woman paused a moment, and a faint flicker of a smile showed in the wrinkles about her eyes.  I asked her to continue her story.

“You said because they were angry,” I prompted.  The smile broadened.  Oh, yes, they were very angry, she explained.  They did not even make the excuse that the villagers fired upon them.  They were just angry through and through.  And it was all because of those seventy-five French chasseurs who held the bridge.  Some one called to her from the house.  She hobbled to the door.  “Anyone can tell you about the seventy-five chasseurs,” she said, disappearing within.

I went on down the road and stood upon the bridge over the swift little river.  It was a narrow little bridge only wide enough for one wagon to pass.  Two roads from the town converged there, the one over which I had passed and another which formed a letter “V” at the juncture with the bridge.  Across the river only one road led away from the bridge and it ran straight up a hill, when it turned suddenly into the broad national highway to Luneville about five miles away.

One house remained standing almost at the entrance to the bridge, at the end nearest the town.  Its roof was gone, and its walls bore the marks of hundreds of bullets, but it was inhabited by a little old man of fifty, who came out to talk with me.  He was the village carpenter.  His house was burned, so he had taken refuge in the little house at the bridge.  During the time the Germans were there he had been a prisoner, but they forgot him the morning the French army arrived.  Everybody was in such a hurry, he explained.

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I asked him about the seventy-five chasseurs at the bridge.  Ah, yes, we were then standing on the site of their barricade.  He would tell me about it, for he had seen it all from his house half way up the hill.

The chasseurs were first posted across the river on the road to Luneville, and when the Germans approached, early in the morning, they fell back to the bridge, which they had barricaded the night before.  It was the only way into Gerbeviller, so the chasseurs determined to fight.  They had torn up the street and thrown great earthworks across one end of the bridge.  Additional barricades were thrown up on the two converging streets, part way up the hill, behind which they had mitrailleuses which could sweep the road at the other end of the bridge.

About a half mile to the south a narrow footbridge crossed the river, only wide enough for one man.  It was a little rustic affair that ran through the grounds of the Chateau de Gerbeviller that faced the river only a few hundred yards below the main bridge.  It was a very ancient chateau, built in the twelfth century and restored in the seventeenth century.  It was a royal chateau of the Bourbons.  In it once lived the great Francois de Montmorency, Duc de Luxembourg and Marshal of France.  Now it belonged to the Marquise de Lamberty, a cousin of the King of Spain.

I interrupted, for I wanted to hear about the chasseurs.  I gave the little old man a cigarette.  He seized it eagerly—­so eagerly that I also handed him a cigar.  He just sort of fondled that cigar for a moment and then placed it in an inside pocket.  It was a very cheap and very bad French cigar, for I was in a part of the country that has never heard of Havanas, but to the little old man it was something precious.  “I will keep it for Sunday,” he said.

I then got him back to the seventy-five chasseurs.  It was just eight o’clock in the morning—­a beautiful sunshiny morning—­when the German column appeared around the bend in the road which we could see across the bridge, and which joined the highway from Luneville.  There were twelve thousand in that first column.  One hundred and fifty thousand more came later.  A band was playing “Deutschland ueber alles” and the men were singing.  The closely packed front ranks of infantry broke into the goose step as they came in sight of the town.  It was a wonderful sight; the sun glistened on their helmets; they marched as though on parade right down almost to the opposite end of the bridge.

Then came the command to halt.  For a moment there was a complete silence.  The Germans, only a couple of hundred yards from the barricade, seemed slowly to consider the situation.  The Captain of the chasseurs, from a shelter behind the very little house that is still standing—­and where his men up the two roads could see him—­softly waved his hand.

h;­crack-crack-crack!  The bullets from the mitrailleuses whistled across the bridge into the front ranks of the “Deutchland ueber alles” singers, while the men behind the bridge barricade began a deadly rifle fire.

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Have you ever heard a mitrailleuse?  It is just like a telegraph instrument, with its insistant clickety click-click-click, only it is a hundred times as loud.  Indeed I have been told by French officers that it has sometimes been used as a telegraph instrument, so accurately can its operator reel out its hundred and sixty shots a minute.

On that morning at the Gerbeviller barricade, however, it went faster than the telegraph.  These men on the converging roads just shifted their range slightly and poured bullets into the next ranks of infantry and so on back along the line, until Germans were dropping by the dozen at the sides of the little straight road.  Then the column broke ranks wildly and fled back into the shelter of the road from Luneville.

A half hour later a detachment of cavalry suddenly rounded the corner and charged straight for the barricade.  The seventy-five were ready for them.  Some of them got half way across the bridge and then tumbled into the river.  Not one got back around the corner of the road to Luneville.

There was another half hour of quiet, and then from the Luneville road a battery of artillery got into action.  Their range was bad, so far as any achievement against the seventy-five was concerned, so they turned their attention to the chateau, which they could easily see from their position across the river.  The first shell struck the majestic tower of the building and shattered it.  The next smashed the roof, the third hit the chapel—­and so continued the bombardment until flames broke out to complete the destruction.

Of course the Germans could not know that the chateau was empty, that its owner was in Paris and both her sons fighting in the French Army.  But they had secured the military advantage of demolishing one of the finest country houses in France, with its priceless tapestries, ancient marbles and heirlooms of the Bourbons.  A howl of German glee was heard by the seventy-five chasseurs crouching behind their barricades.  So pleased were the invaders with their achievement, that next they bravely swung out a battery into the road leading to the bridge, intending to shell the barricades.  The Captain of chasseurs again waved his hand.  Every man of the battery was killed before the guns were in position.  It took an entire company of infantry—­half of them being killed in the action—­to haul those guns back into the Luneville road, thus to clear the way for another advance.

From then on until 1 o’clock in the afternoon there were three more infantry attacks, all failing as lamentably as the first.  The seventy-five were holding off the 12,000.  At the last attack they let the Germans advance to the entrance of the bridge.  They invited them with taunts to “avancez.”  Then they poured in their deadly fire, and as the Germans broke and fled they permitted themselves a cheer.  Up to this time not one chasseur was killed.  Only four were wounded.

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Shortly after 1 o’clock the German artillery wasted a few more shells on the ruined chateau and the chasseurs could see a detachment crawling along the river bank in the direction of the narrow footbridge that crossed through the chateau park a half mile below.  The Captain of the chasseurs sent one man with a mitrailleuse to hold the bridge.  He posted himself in the shelter of a large tree at one end.  In a few minutes about fifty Germans appeared.  They advanced cautiously on the bridge.  The chasseur let them get half way over before he raked them with his fire.  The water below ran red with blood.

The Germans retreated for help and made another attack an hour later with the same result.  By 4 o’clock, when the lone chasseur’s ammunition was exhausted, it is estimated that he had killed 175 Germans, who made five desperate rushes to take the position, which would have enabled them to make a flank attack on the seventy-four still holding the main bridge.  When his ammunition was gone—­which occurred at the same time as the ammunition at the main bridge was exhausted—­this chasseur with the others succeeded in effecting a retreat to a main body of cavalry.  If he still lives—­this modern Horatius at the bridge—­he remains an unnamed hero in the ranks of the French Army, unhonored except in the hearts of those few of his countrymen who know.

During the late hours of the afternoon aeroplanes flew over the chasseurs’ position, thus discovering to the Germans how really weak were the defenses of the town, how few its defenders.  Besides, the ammunition was gone.  But for eight hours—­from 8 in the morning until 4 in the afternoon—­the seventy-five had held the 12,000.  General Joffre has said in one of his reports that the defense of the bridge at Gerbeviller had an important bearing on the battle of the Marne, which was just beginning, for it gave Castelnau’s Army of the East time to dig its trenches a few miles back of Gerbeviller before the Germans got through.

Had that body of 12,000 succeeded earlier the 150,000 Germans that advanced the next day might have been able to fall on the French right flank during the most critical and decisive battle of the war.  The total casualties of the chasseurs were three killed, three captured, and six wounded.

The little old man and I had walked to the entrance of the chateau park before he finished his story.  It was still too early for breakfast.  I thanked him and told him to return to his work in the little house by the bridge.  I wanted to explore the chateau at leisure.

I entered the place—­what was left of it.  Most of the walls were standing.  Walls built in the twelfth century do not break easily, even with modern artillery.  But the modern roof and seventeenth century inner walls were all demolished.  Not a single article of furniture or decoration remained.  But the destruction showed some of the same freaks—­similar to that little house left untouched by fire on the summit of the hill.

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For instance, the Bourbon coat of arms above the grand staircase was untouched, while the staircase itself was just splintered bits of marble.  On another fragment of a wall there still hung a magnificent stag’s antlers.  Strewed about in the corners I saw fragments of vases that had been priceless.  Even the remnants were valuable.  In the ruined music room I found a piece of fresh, clean music, (an Alsatian waltz,) lying on the mantelpiece.  I went out to the front of the building, where the great park sweeps down to the edge of the river.  An old gardener in one of the side paths saw me.  We immediately established cordial relations with a cigarette.

He told me how, after the chasseurs retreated beyond the town, the Germans—­reduced over a thousand of their original number by the activities of the day—­swept over the barricades of the bridge and into the town.  Yes, the old woman I had talked with was right about it.  They were very angry.  They were ferociously angry at being held eight hours at that bridge by a force so ridiculously small.

The first civilians they met they killed, and then they began to fire the houses.  One young man, half witted, came out of one of the houses near the bridge.  They hanged him in the garden behind the house.  Then they called his mother to see.  A mob came piling into the chateau headed by four officers.  All the furniture and valuables that were not destroyed they piled into a wagon and sent back to Luneville.  Of the gardener who was telling me the story they demanded the keys of the wine cellars.  No; they did not injure him.  They just held him by the arms while several dozen of the soldiers spat in his face.

While the drunken crew were reeling about the place, one of them accidentally stumbled upon the secret underground passage leading to the famous grottoes.  These grottoes and the underground connection from the chateau were built in the fifteenth century.  They are a half mile away, situated only half above ground, the entrance looking out on a smooth lawn that extends to the edge of the river.  Several giant trees, the trunks of which are covered with vines, semi-shelter the entrance, which is also obscured by climbing ivy.  The interior was one of the treasures of France.  The vaulted ceilings were done in wonderful mosaic.  The walls decorated with marbles and rare sea shells.  In every nook were marble pedestals and antique statuary, while the fountain in the centre, supplied from an underground stream, was of porphyry inlaid with mosaic.

The Germans looked upon it with appreciative eyes and cultured minds.  But it did not please them.  They were still very angry.  Its destruction was a necessity of war.  It could not be destroyed by artillery because it was half underground and screened by the giant trees.  But it could be destroyed by picks and axes.  A squad of soldiers was detailed to the job.  They did it thoroughly.  The gardener took me there to see.  Not a scrap of the mosaic remained.  The fountain was smashed to bits.  A headless Venus and a smashed and battered Adonis were lying prone upon the ground.

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The visitors to the chateau and environs afterward joined their comrades in firing the town.  Night had come.  Also across the bridge waited the hundred and fifty thousand reinforcements come from Luneville.  The five hundred of the two thousand inhabitants who remained were herded to the upper end of the town near the station.  That portion was not to be destroyed because the German General would make his headquarters there.

The inhabitants were to be given a treat.  They were to witness the entrance of the hundred and fifty thousand—­the power and might of Germany was to be exhibited to them.  So while the flames leaped high from the burning city, reddening the sky for miles, while old men prayed, while women wept, while little children whimpered, the sound of martial music was heard down the street near the bridge.  The infantry packed in close formation, the red light from the fire shining on their helmets, were doing the goose step up the main street to the station—­the great German army had entered the city of Gerbeviller with the honors of war.

General Foch, the Man of Ypres

An Account of France’s New Master of War

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

“Find out the weak point of your enemy and deliver your blow there,” said the Commander of the Twentieth French Army Corps at Nancy at a staff banquet in 1913.

“But suppose, General,” said an artillery officer, “that the enemy has no weak point?”

“If the enemy has no weak point,” returned the commander, with a gleam of the eye and an aggressive tilt of the chin, “make one.”

The commander was Foch—­Ferdinand Foch—­who has suddenly flashed before the world as the greatest leader in the French Army after Joffre, and who in that remark at Nancy gave the index to the basic quality of his character as a General.  General Foch is today in command of the northern armies of France, besides being the chief Lieutenant and confidant of Joffre.  Joffre conceives; Foch, master tactician, executes.  He finds the weak point; if there is no weak point, he creates or seeks to create one.

When King George of England was at the front in France recently he conferred the Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath—­the highest military distinction in the form of an order within the gift of the British Crown—­on two Frenchmen.  Joffre was one.  The other was Foch.

“Foch?  Foch?  Who is Foch?” asked the British public, perplexed, when the newspapers printed the news of the granting of this signal honor.

“Foch is the General who was at the head of the French military mission which followed our army manoeuvres three years ago,” replied a few men who happened to have been intimately acquainted with those manoeuvres.

“But what has that to do with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath?” asked John Bull.  And the manoeuvre experts not being able to reply, the English newspapers demanded from their correspondents in France an answer to the query, “Who is Foch?  Why the Grand Cross?”

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And the main features of the answers to that query were these: 

Foch is the “greatest strategist in Europe and the humblest,” in the words of Joffre.

Foch is the hero of the Marne, the man who perceived on Sept. 9 that there must be a gap between the Prussian Guard and the Saxon Army, and who gathered enough artillery to crush the guard in the St. Gond marshes and forced both the Prussians and the Saxons, now separated, to retreat.

Foch is the man of Ypres, the commander who was in general control of the successful fight made by the French and the British, aided by the Belgians, to prevent the Germans from breaking through to Calais.

Foch, in short, is one of the military geniuses of the war, so record observers at the front.  He is a General who has something of the Napoleonic in his composition; the dramatic in war is for him—­secrecy and suddenness, gigantic and daring movements; fiery, yet coldly calculated attacks; vast strategic conceptions carried out by swift, unfaltering tactics.  Foch has a tendency to the impetuous, but he is impetuous scientifically.  He has, however, taken all in all, much more of the dash and nervousness and warmth of the Southern Latin than has Joffre—­cool, cautious, taciturn Joffre.  Yet both men are from the south of France.  They were born within a few miles of one another, within three months of one another, Foch being born on Oct. 2, 1851, and Joffre on Jan. 12, 1852.

Most writers who have dealt with Foch agree on this as one of his paramount characteristics—­the Napoleonic mode of military thought.  When Foch was director of the Ecole de Guerre, where he had much to do with shaping the military views of many of the men who are now commanding units of the French Armies, he was considered to be possessed of almost an obsession on the subject of Napoleon.  He studied Napoleon’s campaigns, and restudied them.  He went back much further, however, in his choice of a master, and gave intense application to the campaigns of Caesar.  Napoleon and Caesar—­these were the minds from which the mind of the Marne and Ypres has learned some of its lessons of success.

Here Foch invites comparison with another of the dominant figures of the war—­General French.  For French is described by his biographer as “a worshipper of Napoleon,” regarding him as the world’s greatest strategist, and in following out and studying Napoleon’s campaigns French personally covered and studied much of the ground in Belgium over which he has been fighting.  French is a year younger than Foch.  They are old friends, as are French and Joffre, and Joffre and Foch.

The inclination of Foch to something of the Napoleonic is shown beyond the realm of strategy and tactics.  Foch is credited with knowing the French soldier, his heart, his mind, his capabilities, and the method of getting the most out of those capabilities, in a way reminiscent of the winner of Jena.  And Foch knows not only the privates, but the officers.  When he went to the front he visited each commander; the Colonels he called by name; the corps commanders, without exception, had attended his lectures at the Ecole de Guerre.

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As for the men, Foch makes it his business to get into personal contact with them, as Napoleon used to do.  Foch does not hobnob with them, there is no joking or familiarity, but he goes into the trenches and the occupied villages and looks the men over informally, inspects food or equipment, makes a useful comment or two, drops a phrase that is worth repeating, and leaves behind him enthusiasm and respect.  The Paris Figaro says that he has the gift of setting souls afire, of arousing that elan in the French fighter which made that fighter perform military miracles when the “sun of Austerlitz” was high.  It has been declared by a French writer that Foch knows the human element in the French Army better than any other man living.

With all his knowledge of men, his power of inspiring them, Foch is quiet, retiring, non-communicative, with no taste for meeting people in social intercourse.  His life has been monotonous—­work and work and work.  He has the reputation of being a driver; he used to be particularly severe on shirkers in the war college, and such, no matter what their influence, had no chance of getting a diploma leading to an attractive staff position when Foch was Director.  When he was in command at Nancy and elsewhere he used to work his staffs hard, and they had to share much of the monotony of work which has been chiefly Foch’s life.  He did not go in for society, merely making the formal calls required by the etiquette of garrison towns on the chief garrison hostesses, and giving dinners two or three times a year to his staff.

Foch, indeed, with his quiet ways and his hard work and his studying of Napoleon and Caesar, was characterized by some of the officers of the army as a pedant, a theorist, and these held that Foch had small chance of doing anything important in such a practical realm as that of real war.

Because of his Directorship of the Ecole de Guerre he was known to many officers, but as far as France at large was concerned his name was scarcely known at all last August.  Yet officers knew him in other lands besides his own.  His two great books, “Principles of War” and “Conduct of War,” have been translated into English, German, and Italian, and are highly regarded by military men.  He has been ranked by the Militaer-Wochenblatt, organ of the German General Staff, as one of the few strategists of first class ability among the Allies.

Foch is a slim man, with a great deal of nervous energy in his actions, being so quick and graceful in movement, indeed, that a recent English observer declares he carries himself more like a man of 40 than one of 64.  His gray blue eyes are particularly to be noticed, so keen are they.  His speech is quick, precise, logical.

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So little has Foch been known to the French public that it has been stated time and again that he is an Alsatian.  He is not, but comes of a Basque family which has lived for many generations in the territory which is now the Department of the Hautes-Pyrenees, directly on the border of Spain.  Foch was born in the town of Tarbes in that department.  Joffre was born in the Department Pyrenees-Orientales, on the Spanish border to the east.  Foch’s father, Napoleon Foch, was a Bonapartist and Secretary of the Prefecture at Tarbes under Napoleon III.  One of his two brothers, a lawyer, is also called Napoleon.  The other is a Jesuit priest.  Foch and these brothers attended the local college, and then turned to their professions.

In 1870 Foch served as a subaltern against the Germans, as did Joffre.  After the war Foch began to win recognition as a man of brains, and at 26 he was given a commission as artillery Captain.  Later he became Professor of Tactics in the Ecole de Guerre, with the title of Commandant, where he remained for five years, and then returned to regimental work.  It was when Foch reached the grade of Brigadier General that he went back to the War College, this time as Director, one of the most confidential positions in the War Department.  From this post he went to the command of the Thirteenth Division, thence to the command of the Eighth Corps at Bourges, and thence to the command of the Twentieth Corps at Nancy.

At the time that Foch was appointed Director of the Ecole de Guerre, Clemenceau was Premier, and upon the latter fell the task of choosing an officer for the important Directorship.  There was keen competition for the position, many influential Generals desiring the appointment, and in consequence much wire-pulling went on.  The story goes that Clemenceau, a man of action, became impatient of the intrigues for the post, and determined to make his own choice unhampered.

According to the story, Clemenceau, after a conference one day upon routine business with Foch, asked the latter to dine.  The Ecole de Guerre was not mentioned during the meal, the men chatting upon general topics.  But as the coffee was being brought on, the Premier turned suddenly to the General and said, brusquely: 

“By the way, I’ve a good bit of news for you.  You’re nominated Director of the Ecole de Guerre.”

“Director of the Ecole de Guerre!  But I’m not a candidate for the post.”

“That is possible.  But you’re appointed all the same, and I know you will do excellent work in the position.”

Foch thanked the Premier, but he still had some doubts, and added: 

“I fear you don’t know all my family connections.  I have a brother who is a Jesuit.”

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“Jesuit be d-----!” the Premier is reported to have roared in reply. 
“Oh, I beg your pardon, Mr. Director!  You are the Director of the Ecole
de Guerre.  All the Jesuits in creation won’t alter that—­it is a fait

Among the confidential bits of work worthy of note that Foch has done for the War Department is the report he made upon the larger guns of the French field artillery, which have done such execution in the present war.  For many weeks Foch went around the great Creusot gun works in the blouse of a workman, testing, watching, experimenting, analyzing.

Foch was one of the high officers in France who was not in the least surprised by the war and who had personally been holding himself in readiness for it for years.  He felt, and often said, that a great war was inevitable; so much used he to dwell upon the certainty of war that some persons regarded him as an alarmist when he kept declaring that French officers should take every step within their power to get themselves and the troops ready for active service at an instant’s notice.  He also held that France as a nation should prepare to the utmost of her power for the assured conflict.

In a recent issue of The London Times there was a description of Foch by a Times correspondent who had been at Foch’s headquarters in the north of France.  The correspondent’s remarks are prefaced by the statement that in a late dispatch General French mentions General Foch as one of those whose help he has “once more gratefully to acknowledge.”  The correspondent writes in part: 

What Ernest Lavisse has clone for civilian New France in his direction of the Ecole Normale General Foch has done in a large measure for the officers of New France by his teaching of strategy and tactics at the Ecole de Guerre.  He left his mark upon the whole teaching of general tactics.
I had the honor of being received recently by General Foch at his headquarters in the north of France—­a house built for very different purposes many years ago, when Flemish civil architecture was in its flower.  The quiet atmosphere of Flemish ease and burgomaster comfort has completely vanished.  The building hums with activity, as does the whole town.  A fleet of motor cars is ready for instant action.  Officers and orderlies hurry constantly to and fro.  There is an occasional British uniform, a naval airman’s armored car, and above all the noise of this bustle, though lower in tone, the sound of guns in the distance from Ypres.
The director of all this activity is General Foch.  There in the north he is putting his theories of war to the test with as much success as he did at the outbreak of hostilities in Lorraine and later in the centre during the battle of the Marne.  Although born with the brain of a mathematician, General Foch’s ideas upon war are by no means purely scientific.  He refuses, indeed, to regard war, and more especially

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modern war, as an exact science.  The developments of science have, indeed, but increased the mental and moral effort required of each participant, and it is only in the passions aroused in each man by the conflict of conception of life that the combatant finds the strength of will to withstand the horrors of modern warfare.
General Foch is a philosopher as well as a fighter.  He is one of the rare philosophers who have proved the accuracy of their ideas in the fire of battle.  A typical instance of this is given by “Miles” in a recent number of the Correspondant.  During the battle of the Marne the Germans made repeated efforts to cut through the centre where General Foch commanded between Sezanne and Mailly.  On three consecutive days General Foch was forced to retire.  Every morning he resumed the offensive, with the result that his obstinacy won the day.  He was able to profit by a false step by the enemy to take him in the flank and defeat him.
General Foch’s whole life and teaching were proved true in those days.  He has resolved the art of war into three fundamental ideas—­preparation, the formation of a mass, and the multiplication of this mass in its use.  In order to derive the full benefit of the mass created it is necessary to have freedom of action, and that is only obtained by intellectual discipline.  General Foch has written: 
“Discipline for a leader does not mean the execution of orders received in so far as they seem suitable, just reasonable, or even possible.  It means that you have entirely grasped the ideas of the leader who has given the order and that you take every possible means of satisfying him.  Discipline does not mean silence, abstention, only doing what appears to you possible without compromising yourself; it is not the practice of the art of avoiding responsibilities.  On the contrary, it is action in the sense of orders received.”
Fifteen years ago at the Ecole de Guerre General Foch was fond of quoting Joseph de Maistre’s remark, “A battle lost is a battle which one believes to have lost, for battles are not lost materially,” and of adding, “Battles are therefore lost morally, and it is therefore morally that they are won.”  The aphorism can be extended by this one:  “A battle won is a battle in which one will not admit one’s self vanquished.”  As “Miles” remarks, “He did as he had said.”

Ernest Dimnet in The London Saturday Review has this to say in part about Foch and his two widely known books: 

During his two terms of service at the Ecole de Guerre he produced two considerable works, “Principes de la Guerre” and “De la Conduite de La Guerre,” which give a high idea of their author’s character and talent.  There is nothing in them that ought to scare away the average reader.  Their style has the geometrical lucidity which is the polytechnician’s birthright, but in spite of the deliberate impersonality

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generally attached to that style of writing, there emanates from it a curious quality which gradually shows us the author as a living person.
We have the impression of a vast mental capacity turned to the lifelong study of a fascinating subject and acquiring in it the dignity of attitude and the naturalness which mastery inevitably produces.  War has been the constant meditation of this powerful brain.  In “La Conduite de la Guerre” this meditation is the minute historical examination of the battles of the First Empire and 1870.  “Nothing can replace the experience of war,” writes the author, “except the history of war,” and it is clear that he understands the word “history” as all those who go to the past for a lesson in greatness understand it.
“Les Principes de la Guerre” is more immediately technical, yet it strikes one as being less a speculation than a visualizing of what modern war was sure to be.  If the reader did not feel that he lacks the background which only the contemplation a million times repeated of concrete details can create, he would be tempted to marvel at the extraordinary simplicity of these views.  But a good judge who was very near the General until a wound removed him for a while from the—­to him—­fascinating scene tells me that this simplicity and directness—­which marked the action of Foch at the battle of the Marne as they formerly marked his teaching—­are the perfection to which only a few can aspire.



     “For those who die in war, and have none to pray for

    We lay a wreath of laurel on the sward,
    Where rest our loved ones in a deep repose
    Unvexed by dreams of any earthly care,
    And, checking not our tears, we breathe a prayer,
    Grateful for even the comfort which is ours—­
    That we may kneel and sob our sorrow there,
    And place the deathless leaf, the rarest flowers.

    Though Winter’s cruel fingers brown the sod,
    It’s dearer far than all the world beside! 
    Forms live again—­we gaze in love and pride
    On youthful faces prest close to our own. 
    Eyes smile to ours; we hear each tender tone,
    Grief’s smart is softened—­less the sense of loss. 
    This grave we have, at least; we’re not alone!

    And they must know of our unchanging love—­
    Our tender thought—­our memory—­our prayers! 
    And in our constancy, ah! each one shares
    To whom death comes on distant battlefields,
    When life’s last breath not even the solace yields—­
    “There’s one who’ll mourn for me—­whose tears will flow!”—­
    Not even a grave is theirs, unnamed, unwept! 
    God rest their souls—­the dead we do not know!

Canada and Britain’s War Union

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By Edward W. Thomson, F.R.S.L., F.R.S.C.

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

Canada’s political relation to Great Britain, and, indeed, to all other countries, has been essentially altered by Canada’s quite voluntary engagement in the war.  Were feudal terms not largely inapplicable, one might aver that the vassal has become the suzerain’s ally, political equality connoted.

But, indeed, Canadians were never vassals.  They have ever been Britons, whatever their individual origins, retaining the liberties of their political birthright.  While in a certain tutelage to their own monarchs’ immediate Ministries, they have continually, slowly, consciously, expanded their freedom from such tutelage, substituting for it self-government or rule by their own representatives, without forsaking but rather enhancing their allegiance to the common Crown.  This has long been the symbol of their self-government, even as it is to old country kinsmen the symbol of rule by themselves.

The alteration manifested by Canada’s active, voluntary engagement in the European war is the change from Canadians holding, as they formerly did, that Great Britain was bound to defend Canada, while Canadians were not bound to defend Great Britain outside Canada.  The “dependency” has not been now dragged in; it acted as an independency; it recognized its participation with Great Britain in a common danger; it proceeded quite voluntarily, quite independently, to recruit, organize, dispatch, and maintain large forces for the common cause.  Canada’s course has become that of a partner in respect of acceptance of risks and of contribution to expenses.

This partner has no formally specified share in gains, or in authority, or in future policy of the concern.  Canada has no obvious, distinct, admitted way or voice as to the conduct of war or making of peace.  She appears, with the other self-governing Dominions of the Crown, as an ally having no vote in settlements, none of the prerogatives of an ally.  Hence some observers in Great Britain, in Canada, in other realms of the Crown contend that the old, expressed relations between Great Britain, Canada, and the other Dominions must inevitably be extensively changed formally as well as actually in consequence of the war.

Some say imperial federation cannot but ensue.  Others argue that formal independence must arrive if such federation come not speedily.  Others contend for an Empire League of sister States.  Nobody ventures to mention what was often talked publicly by Canadians from thirty to fifty years ago, and later by Goldwin Smith, viz., Canada’s entrance to the United States as a new tier of sovereign States.  The idea of severance from Great Britain has vanished.  Discussion of the other alternatives is not inactive, but it is forced.  It engages the quidnuncs.  They are talkers who must say something for the delight of hearing themselves; or they are writers who live under the exigency of needing to get “something different” daily into print.  They are mostly either “Jingoes” or Centralizationists, as contra to Nationalists or Decentralizationists, long-standing opponents.

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Each set perceives their notions liable to be profoundly affected by Canada’s fighting in Europe.  Each affects belief that their own political designs cannot but be thereby served; each is afflicted with qualms of doubt.  They alike appreciate the factors that make for their opponent’s cause.  Both know the strength of popular attachment to Great Britain; both know the traditional and inbred loathing of the industrious masses for the horrible bloodshed and insensate waste of treasure in war.  Both sets balance inwardly the chances that sentiments seemingly irreconcilable and about equally respectable may, after the war, urge Canadians either to draw politically closer to their world-scattered kin, or to cut ligaments that might pull them again and again, time without end, into the immemorial European shambles.

But is the Canadian public excitedly interested in the discussion?  Not at all.  Spokesmen and penmen of the two contentious factions are victimized by their own perfervid imaginations.  The electorate, the masses, are not so swayed.  The Canadian people, essentially British no matter what their origins, are mainly, like all English-speaking democracies, of straight, primitive, uncomplicated emotions, and of essentially conservative mind.  They “plug” along.  The hour and the day hold their attention.  It is given to the necessary private works of the moment, as to the necessary public conduct of the time.

They did not, as a public, spin themselves any reasons or excuses for their hearty approval of Canada’s engagement in the war.  Her or their contributions of men and money to its fields of slaughter and waste appeared and appear to them natural, proper, inevitable.  They applauded seriously the country’s being “put in for it” by agreement of the two sets of party politicians, and without any direct consultation of the electorate in this, the most important departure Canada ever made, because prompt action seemed the only way, and time was lacking for debate about what seemed the next thing that had to be done.  In fact, the Canadian people, regarded collectively, felt and acted in this case with as much ingenuousness as did those Tyrolese mountaineers, bred, according to Heine, to know nothing of politics save that they had an Emperor who wore a white coat and red breeches.

When the patriots climbed up to them, and told them with oratory that they now had a Prince who wore a blue coat and white breeches, they grasped their rifles, and kissed wife and children, and went down the mountain and offered their lives in defense of the white coat and the dear old red breeches.

But did they forsake their relish of and devotion to their customary, legendary Tyrolese liberties?  No more will the Canadian masses, by reason of their hearty participation in the war, incline to yield jot or tittle of their usual, long-struggled-for, gradually acquired, valuable and valued British self-governing

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rights.  Can the Jingoes or Centralizationists scare them backward?  Or the Decentralizationists or Separatists hurry them forward?  Won’t they just continue to “plug along” as their forefathers did in the old country and in the new, gaining a bit more freedom to do well or ill at their own collective choice—­that is, if the war result “as usual” in British security, according to confident British expectation.

Such is the Canadian political situation.  It has been essentially similar any time within living memory.  The people approve in politics what they feel, instinctively, to be the profitable or the decent and reasonable necessary next thing to do.  Which signifies that those controversialists are probably wrong who conceive that a result of the war, if it be a win for the Allies, will cause any great formal change in Canada’s political relation to Great Britain.

The truly valuable change in such relations is already secured; it cannot but become more notably established by future discussion; it is and will be a change by reason of greatly increased influence on Great Britain by Canada and the other Dominions.  And it appears highly probable that such inevitable change in influence or weight of the new countries is sufficient for all sentiments concerned, and for all useful purposes on behalf of which formal changes are advocated by doctrinaires and idealists.

The British peoples have acquired by long practice in very various politics a way of making existing arrangements “do” with some slight patching.  They are instinctively seized of the truth of Edmund Burke’s maxim, “Innovation is not improvement.”  They have “muddled along” into precisely the institutions that suit any exigency, their sanest political philosophers recognizing that the exigency must always be most amenable to the most flexible system.

It is because the existing arrangements between London and the several Dominion capitals don’t suit logicians that they do suit experienced statesmen pretty well.  Because these institutions can be patched as occasion may require, they are retained for patching on occasion.  Because the loose, go-as-you-please organization of the so-called “empire” has revealed almost incredible unity of sentiment and purpose, practiced statesmen regard it as a prodigious success.  They are mighty shy of affiliating with any of the well-meaning doctrinaires who have been explaining any time within the last century that the system is essentially incoherent and absurd and urgently needs profound change with doctrinaire improvements.

Sir Robert Borden, for instance.  Some days ago he most amiably gave me a little private talk on these matters, of course on the tacit understanding that he was not to be “interviewed” as for close reporting of his informal sentences.  He was, by the way, apparently in robust health, as if, like Mr. Asquith, of a temperament to flourish under the heaviest responsibilities ever laid on a Prime Minister

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in his own country.  No statesman could be of aspect and utterance less hurried, nor more pleasant, lucid, cautious, disposed to give a friendly caller large and accurate information briefly, while disclosing nothing at variance with or unfindable in his published speeches.  Of some of them he repeated apposite slices; to others he referred for further enlightenment as to his views on imperial federation.  Really he was neither secretive nor newly informative.  The Premier of Canada at any time is governed, much as I have endeavored to show how the electors are, by that natural, instinctive course of the general loyal Canadian mind, which constitutes “the situation” and controls Governmental proceedings on behalf of the public.

Well meaning persons who allege Sir Robert to have either favored or disfavored imperial federation have been inaccurate.  Precisely what imperial federation may be nobody knows, for the simple and sufficient reason that nobody has ever sketched or elaborated a scheme in that regard which appeared or appears desirable as a change from the all-compelling situation.  What has never been adopted as desirable cannot be termed practicable in statesmen’s language.  To declare an untried scheme impracticable might be an error of rashness.

The idea of federating the empire has long attracted Sir Robert, with many other admirable Canadians and Britons, since it connotes or involves the concept of British Union for all worthy and necessary purposes, including maintenance of local autonomy or self-government, surely a most praiseworthy design.  Discussion of that idea is unlikely to be harmful; it may be useful; something may come of it that may seem desirable and practicable to substantially all interests and people concerned.  A consummation devoutly to be wished, but not to be rushed!  One point, frequently specified in Sir Robert’s public speeches, was stated as follows in a recent report, pamphleted for distribution by his own side: 

It is impossible to believe that the existing status, so far as it concerns the control of foreign policy and extra-imperial relations, can remain as it is today.  All are conscious of the complexity of the problem thus presented; and no one need despair of a satisfactory solution, and no one can doubt the profound influence which the tremendous events of the past few months and of those in the immediate future must exercise upon one of the most interesting and far-reaching questions ever presented for the consideration of statesmen.

There Sir Robert was recommending no particular solution.  A little earlier in the same speech he illustrated the deep sense of all experienced British statesmen that there never is or can be in the British system any final solution of any grave problem, the vital essence of the system being flux and change to suit ever-changing circumstance.

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In so far as this empire may be said to possess a Constitution, it is of modern growth and is still in the stage of development.  One can hardly conceive that it will ever distinctly emerge from that state or attain a status in which constitutional development is no longer to be anticipated.  Indeed, the genius of the British people and all our past history lead us to believe the contrary.  The steps in advance have been usually gradual and always practical; and they have been taken on instinct rather than upon any carefully considered theory.

[Illustration:  YUAN SHIH-KAI

President of the Chinese Republic.

(Photo by Rio V. De Sieux.)]

[Illustration:  PRINCE VON BUELOW

German Ambassador to Italy.]

Which was admonition at once of the Centralizationists and their opponents, the Nationalists.

Whatever alteration of existing British inter-arrangements may come after the war will be done on instinct in view of circumstances that cannot now be foreseen.  Wherefore clamorers for this or that, their favorite scheme, are now inopportunists.  Hence they are neglected by the public as unimpressive, futile wasters of breath or ink.  Indeed Canada, Great Britain, the whole race of mankind are now swept on the crest of a huge wave of Fate.  When it casts them ashore, recedes, leaves men to consider what may best be done for the future, then will have come the time to rearrange political fabrics, if need be.  Then Sir Robert Borden will probably continue in his often clearly specified opinion that Canada, if remaining liable as now to be drawn into Great Britain’s more perilous wars—­a liability which must ever urge Canada to strong participation in order that the peril may be the sooner ended—­ought to have a share in controlling Great Britain’s foreign policy.  Which sharing Mr. Asquith declared last year impracticable, in that sense inadmissible.

Westminster must retain freedom to move, act, strike quickly.  Her course toward Germany had to be decided last August within a few hours.  Obviously her freedom, her power for promptitude would be hindered in proportion to need for such consultation with and approval by councilors of many distant countries as is presupposed by advocates of imperial federation.  Why establish control by cumbersome, superfluous machinery when the war has made it clear as the sun at high noon that the essential desideratum, British Union, exists now?  All the notable communities of the King’s realms have demonstrated that they are in the mind, the condition of a voluntary empire.  What more can be desired save by such as desire old country domination of all the concerned countries, and who really long for a formal and subservient Empire?

Sir Richard Jebb, a deep student of the Empire problem, declared clearly last November the meaning of that general voluntary British war union which is a wonder of mankind, and in the course to teach a profound, general political lesson.  He wrote: 

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That the war will in any event change the external relations is evident.  But why, if we win, should it change the political relations between the parts, except to the extent of encouraging us to conserve and develop the existing system which has given so signal an example of effective imperial unity in time of need?  Continually talking of imperial unity, we fail to recognize it when we have got it.  There is never going to be a moment when one might say “Yesterday we were not united; today the Grand Act (of Imperial Federation understood) has been signed; henceforth we are united.”
The cult of the Grand Act is a snare and a delusion.  Whatever may happen hereafter—­even the Grand Act itself—­posterity is likely to look back upon August, 1914, as the moment when the British Empire reached the zenith of its unity.  Let us remember that the existing system is not stationary, though its principle (voluntary union) may be final.  It has been developing steadily since 1902.
The Australian fleet unit, the first of the Dominion navies, which enables each to exert upon foreign policy the full weight of its importance in the empire, was not begun until 1910.  The corollary, that any Dominion Minister appointed to reside in London should have free and constant access to the British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, was only conceded in January, 1912, and has not yet been taken advantage of, even by Australia.
But the development is all true to principle.  What principle?  Voluntary co-operation, as opposed to central compulsion.  In war, as in peace, each of the Britannic nations is free to do or not to do.  But we have invoked naval and military co-ordination, with results which the Australian Navy has already exemplified (on the Emden, &c.)
Has this system of the free Commonwealth, as distinguished from the German principle of a centralized empire organized primarily for war, broken down under the supreme test, as so many of our prophets predicted?  On the contrary, it has alone saved South Africa to the empire, besides eliciting unrestricted military aid from each part.  Why change it for something diametrically opposed to its spirit, substituting compulsion for liberty, provinces for nation-States?

Sir Richard Jebb’s sentence, specifying the nature of the Australian influence on foreign policy, seems apt reply to Sir Robert Borden’s oft-repeated specification that a share in control of foreign policy should accrue to the Dominions by reason of their participation in or liability to war.  This liability really compels them to engage with all their strength, lest they comfort an enemy by abstention, or by confining their armaments to self-defense, which might and would be read as disapproval of Britain’s course, if the war were one of magnitude endangering her.  A system more powerfully requiring Great Britain to take heed that her quarrel be just, lest she be not thrice armed by approving children, can scarcely be imagined.

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On this matter I have had the pleasure and benefit, during the last twelve years, of talking with Sir Wilfrid Laurier often.  In the quoted Jebb view he agreed closely when I saw him a few days ago.  He remarked, with special regard to this article for THE NEW YORK TIMES, that his point of insistence at the Imperial Conferences of 1902, 1907, 1911, and on all proper occasions, has been that local autonomy—­that is, complete self-government for each of the Dominions—­is not only consistent with British unity but necessary thereto as promoting and conserving that unity.

When Mr. Asquith’s denial of the practicability of giving the Dominions a direct share in control of Great Britain’s foreign policy is considered, the Jebb-Laurier view would appear one to which Sir Robert Borden, cautious statesman, must be led by recognition that potent influence on foreign policy cannot but come to Dominions energetically providing at once for their own defense and for their power to aid Great Britain all along the line.

As to imperial federation, Sir Wilfrid remarked that he has ever been openly attracted by that aspiration toward permanent British union, on which advocacy of the vague project has ever been bottomed.  He is, as he said to me, and as all his long series of political actions have manifested, British in heart and way of political thinking, as indeed substantially all his French-Canadian compatriots are.  British liberality, not to say liberalism, has attached them to the British system as firmly as any community originating from the United Kingdom.  It was a French-Canadian statesman who asserted, some fifty years ago, when many British-Canadians seemed tending toward union with the United States, “The last shot fired in Canada for British connection will be from a French-Canadian.”  That was before the civil war abolished slavery.

But, even as the Britishism of Old Country liberals is strongly tinctured by devotion to ideals which Americans are wont to regard as theirs—­ideals making for settled peace, industry, the uplift of the “common people,” fair room and reward for those abilities which conspicuously serve the general welfare—­so Sir Wilfrid and his compatriots acknowledge their Britishism to be acutely conscious of political kinship with the American people.  The French-Canadian yearning, like that of many Canadians of British origin, is rather for English-speaking union—­a union of at least thorough understanding and common designs with the American people—­than for the narrower exclusive British union sought by Canadian imperial federationists.

Sir Wilfrid said, in effect, (I do not profess to report his very words,) that federation of those British communities widely separated by geography, but alike in race, language, laws, principles, has always attracted him as a project of excellent intentions.  It is at worst a noble dream.  That dream has become less impracticable than it was formerly, he thinks, by reason of the essential diminution of the world, diminution of distances and of time by latter-day inventions.

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Against the idea of general representation in a central Parliament at London, Sir Wilfrid pointed out that Edmund Burke objected “opposuit natura”—­nature forbade it.  The wisest of political philosophers could not foresee the telegraph, wireless, steam, airships.  These have made a useful central imperial Parliament at least conceivable.  Could it be more useful than the advisory council, or Imperial Conference which has become quadrennial, and might possibly become annual?  That is matter for discussion.  Sir Wilfrid said that such is the political genius of the British race that he would be rash who alleged any design impracticable toward which the race may tend so generally as to put it under discussion for arrangement of details.  Conservation of local self-government, prime essential to agreement for union on common purposes, might prove reconcilable with federated defense.

But there is, to Sir Wilfrid’s way of thinking, one large objection against now attempting imperial federation.  Its agitators contemplate a scheme immense, yet not sufficiently inclusive.  They do not contemplate English-speaking solidarity.  They purpose leaving out the majority of English-speakers—­the American people.  In this they do not follow Cecil Rhodes, a chief propagandist of their main design.  It is true that the idea of getting Americans to participate in any formal union with all the rest of their brethren by race and tongue seems now impractical.  But time works wonders.  Mr. Gladstone foresaw the United States a people of six hundred comfortable millions, living in union before the end of the next century.  The hegemony of the English-speaking nations seems likely to be within attainment by that one of them which appears destined to become far the most powerful of all in numbers, in wealth, and in security of environment.  Time may show to our successors in this world some effective method of establishing agreements amounting to that solidarity for English-speaking action which has been acclaimed as existent for English-speaking thinking by a mind so eminently reasonable as that of Lord Haldane.

It would be hasty, thinks Sir Wilfrid, and it might be injurious for the British countries to move toward any sort of formal union ostensibly tending to set them collectively apart from the United States.  Give great beneficent ideas time to develop.  Britons can well afford to take their time, since the war has shown existent among them an almost perfect union of sentiment and purpose.  And this, apparently, with the blessed effect of enhancing general American good-will to Britons.  From so much good understanding more may ensue, Sir Wilfrid concluded.

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Such Canadians as hold Edmund Burke to have been a spokesman of consummate political wisdom are apt to regard the busy stir of doctrinaires, who scream for closer political junction of the British peoples, even as Burke regarded the hurry of some of the same kidney in his time.  Resolute to bind the thirteen colonies forever to England, they proceeded to offend, outrage, and drive those colonies to independence.  Be it remembered that these colonies had contributed so loyally, so liberally to England’s armaments and wars that grateful London Parliaments had insisted on voting back to them the subsidies they had granted, holding the contributions too generous.  To later proposals of foolish henchmen of George III., proposals that the colonies, since they had revealed themselves as strong and rich, should be dragged into some formal political subordination by which, as by latter-day Imperial Federation, they might be involuntarily mustered and taxed for imperial purposes, Burke said: 

Our hold on the colonies is the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection.  These are the ties which, though light as air, are strong as links of iron.  Let the colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your Government; they will cling and grapple to you, and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance....
As long as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of this country as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their faces toward you.  The more they multiply, the more friends you will have.  The more ardently they love liberty, the more perfect will be their obedience.  Slavery they can have anywhere.  It is a weed that grows on every soil.  They may have it from Spain; they may have it from Prussia; but until you become lost to all feeling of your true interest and your natural dignity, freedom they can have from none but you.
This is the commodity of price, of which you have the monopoly....  Do not entertain so weak an imagination as that your registers and your bonds, your affidavits and your sufferances, ... your letters of office and your instructions and your suspending clauses are the things that hold together the great contexture of this mysterious whole.  These things do not make your Government.  Dead instruments, passive tools as they are, it is the spirit of the English communion that gives all their life and efficacy to them.  It is the spirit of the English Constitution which, infused through the mighty mass, pervades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the empire, even to the minutest member.

And the doctrinaires of Centralization, vociferating their fad of Imperial Federation, would have that Constitution, in the moment of its supreme triumph for unity, cast away!  Cast away for a new and written one by which Great Britain and all her children alike would chain themselves together!  Well may practical statesmen view the doctrinaires with some disdain, not unmindful of Burke’s immortal scorn of such formalists: 

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“A sort of people who think that nothing exists but what is gross and material, and who, therefore, far from being qualified to be directors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine.  To men truly initiated and rightly taught, those ruling and master principles which, in the opinion of such men as I have mentioned, have no substantial existence, are in truth everything and all in all.  Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together.”



    Birth land of statesmen, bards, heroes, and sages;
      Mother of nations—­the homes of the free;
    Builder of work that will last through the ages,
      Hope for Humanity centres in thee.

    Now that thy bugles their clear calls are shrilling,
      Now that thy battle voice echoes worldwide,
    O’er the long reaches of sea rush the willing
      Sons of thy children to fight by thy side.

    Eager to aid thee with treasure and tissue,
      Other leal millions will come to thy call. 
    Civilization is staked on the issue—­
      Woe to Mankind if thy lion should fall!

    Fall he will never, till English force slacken
      In the great soul of thy dominant race,
    Now, as of old, do the Destinies beckon
      Thee to be highest in power and place.

    Conflicts now raging will pass into story,
      Nations may sink in defeat or disgrace;
    Long be thy future resplendent with glory,
      Long be thy triumphs the pride of our race!

American Aid of France

By Eugene Brieux

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

M. Eugene Brieux, the celebrated French poet and playwright, who is in this country as the official representative of the French Academy—­the “Forty Immortals”—­has written a remarkable tribute to American aid of France during the present war.  The address, which is herewith presented, was read by M. Brieux at the residence of Mrs. John Henry Hammond of New York City recently before a gathering of two hundred men and women who have been interested in the work of the American Ambulance Hospital in Paris.

Miss Marie Van Vorst, who nursed the wounded at the American Ambulance in Paris, will speak to you of it as an eyewitness.  From her you will receive direct news of your splendid work of humanity.  While she was caring for wounded French, English, and German I was attached to another hospital at Chartres.  It happens, therefore, that I have never seen the American Military Hospital created by you, but I am not in ignorance concerning it any more than any other Parisian, any more, indeed, than the majority of the French people.  I know that the American Ambulance is the most remarkable hospital that the world has seen.  I know that you, since the beginning of the war, have brought the aid of medical science to wounded men and that you have given not only money, but an institution, all ready, complete and of the most modern type, and, even more, that you have sent there your best surgeons and a small army of orderlies and nurses.

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I know that at first one could not find a place; that there was available only a building in course of construction, intended to be the Pasteur School at Neuilly.  This building was far from completion; it lacked doors and there were no stairs.  I know that in three weeks your generosity, your energy, and your quick intelligence has made of this uncertain shell a modern military hospital, with white walls, electric light, baths, rooms for administering anaesthetics, operating rooms, sterilizing plants, apparatus for X-rays, and a dental clinic.  I know that automobiles, admirably adapted to the service, carried the wounded.  And yet I do not know all.  I know only by instinct of the devotion of your young girls, of your women, and of your young men, belonging often to prominent families, who served as stretcher bearers and orderlies.

I am not ignorant of the fact that they count by the hundreds those who have been cured at the American Ambulance at Neuilly, nor of the further fact that the rate of mortality is extremely low, although they have sent you those most gravely injured.  I know that it is all free; that there are no charges made for the expenses of administration; that for the service rendered by your people there is no claim, and that every cent of every dollar subscribed goes entirely and directly to the care of the wounded.  I know also that the expenses at the hospital are $4,000 a day, and that ever since the beginning your charity has met this demand.

Such splendid effort has not been ignored or misunderstood.  The President of the French Republic has cabled to President Wilson his appreciation and his gratitude; General Fevier, Inspector General of Hospitals of the French Army, has publicly expressed his admiration; the English physicians and public men have shared their sentiments.

As to the people of Paris, as to the French nation, they have been touched to the depths of their being.  And yet in France we have found all this quite natural.  I shall tell you why.  We have so high a regard for you that when you do anything well no one is surprised.  I believe that if a wounded soldier arriving at your hospital exclaimed, “This is wonderful!” his comrade who had been ahead of him would answer in a tone of admonition:  “That surprises you?  You do not know then that it is done by the Americans, by the people from the United States?” In this refusal to be astonished in the face of remarkable achievements, when they come from you, there is a tribute, a praise of high quality which your feelings and your patriotism will know how to appreciate.

I have said that all that comes from you which is good and great seems natural to us, and I have given you a reason; but there is another.  In France we are accustomed to consider the Republic of the United States as an affectionate, distant sister.  When one receives a gift from a stranger one is astonished and cries out his thanks, but when the gift comes from a brother or from some one who, on similar occasions, has never failed, the thanks are not so outspoken but more profound.  One says:  “Ah, it is you, my brother.  I suffer.  I expected you.  I knew that you would come, for I should have gone to you had you needed me.  I thank you.”

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And, indeed, we are closely bound together, you and we.  Without doubt, common interest and an absence of possible competition helps to that end, but there is something more which unites us—­it is our kindred sentiments.  It is this kinship which has created our attraction for each other and which has cemented it; it is our common ground of affections, of hatreds, of hopes; our ideals rest upon the same high plane.  To mention but one point, one of you has said:  “The United States and France are the only two nations which have fought for an ideal.”  And it is that which separates us, you and us, from a certain other nation, and which has served to bring us two close together.

We love you and we are grateful for what you are doing for us.  When the day came for my departure from France to represent here the French Academy I asked of Mr. Poincare, who had visited the American Ambulance at Neuilly, if duty did not forbid me to go.  “No,” he said to me.  “Go to the United States.  Carry greetings to the great nation of America.”  And he gave to me, for your President, the letter with which you are familiar, where he expressed the admiration and the sympathy that he has for you.

I have been traveling North and South in the Eastern part of the United States.  I have had many opportunities to admire your power and the extent of your efforts.  Today, in thinking of the American Ambulance Hospital in Paris, I admire your persistence in labor.  You have established this hospital.  That was good.  But it costs a thousand dollars a day, and yet you keep on with the work.  That is doubly good.  Indeed, one can understand that you have not been willing, after having created this model hospital, that some day through lack of support its doors should close and the wounded you have taken in be turned over to others; certainly those first subscribers undertook a sort of moral obligation to themselves not to permit the work to fail.  But, none the less, it is admirable that it should be so.  To give once is something, but it is little if one compares the value of the first gift to those which follow.

The first charity is easily understood.  Suddenly war is at hand.  Its horrors can be imagined and every one feels that he can in some measure lessen them, and he opens his purse.  Then time passes, the war continues, and one becomes accustomed to the thoughts that were at first unbearable—­it is so far away and so long.  Others in this way were checked after their first impulse.

But you, you have thought that, if it is good to establish a hospital, that alone was not enough, and that each day would bring new wounded to replace those who, cured, took up their guns again and returned to the field of battle.  And since at the American Ambulance the wounded are cured quickly, the very excellence of your organization, the science of your surgeons, and the greatness of your sacrifices all bring upon you other and new sacrifices to be made.

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But the word “sacrifice” is badly chosen.  You do not make sacrifices, for you are strong and you are good.  When you decide upon some new generous act you have only to appeal to your national pride, which will never allow an American undertaking to fail.  You have the knowledge of the good that you are doing, and that, for you, is sufficient.  You know that, thanks to your generosity, suffering is relieved, and you know that, thanks to the science of your surgeons, this relief is not merely momentary, but that the wounded man who would have remained a cripple if he had been less ably cared for, will be, thanks to you, completely cured, and that, instead of dragging out a miserable existence, he will be able to live a normal life and support a family which will bless you.  Such men will owe it all to the persistence of your generosity.

I return always to that point, and it is essential.  To give once is a common impulse, common to nearly all the world.  It means freeing one’s self from the suffering which good souls feel when they see others suffer.  But to give again after having given is a proof of reflection, of an understanding of the meaning of life; it is to work intelligently; it is to insure the value of the first effort; it means the possession of goodness which is lasting and far-seeing.  That is a rare virtue.  You have it.  And that is why I express a three-fold thanks, for the past, for the present, and for the future—­thanks that come from the bottom of the heart of a Frenchman.



    Look, Love!  I lay my wistful hands in thine
      A little while before you seek the dark,
    Untraversed ways of War and its Reward,
      I cannot bear to lift my gaze and mark
      The gloried light of hopeful, high emprise
    That, like a bird already poised for flight,
      Has waked within your eyes. 
    For me no proud illusions point the road,
      No fancied flowers strew the paths of strife: 
    War only wears a horrid, hydra face,
      Mocking at strength and courage, youth and life. 
    If you were going forth to cross your sword
      In fair and open, man-to-man affray,
      One might be even reconciled and say,
    “This is not murder; only passion bent
      On pouring out its poison”—­one could pray
    That the day’s end might see the madness done
    And saner souls rise with the morrow’s sun. 
      But this incarnate hell that yawns before
    Your bright, brave soul keyed to the fighter’s clench—­
    This purgatory that men call the “trench”—­
      This modern “Black Hole” of a modern war! 
    Yea, Love! yet naught I say can save you, so
    I lay my heart in yours and let you go.

Stories of French Courage

By Edwin L. Shuman

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

Page 189

There has just appeared in Paris a book called “La Guerre Vue d’Une Ambulance,” which brings the war closer to the eye and heart than anything else I have read.  It is written by Abbe Felix Klein, Chaplain of the American Ambulance Hospital at Neuilly, a suburb of Paris, and has the added merit of describing the noble work which American money and American Red Cross nurses are doing there for the French wounded.  The abbe, by the way, has twice visited the United States in recent years, has many warm friends here, and has written several enthusiastic books about the “Land of the Strenuous Life.”

When the war broke out this large-hearted priest and busy author dropped all his literary and other plans to minister to the wounded soldiers brought to the war hospital established by Americans in the fine new building of the Lycee Pasteur, which was to have received its first medical students a few weeks later.  There were 250 beds at first, and later 500, with more than a hundred American automobiles carrying the wounded to it, often direct from the front.

Through all these months Abbe Klein has labored day and night among these sufferers, cheering some to recovery, easing the dying moments of others with spiritual solace, and, hardest of all, breaking the news of bereavement to parents.

From day to day, through those terrible weeks of fighting on the Aisne and the Marne, with Paris itself in danger, the good abbe wrote brief records of his hopes and fears regarding his wounded friends, and set down in living words the more heroic or touching phases of their simple stories.  Let me translate a few of them for the reader.

Take, for instance, the case of Charles Maree, a blue-eyed, red-bearded hero of thirty years, an only son who had taken the place of his invalid father at the head of their factory, and who had responded to the first call to arms.  During his months of suffering his parents were held in territory occupied by the enemy and could not be reached.  The abbe goes on to tell his story: 

Let us not be deceived by the calm smile on his face.  For six weeks Charles Maree has been undergoing an almost continual martyrdom, his pelvis fractured, with all the consequences one divines, weakened by hemorrhage, his back broken, capable only of moving his head and arms....  He is one of our most fervent Christians:  I bring him the communion twice a week, and he never complains of suffering.  He is also one of our bravest soldiers; he has received the military medal, and when I asked him how it came about he told me the following in a firm tone and with his hand in mine, for we are great friends: 
“It was given to me the 8th of October.  I had to fulfill a mission that was a little difficult.  It was at Mazingarbe, between Bethune and Lens, and 9 o’clock in the evening.  Two of the enemy’s armored auto-machine guns had just been discovered approaching our lines.  I was ordered to go

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and meet them with a Pugeot of twenty-five or thirty horse power—­I was automobilist in the Thirtieth Dragoons.
“I left by the little road from Vermelles on which the two hostile machines were reported to be approaching.  After twenty minutes I stopped, put out my lights, and waited.  A quarter of an hour of profound silence followed, and then I caught the sound of the first mitrailleuse.  With one spin of the wheel I threw my machine across the middle of the road.  That of the enemy struck us squarely in the centre.  The moment the shock was past I rose from my seat with my revolver and killed the chauffeur and the mechanician.
“But almost immediately the second machine gun arrived.  The two men on it comprehended what had happened.  While one of them stopped the machine, the other aimed at me under his seat and fired a revolver ball that pierced both thighs; then they turned their machine and retreated.  My companion, happily, was not hurt, so he could take me to Vermelles, where the ambulance service was.  The same evening they gave me the military medal, for which I had already been proposed three times.”

After three months of suffering, borne without complaint, this man died without having been able to get a word to his parents.  The abbe had become deeply attached to him, and the whole hospital corps felt the loss of his courageous presence.

Some of the horror of war is in these pages, as where the author says: 

     The doctors worked till 3 o’clock this morning.  They had to
     amputate arms and legs affected with gangrene.  The operating
     room was a sea of blood.

Some of the pathos of war is here, and even a little of its humor, but most of all its courage.  Both of the latter are mingled in the case of an English soldier who was brought in wounded from the field of Soissons.

     “I fought until such a day, when I was wounded.”

     “And since then?”

     “Since then I have traveled.”

An English infantry officer, a six-footer, brought to the hospital with his head bandaged in red rather than white, showed the abbe his cap and the bullet hole in it.

“A narrow escape,” said the abbe in English, and then learned that the escape was narrower than the wounded forehead indicated.  Another bullet, without touching the officer, had pierced the sole of his shoe under his foot, and a third had perforated his coat between the body and the arm without breaking the skin.

The author’s attitude toward the Germans, always free from bitterness, is sufficiently indicated in such a paragraph as this: 

Page 191

This afternoon I gave absolution and extreme unction to an Irishman, who has not regained consciousness since he was brought here.  He had in his portfolio a letter addressed to his mother.  The nurse is going to add a word to say that he received the last sacraments.  A Christian hope will soften the frightful news.  Emperors of Austria and Germany, if you were present when the death is announced in that poor Irish home, and in thousands, hundreds of thousands of others, in England, in France, in Russia, in Servia, in Belgium, in your own countries, in all Europe, and even in Africa and Asia!...  May God enlighten your consciences!

The French wounded in the hospital at Neuilly—­during the period when the German right wing was being beaten back from Paris—­frequently accused the German regulars of wanton cruelty, but testified to the humanity of the reservists.  The author relates several episodes illustrating both points.  Here are two: 

“The regulars are no good,” said a brave peasant reservist.  “They struck me with the butts of their rifles on my wound.  They broke and threw away all that I had.  The reserves arrive, and it is different; they take care of me.  My comrade, wounded in the breast, was dying of thirst; he actually died of it a little while afterward.  I dragged myself up to go and seek water for him; the young fellows aimed their guns at me.  I was obliged to make a half-turn and lie down again.”

Another, who also begins by praising the German field officers, saw soldiers of the active army stripping perfectly nude one of our men who had a perforated lung, and whom they had made prisoner after his wound: 

     “When they saw that they would have to abandon him, they took
     away everything from him, even his shirt, and it was done in
     pure wickedness, since they carried nothing away.”

One of the most amazing escapes is that of a soldier from Bordeaux, told partly in his own racy idiom, and fully vouched for by the author.  After relating how he left the railway at Nanteuil and traversed a hamlet pillaged by the Germans he continues: 

     We form ourselves into a skirmish line.  The shells come.  The
     dirt flies:  holes to bury an ox?  One can see them coming: 
     zzz—­boom!  There is time to get out of the way.

Arrived at the edge of the woods, we separate as scouts.  We are ordered to advance.  But, mind you, they already have our range.  The artillery makes things hum.  My bugler, near me, is killed instantly; he has not said a word, poor boy!  I am wounded in the leg.  It is about two o’clock.  As I cannot drag myself further, a comrade, before leaving, hides me under three sheaves of straw with my head under my knapsack.  The shells have peppered it full of holes, that poor sack.  Without it—­ten yards away a comrade, who had his leg broken and a piece of shell in his arm, received seven or eight

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more wounds.
I stayed there all day.  In the evening the soldiers of the 101st took me into the woods, where there were several French wounded and a German Captain, wounded the evening before.  He was suffering too, poor wretch.  About midnight the French soldiers came to seek those who were transportable.  They left only my comrade, myself and the German Captain.  There were other wounded further along, and we heard their cries.  It was dreary.

These wounded men passed two whole days there without help.  On the third day the Germans arrived and the narrator gave himself up for lost.  But the German Captain, with whom the Frenchmen had divided their food and drink, begged that they be cared for.  Ultimately they were taken to the German camp and their wounds attended to.  But in a few minutes the camp became the centre of a violent attack, and again it looked as if the last day of the wounded prisoners had come.

Suddenly the Germans ran away and left everything.  An hour later, when the firing ceased, they returned, carried away the wounded of both nationalities on stretchers, crowded about twenty-five of them into one wagon (the narrator’s broken leg was not stretched out, and he suffered,) and all the way the wagon gave forth the odor of death.  All day they rode without a bite to eat.  At 1 o’clock at night they reached the village of Cuvergnon, where their wounds were well attended to.  The following day the Germans departed without saying a word, but the villagers cared for the wounded, both friends and enemies, and in time the American automobiles carried them to Neuilly.

It is a paradise [added the wounded man.] Now we are saved.  But what things I have seen!  I have seen an officer with his brain hanging here, over his eye.  And black corpses, and bloated horses!  The saddest time is the night.  One hears cries:  “Help!” There are some who call their mothers.  No one answers.

All these recitals of soldiers are stamped with the red badge of courage.  A priest serving as an Adjutant was superintending the digging of trenches close to the firing line on the Aisne.  He had to expose himself for a space of three feet in going from one trench to another.  In that instant a Mauser bullet struck him under the left eye, traversed the nostril, the top of the palate, the cheek bone and came out under the right ear.  He felt the bullet only where it came out, but soon he fell, covered with blood and believed he was wounded to death.  Then his courage returned, and he crawled into the trench.  Comrades carried him to the ambulance at Ambleny, with bullets and “saucepans” raining about them from every direction.  In time he was transferred to the American Hospital at Neuilly.  “I’m only a little disfigured and condemned to liquids,” he told his friend the abbe.  “In a few weeks I shall be cured and will return to the front.”

Page 193

Abbe Klein tells the curious story of a Zouave and his faithful dog.  In one of the zigzag corridors connecting the trenches near Arras the man was terribly wounded by a shell that killed all his companions and left him three-quarters buried in the earth.  With only the dead around him, he “felt himself going to discouragement,” to use the author’s mild phrase, when his dog, which had never left him since the beginning of the war, arrived and began showing every sign of distress and affection.  The wounded man told the author: 

It is not true that he dug me out, but he roused my courage.  I commenced to free my arms, my head, the rest of my body.  Seeing this, he began scratching-with all his might around me, and then caressed me, licking my wounds.  The lower part of my right leg was torn off, the left wounded in the calf, a piece of shell in the back, two fingers cut off, and the right arm burned.  I dragged myself bleeding to the trench, where I waited an hour for the litter carriers.  They brought me to the ambulance post at Roclincourt, where my foot was taken off, shoe and all; it hung only by a tendon.  From there I was carried on a stretcher to Anzin, then in a carriage to another ambulance post, where they carved me some more....  My dog was present at the first operation.  An hour after my departure he escaped and came to me at Anzin.

But when the Zouave was sent to Neuilly the two friends had to separate.  At the railway station he begged to take his dog along, and told his story; but the field officer, touched though he was, could not take it upon himself to send a dog on a military train.  The distress of both man and beast was so evident that more than one nurse had tears in her eyes as the train pulled out.

They tried to pet the dog, dubbed him Tue-Boches, offered him dog delicacies of all sorts, but in vain.  He refused all food and remained for two days “sad to death.”  Then some one went to the American Hospital, told how the dog had saved the Zouave, and the upshot of it was that the faithful animal, duly combed and passed through the disinfecting room, was admitted to the hospital and recovered his master and his appetite.  But at last accounts his master was still very weak, and “in the short visit which the dog is allowed to make each day, he knows perfectly, after a tender and discreet good morning, how to hold himself very wisely at the foot of the bed, his eyes fixed upon his patient.”

Thanks to modern science, the cases of tetanus are few in this war, but there are many deaths from gangrene, because, with no truce for the removal of the wounded, so many lie for days before receiving medical aid.  Abbe Klein tells of one Breton boy, as gentle a soul as his sister—­“my little Breton,” he always calls him, affectionately—­and comments again and again upon the boy’s patient courage amid sufferings that could have but one end.  The infection spread in spite of all that science could do, and even amputation could not save him.  At last he ceased to live, “like a poor little bird,” as his French attendant, herself a mother with three boys in the army, said with tears.

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Saddest of all are the bereaved wives and mothers.  The reader will find many of them in the good Chaplain’s book, and they will bring the war closer than anything else.  Sometimes they stand mute under the blow, looking on the dead face without a sound, and then dropping unconscious to the floor.  Sometimes they cry wild things to heaven.  The Chaplain’s work in either case is not easy, and some of his most touching pages depict such scenes.

There was a boy of twenty years, who was slowly but surely dying of gangrene.  Let the abbe tell the end of the story: 

At 9 o’clock the parents arrive.  Frightened at first by the change, they are reassured to see that he is suffering so little, and soon leave him, as they think, to rest.  When they return at 10, suddenly called, their child is dead.  Their grief is terrible.  The father still masters himself, but the mother utters cries.  They are led to the chapel, while some one comes to look for me.  The poor woman, who was wandering about stamping and wringing her hands, rushes to me and cries, no, it is not possible that her son is dead, a child like that, so healthy, so beautiful, so lovable; she wishes me to reassure her, to say it is as she says.  Before my silence and the tears that come to my eyes her groans redouble, and nothing can calm her:  “But what will become of us?  We had only him.”
Nothing quiets her.  My words of Christian hope have no more effect than what the father tries to say to her.  For a moment she listens to my account of the poor boy’s words of faith, of the communion yesterday, of his prayer this morning.  But soon she falls back into her distraction, and I suggest to the husband that he try to occupy her mind, to make a diversion of some kind; the more so, I add, as I must leave to attend a burial.  She hears this word:  “I don’t want him to be taken from me.  You are not going to bury him at once!” I explain softly that no one is thinking of such a thing; that on the contrary I am going to take her to those who will let her see her boy.  We go then to the office, and I hurry away to commence the funeral of another.
I learn on my return that they have seen their son, such as death has made him, and that on hearing the cries of the mother, three other women, already agitated by the visit to their own wounded and by the funeral preparations, have fallen in a faint.

One day last Fall President Poincare, accompanied by M. Viviani and General Gallieni, was received at the American Hospital by Mr. Herrick, the American Ambassador, and by the members of the Hospital Committee.  Abbe Klein has words of praise not only for Mr. Herrick, but also for his predecessor, Mr. Bacon, and for his successor, Mr. Sharp.  His admiration for the devoted American women who are serving as nurses in the hospital is expressed frequently in his pages.  He says the labors of the American nurses and those of the French nurses complement each other admirably.  Of the founding and maintenance of the hospital at Neuilly, he says: 

Page 195

The resources are provided wholly by the charity of Americans.  From the beginning of the war the administrative council of their Paris hospital took the initiative in the movement.  The American colony in France, almost unaided, gave the half-million francs that was subscribed the first month.  New York and other cities of the United States followed their lead, and, in spite of the financial crisis that grips there as elsewhere, one may be sure that the funds will not be wanting.  America has its Red Cross, which, justly enough, aids the wounded of all nations; but, among the belligerents, it has chosen to distinguish the compatriots of Lafayette and Rochambeau; our field hospital is the witness of their faithful gratitude.  France will not forget.

Later the abbe recorded in his diary that the 500 beds would soon be filled, but added that the generous activity of the Americans would not end there.  They would establish branch hospitals.  Large sums had been placed at the disposal of the committee to found an “ambulance” in Belgium and another in France as near the front as prudence permitted.  Toward the end of January he recorded the gift of $200,000 from Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney, and its use by the committee to establish an affiliated hospital at the College of Juilly, in the Department of Seine-et-Marne.  He added that still other branches were about to be founded with American funds.

Abbe Klein writes out of a full and sincere heart, whether as a priest, a patriot, or a man who loves his fellowmen; and, without seeking it, he writes as a master of phrase.  His new book probably will soon be translated and published in the United States.



    ’Tis very peaceful by our place the now! 
      Aye, Mary’s home from school—­the little toad—­
    And Jeck is likely bringing in the cow,
      Away from pasture, down the hillside road.

    Now Nancy, I’ll be bound, is brewing tea! 
      She’s humming at her work the way she will,
    And, happen so, she maybe thinks of me
      And wishes she’d another cup to fill.

    ’Tis very queer to sit here on this nag
      And swing this bit o’ blade within my hand—­
    To keep my eye upon that German flag
      And wonder will they run or will they stand;

    To watch their Uhlans forming up below,
      And feel a queersome way that’s like to fear;
    To hope to God that I won’t make a show,
      And that my throat is not too dry to cheer;

    To close my eyes a breath and say “God bless
      And keep all safe at home, and aid us win,”
    Then straighten as the bugle sounds “Right, Dress....” 
      Hurrah!  Hurrah!  Hurrah!  We’re going in!

American Unfriendliness

By Maximilian Harden

Page 196

[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, April, 1915.]

Maximilian Harden, author of the article of which the following is a translation, is the widely known German journalist and publicist who has been termed “the German George Bernard Shaw.”  The article was published in the second February number of Die Zukunft.

Japan and the United States are being wooed.  Ever since the Western powers’ hope of speedy decisive blows on the part of Russia have shriveled up, they would like to lure the Japanese Army, two to four hundred thousand men, to the Continent.  What was scoffed at as a whim of Pinchon and Clemenceau now is unveiled as a yearning of those at the head of the Governments.

The sentimental wish to see Germany’s collapse completed by the activities of the allied European powers now ventures only shyly into the light of day.  The ultimate wearing down of the German Army assures us of victory; but a speedy termination of the war under which the whole hemisphere suffers would be preferable.  The Trans-Siberian Railway could bring the Japanese to Poland and East Prussia.  The greatness of the expenditures therefor cannot frighten him who knows what tremendous sums each week of the war costs the Allies.  Where it is a question of our life, of the existence of all free lands, every consideration must vanish.  Public opinion desires an agreement with the Government of the Mikado.

These sentences I found in the Temps.  England will not apply the brakes.  Mr. Winston Churchill, to be sure, lauds the care-free fortune of his fatherland, which even after Trafalgar, he says, did not command the seas as freely as today; but in his inmost heart even this “savior of Calais” does not cheat himself concerning the fact that it is a matter of life and death.  In order not to succumb in such a conflict, England will sacrifice its prosperous comfort and the lordly pride of the white man just as willingly as it would, if necessary, Gibraltar and Egypt, (which might be within the reach of German armies in the Spring.)

Will Japan follow the luring cry?  Any price will be paid for it.  What is Indo-China to the Frenchmen, whose immense colonial empire is exploited by strangers, if thereby they can purchase the bliss of no longer being “the victims of 1870”?  And the yellow race that co-operated on Europe’s soil in the most momentous decision of all history would live in splendor such as had never before been seen, and could keep China, the confused, reeling republic, for at least a generation in its guardianship.

The land of the Stars and Stripes is only being asked to give its neutrality the color of good-will.  It is, for the time being, unlikely that the United States would stand beside our opponents with army and navy, as has been urgently counseled by Mr. Roosevelt, (who received the honorary doctor’s title in Berlin and as a private citizen reviewed a brigade drill at the Kaiser’s side.) Nevertheless, experience warns us to be prepared for every change of weather, from the distant West, as well as the distant East, (and to guard ourselves alike against abuse and against flattery.)

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The sentiment of the Americans is unfriendly to us.  In spite of Princes’ travels, Fritz monuments, exchanges of professors, Kiel Week, and cable compliments?  Yes, in spite of all that.  We can’t change it.  And should avoid impetuous wooing.

The missionaries of the Foreign Office brought along with them in trunks and bundles across the sea the prettiest eagerness; but in many cases they selected useless and in some cases even injurious methods.  Lectures, pamphlets, defensive writings—­the number of the defenders and the abundance of their implements and talk only nursed suspicion.  Whatever could be done for the explanation of the German conduct was done by Germania’s active children, who know the country and the people.

The American business man never likes to climb mountains of paper.  He has grown up in a different emotional zone, accustomed to a different standard of values than the Middle European.  To feel his way into foreign points of view, finally to become, in ordinary daily relations, a psychologist, that will be one of the chief duties of the German of tomorrow.  He may no longer demand that the stranger shall be like him; no longer denounce essential differences of temperament as a sin.  The North American, among whose ancestors are Britons and Spaniards, Celts and Dutchmen, South Frenchmen and Low Germans, does not easily understand the Englishman, despite the common language; calls him surly, stiff, cold; charges him with selfishness and presumption, and has never, as a glance backward will show, shirked battle with him for great issues.  For the most part, to be sure, it remains the scolding of relatives, who wish to tug at and tousel each other, not to murder each other.

Only before the comrade of Japan did the brow of Jonathan wrinkle more deeply.  But every Briton swore that his kinsman would bar the yellow man’s way to Hawaii, California, and the Philippines, and put him in the fields of Asia only as a terror to the Russians or a scarecrow to the Germans.  A doubt remained, nevertheless; and we missed the chance of a strong insurance against Japanese encroachment.  Stroked caressingly yesterday and boxed ears today: 

Over there the dollar alone rules, and all diplomacy is a pestilential swamp; decency is an infrequent guest, with scorn grinning ever over its shoulder; the entrepreneur is a rogue, the official a purchasable puppet, the lady a cold-cream-covered lady-peacock.

The stubborn idealism, the cheerful ability of the American, his joy in giving, his achievements in and for art, science, culture—­all that was scarcely noticed.  Such a caricature could not be erased by compliments.

Before Mr. Roosevelt bared his set of stallion’s teeth (Hengstgebiss) to the Berliners, he had spoken cheerfully to Admirals Dewey and Beresford concerning the possibilities of a war of the Star-Spangled Banner against Germany.  And gentler fellow-countrymen of the billboard man said: 

Page 198

You’re amazing.  Yourselves devilishly greedy for profits, yet you scoff at us because we go chasing after business.  You fetch heaps of money across the sea, and then turn up your sublimely snuffing noses as if it stinks.

To reach an understanding would have been difficult even in times of peace.  The American is unwilling to be either stiff or subservient.  He does not wish to be accounted of less value as a merchant than the officer or official; wishes to do what he likes and to call the President an ox outright if he pleases.  Leave him as he is; and do not continually hurt the empire and its swarms of emigrant children by the attempt to force strangers into the shell of your will and your opinion.

Is it not possible that the American is analyzing the origin of the war in his own way?  That he looks upon Belgium’s fate with other eyes than the German?  That he groans over “the army as an end in itself” and over “militarism”?  That he does not understand us any quicker than the German Michel understands him?  And that he puffs furiously when, after a long period of drought, the war, a European one, now spoils his trade?

Only for months at the worst, Sam; then it will spring up again in splendor such as has never been seen before.  No matter how the dice fall for us, the chief winnings are going to you.  The cost of the war (expense without increment, devastation, loss of business) amounts to a hundred thousand million marks or more for old Europa; she will be loaded down with loans and taxes.  Even to the gaze of the victor, customers will sink away that were yesterday capable of buying and paying.  Extraordinary risks cannot be undertaken for many a year on our soil.  But everybody will drift over to you—­Ministers of Finance, artists, inventors, and those who scent profits.  You will merely have to free yourselves from dross (and from the trust thought that cannot be stifled) and to weed out the tares of demagogy; then you will be the effective lords of the world and will travel to Europe like a great Nuernberg that teaches people subsequently to feel how once upon a time it felt to operate in the Narrows.

The scope of your planning and of your accomplishment, the very rank luxuriance of your life, will be marveled at as a fairy wonder.  We, victors and conquered and neutrals, will alike be confined by duty to austere simplicity of living.  Your complaint is unfounded; only gird yourselves for a wee short time in patience.  Whether the business deals which you grab in the wartime smell good or bad, we shall not now publicly investigate.  If law and custom permit them, what do you care for alien heartache?  If the statutes of international law prohibit them, the Governments must insure the effectiveness thereof.  Scolding does not help.  Until the battle has been fought out to the finish, until the book of its genesis has been exalted above every doubt, your opinion weighs as heavy as a little chicken’s feather to us.  Let writer and talker rave till they are exhausted—­not a syllable yet in defense.

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We do not feel hurt, (haven’t spare time for it;) indeed, we are glad that you gave ten millions each month for Belgium, that you intend to help care for Poland, that you are opening the savings banks of your children.  But, seriously, we beg you not to howl if American ships are damaged by the attack of German submarines.  England wishes to shut off our imports of foodstuffs and raw materials, and we wish to shut off England’s.  You do not attempt to land on our coast; keep away also from that of Britain.  You were warned early.  What is now to take place is commanded by merciless necessity; must be.

And let no woeful cries, no threats, crowd into Germany’s ears.


By A. Kouprine

[From King Albert’s Book.]

Not applause, not admiration, but the deep, eternal gratitude of the whole civilized world is now due to the self-denying Belgian people and their noble young sovereign.  They first threw themselves before the savage beast, foaming with pride, maddened with blood.  They thought not of their own safety, nor of the prosperity of their houses, nor of the fate of the high culture of their country, nor of the vast numbers and cruelty of the enemy.  They have saved not only their fatherland, but all Europe—­the cradle of intellect, taste, science, creative art, and beauty—­they have saved from the fury of the barbarians trampling, in their insolence, the best roses in the holy garden of God.  Compared with their modest heroism the deed of Leonidas and his Spartans, who fought in the Pass of Thermopylae, falls into the shade.  And the hearts of all the noble and the good beat in accord with their great hearts....

No, never shall die or lose its power a people endowed with such a noble fire of blood, with such feelings that inspire it to confront bereavement, sorrow, sickness, wounds; to march as friends, hand in hand, adored King and simple cottager, man and woman, poor and rich, weak and strong, aristocrat and laborer.  Salutation and humblest reverence to them!

Chronology of the War

Showing Progress of Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events from Feb. 28, 1915, Up To and Including March 31, 1915

[Continued from the March Number]


March 1—­Two German army corps are defeated in struggle for Przasnysz; Germans bombard Ossowetz.

March 2—­Russians win Dukla Pass; 10,000 Germans taken prisoner at Przasnysz; Russians reinforced on both flanks in Poland; Austrians meet reverse near Stanislau; Austrians make progress in the Carpathians; Russians shell Czernowitz.

March 3—­Russians press forward from the Niemen and the Dniester; Austro-German army driven back in Galicia; Germans demolish two Ossowetz forts.

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March 4—­Russians are pressing four armies through the mountain passes into Hungary; they have checked a new Bukowina drive on the part of the Austrians.

March 5—­Russians are taking the offensive from the Baltic Sea to the Rumanian frontier; German armies in the north have been split into isolated columns; Russians report the recapture of Stanislau and Czernowitz; snow is retarding the invasion of Hungary.

March 6—­Russian centre takes up attack; Russians are gaining in North Poland; Austrians give ground in East Galicia.

March 7—­Germans start another drive in region of Pilica River; Austrians retreat in Bukowina.

March 8—­Russians silence two batteries of German siege artillery at Ossowetz; Austrians gain ground in the Carpathians and Galicia; it is reported that German troops in Northern Poland and Galicia are exhausted.

March 9—­Germans are raising the siege of Ossowetz and are retreating in Northern Poland; Russians claim that the Austrian offensive in Eastern Galicia is a complete failure.

March 10—­Germans attempt to break through Russian line in Northern Poland; General Eichorn’s army, retreating from the Niemen, is being harried by Russian cavalry and has been pierced at one point; Austrians have successes in the Carpathians and Western Galicia.

March 11—­One million men are engaged in a series of battles in Northern Poland, the front being eighty miles long.

March 12—­In the Carpathians the Russians capture the villages of Lupkow and Smolnik and the surrounding heights.

March 13—­Russians check German offensive against Przasnysz; fighting in progress along Orzyc River; Austrians repulse Russian attack near Cisna in the Carpathians.

March 14—­Russians check German advance in Mlawa region.

March 15—­Russians capture the chief eastern defense of Przemysl, three miles from the heart of the defense system, Austrian troops which held the position leaving many guns in the snow; the siege ring is now drawn tighter; battle is on in Bukowina; there is fighting among the ice fields of the Carpathians.

March 16—­Russians take vigorous offensive and drive back army that was marching on Przasnysz; 100,000 men have been buried in a triangle a few miles in area between Warsaw and Skierniewice; Germans are making use of fireworks at night to locate Russian guns; Austrian Archduke Frederick suggests to Emperor Francis Joseph the abandonment of the campaign against Serbia, all troops to be diverted to the Carpathians.

March 17—­Przemysl is in peril; Russians have recrossed the German frontier in two places; there is fighting on a 600-mile front; it is reported that the Austrian Army in East Galicia has been flanked; a battle is being fought in the snow for the possession of Tarnowice.

March 18—­Germans threaten severe reprisals on Russians for devastation in East Prussia; German offensive in much of Poland is reported to be broken.

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March 19—­Memel, German port on the Baltic, is occupied by the Russians; Tilsit is menaced; Von Hindenburg starts a new offensive in Central Poland; the Germans have lost heavily along the Pilica; Austrians claim that they have halted the Russian advance in the Carpathians.

March 20—­Russians win battle in streets of Memel; battle line extends to Rumanian border; sortie by Przemysl garrison is driven back; statistics published in Petrograd show that 95 towns and 4,500 villages in Russian Poland have been devastated as result of German invasion; damage estimated at $500,000,000.

March 21—­Austrians renew operations against Serbia and are defeated in artillery duel near Belgrade; Russians are advancing on Tilsit; another Przemysl sortie is repelled.

March 22—­After a siege which began on Sept. 2, the longest siege in modern history, the great Galician fortress of Przemysl is surrendered to the Russians, who capture 9 Austrian Generals, 300 officers, and 125,000 men, according to Russian statements; the strategic value of Przemysl is considered great, as it guarded the way to Cracow and to important Carpathian passes; Germans retake Memel; Russians are preparing for vigorous offensive in the Carpathians; Austrians are shelling the Montenegrin front.

March 23—­Demonstrations are held in Russia over fall of Przemysl; Germans say that the capture of the place cannot influence general situation.

March 24—­Battle is being fought in the Carpathians; Russians march on Hungary and pursue strong column that had been seeking to relieve Przemysl; Germans withdraw big guns from Ossowetz.

March 25—­Russians carry Austrian position on crest of Beskid Mountains in Lupkow Pass region and win victory in Bukowina; fighting in Southern Poland is resumed.

March 26—­It is reported that the Austro-German armies in the Carpathians are withdrawing into Hungary; Germans retreat in the north.

March 27—­Violent fighting in the Carpathians; Austrians make gains in Bukowina.

March 28—­Russians break into Hungary and carry on offensive operations against Uszok and Lupkow Passes.

March 29—­Austrians make gains at several points; Russians say that the Memel dash was a mere raid.

March 30—­Russians storm crests in the Carpathians; Austrians are in a big drive across Bukowina; 160,000 Germans are reported as being rushed to Austria.

March 31—­Russians are making their way down the southern slopes of the Carpathians into Hungary; German army corps reported trapped and cut to pieces in Northern Poland; Pola is preparing for a siege.


March 2—­Germans are pouring reinforcements into Belgium; British gain ground near La Bassee.

March 4—­Hard fighting in the Vosges; Germans spray burning oil and chemicals upon French advancing in Malancourt woods.

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March 5—­Germans checked at Rheims; report of Sir John French says situation is unchanged in Belgium; Germans are holding reserves in Alsace.

March 9—­Floods hamper campaign in Alsace; it is reported that Germans are shelling factories in France which they cannot capture.

March 10—­Germans declare that the French have failed in the Champagne district and have lost 45,000 men.

March 11—­After several days of severe fighting the British capture Neuve Chapelle, the German loss being estimated by British at 18,000; the British also have lost heavily, particularly in officers; British believe they will now be able to threaten seriously the German position at La Bassee; French War Office says operations in Champagne have aided Russians by preventing Germans from reinforcing eastern armies.

March 12—­British are pressing on toward Lille; they gain near Armentieres, occupy Epinette, and advance toward La Bassee; Germans are intrenched in Aubers; the new drive is expected by Allies to prevent Germans in the west from sending reinforcements to the east.

March 13—­Sir John French reports further gains in Neuve Chapelle region.

March 14—­French occupy Vauquois, the key to a wide area of the Argonne; they capture trenches and occupy Embermenil; Belgians gain on the Yser; British repel German attack on Neuve Chapelle; it is announced that the French recently won a victory at Reichackerkopf in Alsace.

March 15—­French capture trenches north of Arras; Germans drive back British south of Ypres; Germans meet reverse at Neuve Chapelle; it is announced that the French recently won a victory at Combres; French and British are preparing for a general offensive; the first installment is given out from French official sources of a historical review of the war, from the French viewpoint, covering the first six months.

March 16—­Belgians cross the Yser; they drive Germans from trenches south of Nieuport; British retake St. Eloi; barbed wire fence, ten feet high, encompasses entire zone of German military operations in Alsace; British still hold Neuve Chapelle after several spirited attempts to retake it.

March 17—­Westende bombarded; Belgians carry two positions in Yser region.

March 18—­Belgian Army continues to advance on the Yser; French continue to hold the heights near Notre Dame de Lorette despite repeated shelling of their position; Germans are fortifying towns in Alsace.

March 19—­Belgians and Germans are fighting a battle in the underground passages of a monastery in front of Ramscappelle; official British report tells of new German repulse at St. Eloi.

March 21—­Germans take a hill in the Vosges.

March 24—­New battle begins along the Yser.

March 26—­Belgians make progress on road from Dixmude to Ypres.

March 27—­French capture summit of Hartmanns-Weilerkopf Mountain.

March 29—­French are pressing the Germans hard at various points in Champagne; as an offset, the Germans renew activity against Rheims with lively bombardments; sapping and mining operations are stated to be the only means of gaining ground in the Argonne.

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March 1—­Turkish forces mass on Asiatic side of the Dardanelles under Essad Pasha, defender of Janina; Russians have completed the expulsion of Turks from Transcaucasus region and dominate the Black Sea.

March 3—­Russians, after three days’ battle, stop reinforcements for Turks in the Caucasus.

March 5—­Turks abandon for the time the campaign against Egypt and recall troops.

March 7—­British drive Turks back from the Persian Gulf, with considerable losses on both sides; it is reported that the Germans killed 300 Turks in a conflict between these allies after the Egyptian retreat.

March 9—­Germans report that British were routed recently in Southern Mesopotamia.

March 12—­General d’Amaade, commander of the French forces in Morocco, has been put in command of a force which is to aid the allied fleets in operations against Constantinople.

March 13—­Turks are driven back in Armenia and Northwestern Persia.

March 16—­Russians rout Turks in Armenia and threaten Turks in the Caucasus.

March 18—­Turkish soldiers kill several civilians in the Urumiah district of Persia; Turks are massing large forces near Constantinople and on Asiatic side of the Dardanelles.

March 19—­Russians occupy Archawa.

March 20—­Turks reported to be four days’ march from Suez Canal.

March 23—­Turkish force operating against town of Suez is routed.


March 12—­It is reported from Peking that nine Germans, among them the German Military Attache at Peking, who is leading the party, escaped from Tsing-tao when it fell, and have made their way 1,000 miles into Manchuria, where they are trying to blow up tunnels along the Trans-Siberian railway; Russian troops are pursuing them.


March 21—­Official announcement is made that General Botha, Commander in Chief of the Army of the Union of South Africa, has captured 200 Germans and two field guns at Swakopmund, German Southwest Africa.


March 1—­Norwegian steamer reports ramming a submarine off English coast.

March 2—­Bulgaria protests to Austria, Russia, and Serbia against mines in the Danube; diligent inquiry in England fails to produce any evidence supporting report that British superdreadnought Audacious, wrecked by mine or torpedo on Oct. 27, is about to be restored to the fighting line.

March 3—­Allied fleet silences three inner forts on the Asiatic side of the Dardanelles; Berlin report says British cruiser Zephyr was damaged.

March 4—­Attack on Dardanelles continues; French ships bombard Bulair forts and destroy Kavak Bridge; Field Marshal von der Goltz has asked for German artillery officers to aid in defending Dardanelles, but it is reported that Germans cannot spare any; German submarine U-8 is sunk by destroyers of the Dover flotilla; German submarine chases hospital ship St. Andrew.

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March 5—­Allies report that six, possibly seven, German submarines have been sunk since beginning of the war; two Captains of British merchant ships claim prize for sinking German submarines; British Admiralty informs shipping interests that a new mine field has been laid in the North Sea; Germans report a French ammunition ship sunk at Ostend; Japanese report that the schooner Aysha, manned by part of the crew of the Emden, is still roving the Indian Ocean; there is despair in Constantinople as Dardanelles bombardment continues; Russian Black Sea fleet is steaming toward the Bosporus; allied fleet is bombarding Smyrna.

March 6—­British ships Queen Elizabeth and Prince George attack strong Dardanelles forts, they blow up one and damage two; allied landing party suffers loss; Asia Minor ports are being shelled; one-third of the Dardanelles reported clear of Turkish mines; concentration of Turkish fleet reported; Germans state that a submarine, reported by the Captain of British merchantman Thordis to have been sunk by his vessel, escaped; German Embassy at Washington expresses regret over torpedo attack on British hospital ship Asturias in February, stating that the attack, which did no harm, was due to mistake.

March 7—­Queen Elizabeth and other ships continue bombardment of Dardanelles forts.

March 8—­Allied fleet forces its way further into Dardanelles, British ships opening direct fire on main Turkish positions; more forts are silenced; most of the Allies’ ships are hit, but little damage is done; effective fire at 21,000 yards against batteries on the Asiatic side; seaplanes are being much used for locating concealed guns; it is reported from Petrograd that when the allied fleets began the forcing of the Dardanelles a Russian ship was invited to head the column, and did so; ports on the Black Sea are destroyed by Russians; British Admiralty announces that prisoners from U-8 will be segregated under special restrictions, and they may be put on trial after the war because of German submarine methods; British collier Bengrove sunk in Bristol Channel by torpedo or mine.

March 9—­German submarines sink three British merchantmen, thirty-seven men going down with one ship; Military Governor of Smyrna says that British have bombarded unfortified villages; another British superdreadnought joins allied fleet at Dardanelles; French transports are on way with troops; Turks lose coal supply by Russian bombardment of Zunguldiak; report from Berlin that German submarine U-16 has sunk five merchantmen; British Admiralty states that German submarines, from Jan. 21 to March 3, sank fifteen British steamships out of a total of 8,734 vessels above 300 tons arriving at or departing from British ports in that period; more mines planted near Denmark.

March 10—­German auxiliary cruiser Prince Eitel Friedrich anchors at Newport News for repairs and supplies; she brings passengers and crews of eleven merchant ships sunk by her in a cruise of 30,000 miles, including crew of American sailing ship William P. Frye, bound from Seattle to Queenstown with wheat, sunk on Jan. 28, despite protests of the Frye’s Captain; more Dardanelles forts are reduced; batteries on Eren-Keui Heights silenced; British sink German submarine U-12; British collier Beethoven sunk.

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March 11—­President Wilson states that there will be “a most searching inquiry” into the sinking of the William P. Frye by the Prinz Eitel Friedrich, “and whatever action is taken will be based on the result of that inquiry”; Commander Thierichens of the Eitel defends sinking of the Frye, claiming her cargo was contraband; British warships are ordered to the entrance to the Capes of the Chesapeake to prevent escape of the Eitel; Eitel goes into drydock for repairs; more Dardanelles forts are damaged; mine sweeping is being conducted by the Allies at night; allied fleet before Smyrna gives Turkish commander twenty-four hours to surrender, otherwise bombardment will go on; it is reported from The Hague that twelve German submarines are missing; Germans talk of reprisals if British do not treat submarine crews as prisoners of war.

March 12—­Dardanus batteries on the Dardanelles are silenced; Germans are fortifying Constantinople; Allies’ Consuls demand establishment of a neutral zone at Smyrna; British auxiliary cruiser Bayano sunk off coast of Scotland, probably by a submarine, with loss of 200; it is learned that British bark Conway Castle was sunk on Feb. 27 off the Chilean coast by the German cruiser Dresden; it is learned that French steamer Guadeloupe has been sunk off Brazil by the German auxiliary cruiser Kronprinz Wilhelm; it is reported from Berlin that Germans have sunk 111 merchant steamships, with tonnage of 400,000, since war began; British cotton ship Indian Prince is reported sunk.

March 13—­England has lost 90 merchant ships and 47 fishing vessels, sunk or captured, since the war began; Vice Admiral Carden is stated to have predicted the forcing of the Dardanelles by Easter; fog delays Allies’ operations in Dardanelles; five British warships wait for Eitel off Virginia Capes.

March 14—­Three British cruisers sink German cruiser Dresden near Juan Fernandez Island; no damage to British ships; French steamer Auguste Conseil sunk by German submarine; German submarine U-29 is reported to have sunk five British merchantmen in the last few days; citizen of Leipsic offers reward to crew of submarine that sinks a British transport.

March 15—­It is reported from Rio Janeiro that Kronprinz Wilhelm has sunk thirteen ships since she began her attack on Allies’ commerce.

March 16—­Officers of the Dresden at Valparaiso say their ship was sunk in neutral waters; British say she was sunk ten miles off shore; German liner Macedonia, interned at Las Palmas, Canary Islands, slips out of port; British cruiser Amethyst is reported to have made a dash to the further end of the Dardanelles and back; a mine sweeper of the Allies is blown up; Vice Admiral Carden, “incapacitated by illness,” in words of British Admiralty, is succeeded in chief command in the Dardanelles by Vice Admiral De Robeck; Germany protests to England against promised harsh treatment of submarine crews; British and French warships again appear off coast of Belgium.

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March 17—­It is reported from Denmark that the German cruiser Karlsruhe has been sunk; it is reported from Spain that the Macedonia has been captured by a British cruiser; two British steamers are sunk and one is damaged by German submarines; German steamer Sierra Cordoba, which aided the Dresden, is detained by Peruvian authorities until end of the war; British lose three mine sweepers and one sailing vessel in the Dardanelles.

March 18—­British battleships Irresistible and Ocean and French battleship Bouvet are sunk by floating mines in the Dardanelles while bombarding forts; 600 men lost with the Bouvet, but almost all of the British escape; British battle-cruiser Inflexible and French battleship Gaulois are badly damaged by shells from the forts; most of the forts suffer severely from the fleet fire; French submarine is sunk in the Dardanelles; there is a lull in bombardment of Dardanelles and of Smyrna; German submarine sinks British steamer Glenartney in English Channel; Copenhagen report says a German sea Captain states that the Karlsruhe was sunk in December.

March 19—­Negotiations are being carried on, with American Embassy at Constantinople as intermediary, to try to avert shelling of Pera when allied fleet forces the Dardanelles; British steamers Hyndford and Bluejacket torpedoed in English Channel.

March 20—­One French and two British battleships are on their way to Dardanelles to take place of vessels sunk; new attack is planned by Allies, with Russia co-operating; Turks say that the ships sunk on March 18 were torpedoed; Chilean seamen say Dresden was sunk in Chilean waters; Smyrna garrison is reinforced; dummy war fleet, composed of disguised merchantmen, is reported to be ready in England for use in strategy against the Germans.

March 21—­German submarine sinks British collier Cairntorr off Beachy Head.

March 22—­British steamer Concord is torpedoed by a German submarine, but is stated not to have been sunk.

March 23—­Dutch steamer is fired on by a German trawler; Turks send reinforcements to Dardanelles forts.

March 24—­German vessels shell Russian positions near Memel; allied fleet resumes bombardment of Dardanelles forts; Allies land troops on Gallipoli Peninsula to help in a general attack on the forts which is planned on arrival of more British and French ships; many Europeans are leaving Constantinople.

March 27—­U.S. battleship Alabama is ordered to proceed to Norfolk at once to guard American neutrality should Prinz Eitel Friedrich leave port.

March 28—­British African liner Falaba is torpedoed and sunk by German submarine in St. George’s Channel; she carried 160 passengers and crew of 90, of which total 140 were saved; many were killed by the torpedo explosion; British steamer Aguila is sunk by German submarine U-28 off Pembrokeshire coast; she carried three passengers and crew of forty-two, all passengers and twenty-three of crew being lost; Russian Black Sea fleet attacks Bosporus forts; Dardanelles forts again bombarded; German Government, in official statement, says that Dresden was sunk in neutral Chilean waters.

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March 29—­Dutch steamer Amstel is blown up by a mine; Russians renew Bosporus attack; allied fleet shells Dardanelles forts at long range; reinforced Russian fleet is showing activity in the Baltic; German Baltic fleet is out.

March 31—­London reports that three fleets and three armies will combine in attack on Dardanelles forts; the forts are again bombarded; British steamers Flaminian and Crown of Castile are sunk by German submarines; Prinz Eitel Friedrich coals under guard of American sailors and soldiers; Germans shell Libau.


March 1—­Premier Asquith announces in the House of Commons the purpose of England and France to cut Germany off from all trade with the rest of the world; “the British and French Governments will, therefore, hold themselves free to detain and take into port ships carrying goods of presumed enemy destination, ownership, or origin”; officials in Washington think this attitude of the Allies disregards American rights.

March 3—­Germany alters relief ship rules; vessels may pass through the English Channel unmolested, but because of mines Germany cannot grant safe conduct for relief ships to and from England.

March 4—­Secretary Bryan makes public the text of German reply to American note suggesting modifications of war zone decree; Germany expresses willingness to make modifications if England will allow foodstuffs and raw materials to go to German civilians, and if England will make other modifications in her sea policy; German reply is forwarded to Ambassador Page to be submitted to the British Foreign Office for information of English Government; American State Department makes public part of a recent dispatch from Ambassador Gerard stating that German Government refuses to accept responsibility for routes followed by neutral steamers outside German waters; Henry van Dyke, American Minister at The Hague, advises the State Department that Germany is anxious to give every possible support to the work of American Relief Commission for Belgium, and will facilitate the passage of ships as much as possible.

March 5—­Holland-America Line steamer Noorderdijk, bound for New York, returns to Rotterdam badly disabled, it being reported that she was torpedoed in English Channel.

March 6—­Passenger service from Holland to England is to be extended.

March 8—­Germany includes in the war zone the waters surrounding the Orkney and Shetland Islands, but navigation on both sides of the Faroe Islands is not endangered.

March 9—­It is announced at Washington that identical notes of inquiry have been sent to the British and French Governments asking for particulars as to how embargo on shipments to and from Germany is to be enforced.

March 18—­Submarine blows up Swedish steamer Hanna, flying her own flag, off east coast of England; six of crew lost.

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March 15—­Text made public of British Order in Council cutting off trade to and from Germany; British Government, replying to American note, refuses to permit foodstuffs to enter Germany for civilian population as suggested; British Government also replies to American note of inquiry as to particulars of embargo, Sir Edward Grey saying that object of Allies is, “succinctly stated, to establish a blockade to prevent vessels from carrying goods for or coming from Germany.”

March 17—­Secretary Bryan makes public full text of six recent notes exchanged between the United States and the Allies and Germany regarding the embargo and the war zone; Allies contend German war methods compel the new means of reprisal.

March 18—­Denmark, Norway and Sweden make an identical representation to the Allies against the embargo decree on trade to and from Germany.

March 20—­Holland protests to Allies against embargo.

March 21—­German submarine U-28 seizes Dutch steamers Batavier V. and
Zaanstroom and their cargoes.

March 22—­Holland asks explanation from Germany of seizure of Batavier
V. and Zaanstroom.

March 25—­Submarine U-28 sinks Dutch steamer Medea.

March 26—­Dutch press is aroused over the sinking of the Medea; Ministry holds extraordinary council.

March 27—­Germany tells Holland that investigation into seizure of the
Batavier V. and Zaanstroom has not been concluded.


March 2—­It is learned that in a recent air raid German aviators killed two women and a child at La Panne, a bathing town on Belgian coast.

March 3—­German aviator bombards Warsaw.

March 4—­French bombard German powder magazine at Rottweil.

March 5—­Zeppelin raid over Calais fails; Pegoud receives French military medal for his services.

March 7—­French official statement shows that French airmen during the war have made 10,000 aerial reconnoissances, consuming 18,000 hours in the air, and have traveled more than 1,116,000 miles; Zeppelin reported captured by allied airmen near Bethune.

March 9—­British seaplanes drop bombs on Ostend; Lieut. von Hidelen, who dropped bombs on Paris in September, is at Toulon as a prisoner of war.

March 12—­German airmen bombard Ossowetz.

March 14—­Strassburg is threatened by a fire started by French airman’s bomb; allied aeroplanes said to have wrecked Zeppelin near Tirlemont.

March 17—­German airman unsuccessfully aims five bombs at British coasting steamer Blonde in the North Sea.

March 18—­Bombs from Zeppelin kill seven in Calais.

March 20—­German airmen drop bombs near Deal, but all fall into the sea; one bomb narrowly misses American bark Manga Reva.

March 21—­Two Zeppelins drop bombs on Paris, but damage is slight; eight persons are injured; Zeppelin drops bombs on Calais, with slight damage, and is driven off by guns.

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March 22—­Rotterdam reports that German aviators are aiming bombs indiscriminately at ships in the North Sea, one Taube dropping five bombs near a Belgian relief ship; airmen of Allies drop bombs on Mulheim, injuring three German soldiers.

March 23—­German aeroplane aims seven bombs at British steamer Pandion, all missing; Paris Temps says that authorities plan hereafter to fight Zeppelins by aeroplanes over Paris, something which had hitherto been avoided because of danger to Parisians.

March 24—­British airmen, in dash on Antwerp shipyards, destroy one German submarine and damage another; German aviators aim bombs and arrows at British freighter Teal, doing little damage.

March 26—­French drop bombs on Metz, killing three soldiers; little damage to property.

March 27—­German aviators drop bombs on Calais and Dunkirk; little damage.

March 28—­German aviator drops bombs on Calais; little damage.

March 29—­Germans state that during recent raid on Strassburg, bombs dropped by allied aviators killed two children and wounded seven others and one woman.

March 30—­Copenhagen reports that two Zeppelins have been badly damaged by a storm while manoeuvering for a raid on England; Turkish seaplane drops bombs on British warship outside Dardanelles.

March 31—­Thirty German soldiers are killed and sixty wounded near Thourout, Belgium, by bombs dropped by airmen of Allies; fifteen German aeroplanes drop 100 bombs at Ostrolenka, Russia; German aeroplane aims bomb at Dutch trawler in North Sea, but misses her.


March 1—­Two Czech regiments revolt.

March 2—­It is learned that the troops executed 200 civilians in Stanislau.

March 17—­Conviction is stated to prevail in Vienna that war with Italy is inevitable in the near future; many Austrians are declared to be indignant that Germany is trying to force the nation to cede territory to Italy.

March 18—­Russian prisoners and Galician refugees are working on defensive fortifications in the Trentino, which are being prepared in event of war with Italy; heavy guns are being mounted in the mountain passes; fleet is again concentrated at Pola; Austria and Serbia agree to exchange interned men under 18 or over 50, and also women.

March 22—­Men up to 52 are now being trained for active service; men formerly rejected as unfit are being called to the colors.

March 24—­Five hundred thousand troops are massed in Southern Tyrol and the Trentino; many villages near the Italian frontier have been evacuated and many houses destroyed by dynamite, so as to afford better range for the big guns.

March 26—­Army contract frauds are discovered in Hungary; rich manufacturers jailed.


March 2—­Gen. von Bissing, German Governor General, says the tax recently ordered imposed on Belgians who do not return to their homes was suggested by Belgians themselves.

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March 8—­Belgian Press Bureau announces that King Albert now has an army of 140,000 men, a larger force than that which began the war.

March 9—­As a result of new royal decrees calling refugee youths to the colors the number of recruits is increasing daily; a few days ago King Albert presented a number of recruits to two veteran regiments in a speech; Belgian officials are arrested by Germans on charge that they induced Belgian customs officials to go through Holland to join Belgian Army.

March 17—­Government issues protest against the German allegation that documents found in Brussels show that Belgium and England had a secret understanding before the war of such a nature as to constitute a violation of Belgium’s neutrality; the Government declares that conversations which took place between Belgian and British military officers in 1906 and 1912 had reference only to the situation that would be created if Belgium’s neutrality had already been violated by a third party; it is declared that the documents found by Germans, “provided no part of them is either garbled or suppressed,” will prove the innocent nature of negotiations between Belgium and England.

March 18—­Firm of Henri Leten is fined $5,000 for violating order of German Governor General prohibiting payments to creditors in England.

March 20—­One million pigs owned by Germans are billeted on the civilian population of Belgium, the Belgians being required to feed and care for the animals.

March 21—­Germans are relaxing iron regulations to some extent in attempt to get the normal life of Belgium moving again.

March 23—­Seventeen Belgian men are shot in Ghent barracks after having been found guilty by German court-martial of espionage in the interests of the Allies.

March 28—­Belgian Legation at Washington issues official response to statement made by Herr von Jagow, the Imperial German Secretary of State, that “Belgium was dragged into the war by England”; response says that it was Germany, not England, that drew the nation into war.


March 6—­Mobilization is now completed of three divisions of troops near Tirnova.

March 12—­Heavy artillery is being transported to Janthe, near the Greek frontier.

March 20—­Three Bulgarian soldiers are killed and several Greek soldiers are wounded in a fight which followed an attempted movement by strong Bulgarian force into the region of Demir-Hissar, formerly Turkish territory, now Greek.

March 26—­Opposition leaders are demanding an interview with the King with a view of bringing about a change of policy favoring the Anglo-Franco-Russian alliance; Field Marshal von der Goltz is in Sofia.

March 30—­Bulgaria is holding up shipments of German artillery and large quantities of ammunition destined for Constantinople.


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March 5—­Three transports arrive in England with 4,000 Canadian troops.

March 14—­Second contingent is now in camp in England; it is expected that these troops will soon go to the front.

March 26—­Publication of first account by Official Canadian Recorder with troops in the field of contingent’s experiences; he states that there have been but few casualties so far; the infantry was held in reserve in the Neuve Chapelle fight, but the artillery was engaged.

March 27—­There is made public in Ottawa the address delivered by General Alderon, commanding the Canadian Division, just before the men first entered the trenches; he warns against taking needless risks and tells the men he expects them to win, when they meet the Germans with the bayonet, because of their physique.


March 2—­Order in Council promulgated providing for prize money for crews of British ships which capture or destroy enemy vessels to be distributed among officers and men at rate calculated at $25 for each person aboard the enemy vessel at beginning of engagement; British spy system has been so perfected that it is said in some respects to excel the German; Embassy in Washington denies that women or children are interned in civilian camps.

March 4—­Government appeals to aviators of British nationality in United States and Canada to join the Royal Flying Corps.

March 8—­Shipowner offers $2,000 apiece to next four merchant ships which sink German submarines.

March 9—­House of Commons authorizes Government to take over control of engineering trade of country in order to increase output of war munitions.

March 14—­John E. Redmond, leader of the Irish Nationalist Party, declares in speech that Ireland is now firmly united in England’s cause, and that 250,000 Irishmen are fighting for Britain.

March 15—­Kitchener discusses the war situation in House of Lords, he expresses anxiety over supply of war materials and blames labor unions and dram shops in part for the slow output; he praises the Canadian and Indian troops and the French Army; passport rules for persons going to France are made more stringent.

March 16—­Heavy losses among officers cause anxiety; T.P.  O’Connor says Irish are with the Allies; stringent passport rules are extended to persons going into Holland.

March 19—­In six days 511 officers have been lost in killed, wounded, and missing; newspapers hint at conscription.

March 20—­Officers lost since beginning of the war, in killed, wounded, and missing, now total 5,476, of which 1,783 have been killed.

March 23—­It is reported that a second German spy was shot in the Tower of London on March 5, that a third spy is under sentence, and that a fourth man, a suspect, is under arrest.

March 24—­Earl Percy is acting as Official Observer with the expeditionary force; warships are ordered not to get supplies from neutral nations in Western Hemisphere.

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March 26—­Field Marshal French says that “the protraction of the war depends entirely upon the supply of men and munitions,” and if this supply is unsatisfactory the war will be prolonged; German newspapers charge British atrocities at Neuve Chapelle; Colonial Premiers may meet for consultation before terms of peace are arranged.

March 27—­Storm of protest is aroused by suggestions of Dr. Lyttelton, Headmaster of Eton, that concessions should be made to Germany.

March 28—­Premier Asquith is attacked by the Unionist press for alleged lack of vigor in direction of the war.

March 30—­Three of the nine prison ships on which prisoners have been kept are vacated, and it is planned to empty the others by the end of April, prisoners being cared for on shore.

March 31—­King George announces that he is ready to give up use of liquor in the royal household as an example to the working classes, it being stated that slowness of output of munitions of war is partly due to drink; Lord Derby announces that Liverpool dock workers are to be organized into a battalion, enlisted under military law, as a means of preventing delays in making war supplies.


March 1—­Official note issued in Paris states that there are 2,080,000 Germans and Austrians on the Russian and Serbian front, and 1,800,000 Germans on the French and Belgian front.

March 5—­War Minister introduces bill in Chamber of Deputies giving authorization to call to the colors the recruits of 1915 and to start training those of 1916.

March 6—­French Press Bureau estimates the total German losses since the beginning of the war, in killed, wounded, sick, and prisoners, at 3,000,000.

March 10—­Foreign Office issues report on treatment of French civilian prisoners by the Germans, charging many instances of cruelty.

March 11—­Eight thousand German and Austrian houses have been sequestered to date; bill introduced into Chamber of Deputies provides for burning of soldiers’ bodies as a precaution against possible epidemic of disease; Mi-Careme festivities omitted because of the war.

March 12—­Fine of $100,000, to be paid before March 20, is imposed on inhabitants of Lille, in hands of the Germans, because of a demonstration over a group of French prisoners of war brought into the city.

March 14—­Copenhagen report states that there has been a revolt in Lille.

March 25—­War Ministry denies General von Bernhardi’s charge that France and England had an arrangement for violation of the neutrality of Belgium.

March 28—­A cannon is mentioned in the orders of the day for gallantry in action; General Joffre decorates thirty men for gallantry in action in the Champagne district.

March 31—­Intense indignation is expressed by the French press over sinking of British passenger steamer Falaba by German submarine.

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March 5—­Interned French civilians are sent to Switzerland for exchange for German civilians held by the French.

March 6—­Government asks the United States to care for German diplomatic interests in Constantinople if Allies occupy the Turkish capital; two British prisoners of war are punished for refusing to obey their own officers.

March 7—­Copenhagen reports that men up to 55 have been called out; it is stated that there are now 781,000 war prisoners interned in Germany.

March 8—­British charge that German dumdum bullets were found after a recent battle in Egypt.

March 10—­Reichstag is informed that the budget is $3,250,000,000—­four times greater than any estimates ever before presented; a further war credit is asked of $2,500,000,000, to insure financing the war until the late Autumn; Landsturm classes of 1869-1873 are summoned to the colors in the Rhine provinces.

March 15—­Prussian losses to date (excluding Bavarian, Wuerttemberg, Saxon, and naval losses) are 1,050,029 in killed, wounded, and missing.

March 16—­German committee is planning to send Americans to the United States as propagandists to lay German case before the American people; 20,000 high school boys have volunteered for service.

March 18—­Copenhagen reports that Emperor William and General von Falkenhayn, Chief of the German General Staff, arrived today at the German Army Headquarters near Lille to participate in a council of war; Chief President of the Province of East Prussia states that 80,000 houses have been entirely destroyed by the Russians and that 300,000 refugees have left the province; German War Department states that for every German village burned by the Russians three Russian villages will be burned by the Germans.

March 21—­Archbishop of Cologne asks children for prayers and offerings, and suggests that they do without new clothes at confirmation.

March 22—­Lieut.  Colonel Kaden urges teachers and parents to foster hatred of England.

March 23—­English women and children allowed to leave Belgium.

March 30—­It is reported that Emperor William is holding an important war council in Berlin with military chiefs.

March 31—­Much enthusiasm over sinking of British passenger steamer Falaba; official statistics of second war loan show that $2,265,000,000 was subscribed, of which $17,750,000 came from 452,113 persons in sums of $50 or less; local option is permitted by German Federal Council.


March 3—­Crown Council meets at the palace in Athens under Presidency of the King; among the eminent statesmen present are five ex-Premiers; deliberations deal with question whether Greece should take part in the war; further conferences of the Council are planned, and Parliament has been summoned to meet, after the deliberations are finished.

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March 4—­Crown Council meets again.

March 10—­M.  Ghounaris completes formation of a new Cabinet; Ministerial statement declares that the observance of neutrality is imperative on Greece if she is to protect her national interests.

March 14—­M.  Venizelos, former Premier, says that Greece will soon be forced by course of events to abandon neutrality and join with Allies in operations against Constantinople and Smyrna; by so doing, he says, the Government can quadruple the area of Greece.

March 17—­M.  Venizelos is quoted by an Italian newspaper correspondent as saying that the Allies have twice asked Greece since the outbreak of the war to help Serbia, but attitude of Bulgaria prevented Greece from doing so; Venizelos resigned, according to this correspondent, because Crown Council overruled his plan to send 50,000 men to aid Allies.


March 2—­Semi-official circles deny persistent reports that country is to enter the war; American Minister van Dyke says that he sees no signs of any change in the attitude of Holland.


March 2—­Much Italian comment caused by introduction in Chamber of Deputies of bills against espionage, contraband, and publication in newspapers of news of military movements; Italy is hiring hulks of ships for grain storage.

March 3—­General Zupelli, Minister of War, speaks in Chamber of Deputies in favor of a bill authorizing a recall to the colors of reserve officers; Government asks Chamber for authorization to take control of every industry connected with the defense of the country, including wireless telegraphy and aviation.

March 8—­Premier Salandra hints at war at inauguration of new military harbor at Gaeta.

March 10—­Garibaldians in the French Foreign Legion are allowed by French Government to return to Italy in response to call of certain categories of reservists by Italian Government.

March 11—­Military preparations are being pushed with much vigor.

March 12—­Soldiers near Austro-Italian frontier are drilling daily; new cannon is being tested; fleet is in readiness under Duke of the Abruzzi; Prince von Buelow is reported to have failed in his efforts to satisfy Italian demands for Austrian territory as the price of continued neutrality; it is said that Italy was asked to be satisfied with the Trentino, while nothing was said as to Trieste.

March 14—­Rome reports that Emperor Francis Joseph, despite urgent solicitations of Emperor William, refuses to sanction any cession of territory to Italy and insists that von Buelow’s negotiations with the Italian Government be stopped; Premier Salandra’s personal organ, the Giornale d’Italia, says Italy must obtain territorial expansion; National League meets at Milan and demands, through intervention in the war, the liberation of all Italians from Austrian rule.

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March 15—­Exchange of telegraphic money orders with Austria is suspended; the traveling Post Offices on trains bound for the Austrian frontier are also stopped; it is denied that Austria has refused to cede any territory whatever, but that what she is willing to cede is far too little from the Italian viewpoint.

March 16—­Report from Rome states that an authoritative outline of the territorial demands of Italy shows that she wishes a sweep of territory to the north and east which would extend her boundary around northern end of the Adriatic as far south as Fiume on the eastern coast; this would include Austrian naval base at Pola and the provinces of Trent and Trieste; von Buelow is said to have assured Italian Government that concessions will be made.

March 18—­Germans are leaving the Riviera.

March 20—­Identification cards for use in active service are distributed among soldiers.

March 21—­King signs the decree promulgating a national defense law, which will become operative tomorrow; the law gives the Government various powers necessary for efficient war preparations; Parliament adjourns until the middle of May, leaving military preparations in hands of the Government.

March 22—­Austrians and Germans are advised by their Consuls to leave Italy as quickly as possible.

March 23—­Crowds in streets of Venice clamor for war; Government orders seizure of twenty-nine freight cars with material destined for Krupp gun works in Germany.

March 26—­All is ready for general mobilization; seven complete classes are already under the colors; Austrian and German families are leaving.

March 27—­Italian Consul at Buenos Aires calls a meeting of agents of Italian steamship lines and warns them to be in readiness for possible transportation of 60,000 reservists.

March 28—­Report from Berne that Emperor William in person has persuaded Emperor Francis Joseph to cede the territory to Italy which the latter desires; it is also said that negotiations are being conducted with Rome directly and solely by Berlin.


March 18—­India Office of British Government says that documents have reached London showing that German Consular officers and business men have been engaged in intrigues with the object of facilitating a Turkish invasion of Persia.

March 20—­Persian Government calls upon Russia to evacuate the Province of Azerbijan, Northwest Persia.

March 25—­Kurds and Turks are massacring Christians at Urumiah, Northwestern Persia; situation of American Presbyterian Mission there is described as desperate; Dr. Harry P. Packard, doctor of the American missionary station, risks his life to unfurl American flag and save Persian Christians at Geogtopa; 15,000 Christians are under protection of American Mission and 2,000 under protection of French Mission at Urumiah; it is learned that at Gulpashan, the last of 103 villages to be taken after resistance, the Kurds shot the male citizens in groups of five, while the younger women were taken as slaves; 20,000 Persian Christians are dead or missing, while 12,000 are refugees in the Caucasus; disease is raging among the refugees.

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March 26—­Turks force their way into the compound of the American Mission at Urumiah, seize some Assyrian Christian refugees and kill them; Turks beat and insult American missionaries; American and British Consuls at Tabriz, near Urumiah, have joined in appeal to General commanding Russian forces at Tabriz to go to relief of American Mission at Urumiah, which is described as practically besieged by Turks and Kurds; United States State Department is active and asks Ambassador Morgenthau at Constantinople to urge the Turkish Government to send protection; Persian War Relief Committee cables funds to American Consul at Tabriz for relief at Urumiah.

March 27—­Turkish Grand Vizier issues orders that Christians in disturbed Persian regions be protected and uprisings be suppressed.

March 28—­Turkish regulars are due to arrive at Urumiah to protect Christians and suppress disorder; Turkish War Office says that “no acts of violence had been committed at Urumiah”; Grand Vizier states that reported atrocities are “grossly exaggerated.”

March 30—­Turkish Government gives renewed assurances to Ambassador Morgenthau that protection will be given to Christians at Urumiah.


March 6—­Parliament passes a law empowering Government to proclaim a state of siege until the end of the war, if such a step is thought necessary; military representatives of the Government are seeking to place large orders for arms and ammunition with American firms.

March 12—­Prime Minister Jonesco is quoted in a newspaper interview as saying that he is sure the Allies will force the Dardanelles, the result of which will be that Rumania will join the war.

March 15—­Rumania’s war preparations are causing uneasiness in Austria-Hungary.

March 18—­Government seizes a large quantity of shells in transit from Germany for Turkish troops.


March 1—­Paris Temps says that the Allies have reached an agreement by which Russia will have free passage through the Dardanelles.

March 4—­Village women capture and bind a detachment of German soldiers.

March 24—­Congress of Representatives of the Nobility, in annual session at Petrograd, passes resolutions stating that “the vital interests of Russia require full possession of Constantinople, and both shores of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles and the adjacent islands.”


March 9—­American missionaries, arriving in New York from Jerusalem, say that the fall of the Dardanelles will probably mean a massacre of Jews and Gentiles in the Holy Land.

March 11—­There is a panic in Constantinople and many foreigners are leaving.

March 15—­All Serbs and Montenegrins have been ordered to leave Constantinople within twenty-four hours.

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March 18—­The rich are leaving Constantinople; Germans from the provinces are concentrating there.

March 19—­Appalling conditions prevail in Armenia, following massacres by Turks and Kurds.


March 1—­Indictments are returned by the Federal Grand Jury in New York against the Hamburg-American Steamship Company and against officials of the line on the charge of conspiring against the United States by making out false clearance papers and false manifests in connection with voyages made by four steamships to supply German cruiser Karlsruhe and auxiliary cruiser Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse with coal and provisions; indictments are returned by the Federal Grand Jury in New York against Richard P. Stegler, a German, Gustave Cook and Richard Madden on the charge of conspiracy to defraud the Government in obtaining a passport.

March 2—­Three indictments charging the illegal transportation of dynamite in interstate commerce are returned by the Federal Grand Jury in Boston against Warner Horn, a German, who tried to destroy the international railway bridge at Vanceboro, Me., last month; extradition proceedings by Canada, officials state, will probably have to be halted until this indictment is disposed of.

March 7—­Horn is made a Federal prisoner in Maine.

March 8—­Carl Ruroede, who was arrested in January with four Germans to whom he had issued spurious American passports, pleads guilty in the Federal District Court to charge of conspiring to defraud the United States Government, and is sentenced to three years’ imprisonment; the four Germans who bought passports are fined $200 each; the Department of Justice is still investigating in belief there are other conspirators.

March 16—­Stegler turns State’s evidence and testifies against Cook and Madden in the Federal District Court.

March 18—­Cook and Madden are found guilty, the jury making a strong recommendation for mercy; before the United States Commissioner at Bangor, Me., Horn claims that his act was an act of war and contests right of the courts to try him.

March 19—­Stegler is sentenced to sixty days’ imprisonment, and Cook and Madden to ten months; United States Commissioner at Bangor decides that Horn must stand trial in Boston.

March 24—­Major General Hughes, Minister of Militia and Defense for Canada, states in the Canadian Parliament that two dozen Americans with the first Canadian contingent have fallen in battle, and that “hundreds more are in the Canadian regiments fighting bravely.”

March 25—­Horn is taken to Boston from Portland, after two unsuccessful attempts to obtain a writ of habeas corpus.

March 31—­Leon C. Thrasher of Hardwick, Mass., an American by birth, was among the passengers lost on the Falaba; American Embassy in London and the State Department are investigating; the Thrasher family appeals to Washington for information about his death; Raymond Swoboda, American, a passenger on the French liner Touraine, which was imperiled by fire at sea on March 6, has been arrested in Paris charged with causing the fire.

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March 1—­Herbert C. Hoover, Chairman of the American Belgian Relief Committee, issues statement in London that the Germans have scrupulously kept their promise, given in December, not to make further requisitions of foodstuffs in the occupied zone of Belgium for use by the German Army; he says the Germans have never interfered with foodstuffs imported by the commission and that all these foodstuffs have gone to the Belgian civil population; Mr. Hoover further states that “every Belgian is today on a ration from this commission”; every State in the Union contributes to the fund for the Easter Argosy, the ship which it is planned the children of the United States will send with a cargo to Belgium in the name of Princess Marie Jose, the little daughter of the King and Queen of the Belgians; plans are made for the sending of two ships with cargoes supplied by the people of the State of New York.

March 2—­American Red Cross sends large shipments of supplies to Serbia and Germany; four American Red Cross nurses sail for Germany; Serbian Agricultural Relief Committee asks for farming implements.

March 5—­Mississippi, Ohio, and Nebraska form organizations to send relief ships; American Red Cross is sending large consignments of supplies to the American Relief Clearing House in Paris.

March 8—­Report from London states that it has just become known in Budapest that Countess Szechenyi, formerly Miss Gladys Vanderbilt, contracted smallpox while nursing in a Budapest military hospital and has been dangerously ill for a fortnight; a hospital, exclusively for the care of wounded soldiers whose cases require delicate surgical operations, is ready for work at Compiegne under the direction of Dr. Alexis Carrel of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research.

March 9—­In gratitude for American help, the municipal authorities of Louvain inform the American Commission for Relief in Belgium that, when Louvain is rebuilt, squares or streets will be named Washington, Wilson, and American Nation.

March 11—­American Red Cross announces plan to send two units for service with the Belgian Army.

March 12—­Philadelphians give $15,000 for establishment of a Philadelphia ward in the American Ambulance Hospital in Paris; other wards bear the names of New York, Providence, New Haven, and Buffalo.

March 14—­Letter to the British Red Cross from Sir Thomas Lipton says that typhus is threatening Serbia.

March 16—­Mrs. John Hays Hammond, National Chairman of the War Children’s Christmas Fund, has received letters from Princess Mary of England, and the Russian Ambassador to the United States, writing in behalf of the Empress of Russia, expressing thanks for the Christmas supplies sent from the United States.

March 17—­Mme. Vandervelde, wife of the Belgian Minister of State, has collected nearly $300,000 in the United States for Belgian relief, and plans to sail for Europe in a few days.

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March 20—­Serbian Legation in London sends appeal to United States for aid for Serbia from the Archbishop of Belgrade.

March 22—­General Kamoroff, as special emissary of the Czar, visits the American Hospital in Petrograd and thanks the Americans for their help in caring for Russian wounded.

March 23—­Contributions for the Easter Argosy reach $125,000; letter to Belgian Relief Committee brings the thanks of King Albert for American help; American Red Cross sends twenty-seven tons of supplies to Belgian Red Cross.

March 24—­General Joffre cables thanks to the Lafayette Fund, which is sending comfort kits to the French soldiers in the trenches.

March 25—­American Commission for Relief in Belgium announces that arrangements have been completed for feeding 2,500,000 French in the north of France, behind the German lines; for the past month the commission has fed more than 500,000 French; it is planned that the Easter Argosy will sail on May 1.

March 26—­Financial report issued in London by the American Commission for Relief in Belgium states that foodstuffs of a total value of $20,000,000 have been delivered to Belgium since the commission began work, and $19,000,000 worth of foodstuffs is in transit or stored for future shipments; $8,500,000 has been provided by benevolent contributions, and the remaining $30,500,000 through banking arrangements set up by the commission; of the benevolent contributions the United States has provided $4,700,000; United Kingdom, $1,200,000; Canada, $900,000; Australasia, $900,000; clothing which has been distributed is estimated to have been worth an additional $1,000,000; it is announced that Queen Alexandra, as President of the English Red Cross Society, has written an autograph note to Mrs. Whitelaw Reid in London expressing gratitude for the aid given by the American Red Cross.

March 30—­The cash collected by the Belgian Relief Fund, New York, now totals $1,004,000, said to be the largest amount ever raised in the United States for relief of distress in a foreign country.



     [The author of this poem is Mr. Henry Chappell, a railway
     porter at Bath, England.  Mr. Chappell is known to his comrades
     as the “Bath Railway Poet."]

    You boasted the Day, and you toasted the Day,
      And now the Day has come. 
    Blasphemer, braggart and coward all,
    Little you reck of the numbing ball,
    The blasting shell, or the “white arm’s” fall,
      As they speed poor humans home.

    You spied for the Day, you lied for the Day,
      And woke the Day’s red spleen,
    Monster, who asked God’s aid Divine,
    Then strewed His seas with the ghastly mine;
    Not all the waters of all the Rhine
      Can wash thy foul hands clean.

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    You dreamed for the Day, you schemed for the Day;
      Watch how the Day will go. 
    Slayer of age and youth and prime
    (Defenseless slain for never a crime)
    Thou art steeped in blood as a hog in slime,
      False friend and cowardly foe.

    You have sown for the Day, you have grown for the Day;
      Yours is the Harvest red. 
    Can you hear the groans and the awful cries? 
    Can you see the heap of slain that lies,
    And sightless turned to the flame-split skies
      The glassy eyes of the dead?

    You have wronged for the Day, you have longed for the Day
      That lit the awful flame. 
    ’Tis nothing to you that hill and plain
    Yield sheaves of dead men amid the grain;
    That widows mourn for their loved ones slain,
      And mothers curse thy name.

    But after the Day there’s a price to pay
      For the sleepers under the sod,
    And Him you have mocked for many a day—­
    Listen, and hear what He has to say: 
    "Vengeance is mine, I will repay."
      What can you say to God?

Reprinted from The London Daily Express (Copyright).