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Machiavelli, Volume I by Niccolò Machiavelli
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Table of Contents
Page 1
TRANSLATED BY
EDWARD DACRES
1640
LONDON
Published by David Nutt at the Sign of
the Phoenix long Acre
1905
Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, Printers
to His Majesty
H.C.
INTRODUCTION
[Sidenote: The Life of a Day.]
’I am at my farm; and, since my last misfortunes,
have not been in Florence twenty days. I spent
September in snaring thrushes; but at the end of the
month, even this rather tiresome sport failed me.
I rise with the sun, and go into a wood of mine that
is being cut, where I remain two hours inspecting
the work of the previous day and conversing with the
woodcutters, who have always some trouble on hand amongst
themselves or with their neighbours. When I leave
the wood, I go to a spring, and thence to the place
which I use for snaring birds, with a book under my
arm—Dante or Petrarch, or one of the minor
poets, like Tibullus or Ovid. I read the story
of their passions, and let their loves remind me of
my own, which is a pleasant pastime for a while.
Next I take the road, enter the inn door, talk with
the passers-by, inquire the news of the neighbourhood,
listen to a variety of matters, and make note of the
different tastes and humours of men.
’This brings me to dinner-time, when I join
my family and eat the poor produce of my farm.
After dinner I go back to the inn, where I generally
find the host and a butcher, a miller, and a pair of
bakers. With these companions I play the fool
all day at cards or backgammon: a thousand squabbles,
a thousand insults and abusive dialogues take place,
while we haggle over a farthing, and shout loud enough
to be heard from San Casciano.
’But when evening falls I go home and enter
my writing-room. On the threshold I put off my
country habits, filthy with mud and mire, and array
myself in royal courtly garments. Thus worthily
attired, I make my entrance into the ancient courts
of the men of old, where they receive me with love,
and where I feed upon that food which only is my own
and for which I was born. I feel no shame in
conversing with them and asking them the reason of
their actions.
‘They, moved by their humanity, make answer.
For four hours’ space I feel no annoyance, forget
all care; poverty cannot frighten, nor death appal
me. I am carried away to their society. And
since Dante says “that there is no science unless
we retain what we have learned” I have set down
what I have gained from their discourse, and composed
a treatise, De Principalibus, in which I enter
as deeply as I can into the science of the subject,
with reasonings on the nature of principality, its
several species, and how they are acquired, how maintained,
how lost. If you ever liked any of my scribblings,
this ought to suit your taste. To a prince, and
especially to a new prince, it ought to prove acceptable.
Therefore I am dedicating it to the Magnificence of
Giuliano.’
Page 2
[Sidenote: Niccolo Machiavelli.]
Such is the account that Niccolo Machiavelli renders
of himself when after imprisonment, torture, and disgrace,
at the age of forty-four, he first turned to serious
writing. For the first twenty-six or indeed twenty-nine
of those years we have not one line from his pen or
one word of vaguest information about him. Throughout
all his works written for publication, there is little
news about himself. Montaigne could properly
write, ’Ainsi, lecteur, je suis moy-mesme la
matiere de mon livre.’ But the matter of
Machiavelli was far other: ’Io ho espresso
quanto io so, e quanto io ho imparato per una lunga
pratica e continua lezione delle cose del mondo.’
[Sidenote: The Man.]
Machiavelli was born on the 3rd of May 1469.
The period of his life almost exactly coincides with
that of Cardinal Wolsey. He came of the old and
noble Tuscan stock of Montespertoli, who were men of
their hands in the eleventh century. He carried
their coat, but the property had been wasted and divided.
His forefathers had held office of high distinction,
but had fallen away as the new wealth of the bankers
and traders increased in Florence. He himself
inherited a small property in San Casciano and its
neighbourhood, which assured him a sufficient, if
somewhat lean, independence. Of his education
we know little enough. He was well acquainted
with Latin, and knew, perhaps, Greek enough to serve
his turn. ‘Rather not without letters than
lettered,’ Varchi describes him. That he
was not loaded down with learned reading proved probably
a great advantage. The coming of the French,
and the expulsion of the Medici, the proclamation
of the Republic (1494), and later the burning of Savonarola
convulsed Florence and threw open many public offices.
It has been suggested, but without much foundation,
that some clerical work was found for Machiavelli
in 1494 or even earlier. It is certain that on
July 14, 1498, he was appointed Chancellor and Secretary
to the Dieci di Liberta e Pace, an office which he
held till the close of his political life at fall
of the Republic in 1512.
[Sidenote: Official Life.]
The functions of his Council were extremely varied,
and in the hands of their Secretary became yet more
diversified. They represented in some sense the
Ministry for Home, Military, and especially for Foreign
Affairs. It is impossible to give any full account
of Machiavelli’s official duties. He wrote
many thousands of despatches and official letters,
which are still preserved. He was on constant
errands of State through the Florentine dominions.
But his diplomatic missions and what he learned by
them make the main interest of his office. His
first adventure of importance was to the Court of
Caterina Sforza, the Lady of Forli, in which matter
that astute Countess entirely bested the teacher of
all diplomatists to be. In 1500 he smelt powder
at the siege at Pisa, and was sent to France to allay
Page 3
the irritations of Louis xii. Many similar
and lesser missions follow. The results are in
no case of great importance, but the opportunities
to the Secretary of learning men and things, intrigue
and policy, the Court and the gutter were invaluable.
At the camp of Caesar Borgia, in 1502, he found in
his host that fantastic hero whom he incarnated in
The Prince, and he was practically an eye-witness
of the amazing masterpiece, the Massacre of Sinigaglia.
The next year he is sent to Rome with a watching brief
at the election of Julius ii., and in 1506 is
again sent to negotiate with the Pope. An embassy
to the Emperor Maximilian, a second mission to the
French King at Blois, in which he persuades Louis xii.
to postpone the threatened General Council of the
Church (1511), and constant expeditions to report
upon and set in order unrestful towns and provinces
did not fulfil his activity. His pen was never
idle. Reports, despatches, elaborate monographs
on France, Germany, or wherever he might be, and personal
letters innumerable, and even yet unpublished, ceased
not night nor day. Detail, wit, character-drawing,
satire, sorrow, bitterness, all take their turn.
But this was only a fraction of his work. By
duty and by expediency he was bound to follow closely
the internal politics of Florence where his enemies
and rivals abounded. And in all these years he
was pushing forward and carrying through with unceasing
and unspeakable vigour the great military dream of
his life, the foundation of a National Militia and
the extinction of Mercenary Companies. But the
fabric he had fancied and thought to have built proved
unsubstantial. The spoilt half-mutinous levies
whom he had spent years in odious and unwilling training
failed him at the crowning moment in strength and
spirit: and the fall of the Republic implied the
fall of Machiavelli and the close of his official
life. He struggled hard to save himself, but
the wealthy classes were against him, perhaps afraid
of him, and on them the Medici relied. For a year
he was forbidden to leave Florentine territory, and
for a while was excluded from the Palazzo. Later
his name was found in a list of Anti-Medicean conspirators.
He was arrested and decorously tortured with six turns
of the rack, and then liberated for want of evidence.
[Sidenote: After his Fall.]
For perhaps a year after his release the Secretary
engaged in a series of tortuous intrigues to gain
the favour of the Medici. Many of the stories
may be exaggerated, but none make pleasant reading,
and nothing proved successful. His position was
miserable. Temporarily crippled by torture, out
of favour with the Government, shunned by his friends,
in deep poverty, burdened with debt and with a wife
and four children, his material circumstances were
ill enough. But, worse still, he was idle.
He had deserved well of the Republic, and had never
despaired of it, and this was his reward. He
seemed to himself a broken man. He had no great
Page 4
natural dignity, no great moral strength. He profoundly
loved and admired Dante, but he could not for one
moment imitate him. He sought satisfaction in
sensuality of life and writing, but found no comfort.
Great things were stirring in the world and he had
neither part nor lot in them. By great good fortune
he began a correspondence with his friend Francesco
Vettori, the Medicean Ambassador at Rome, to whom he
appeals for his good offices: ’And if nothing
can be done, I must live as I came into the world,
for I was born poor and learnt to want before learning
to enjoy.’ Before long these two diplomats
had co-opted themselves into a kind of Secret Cabinet
of Europe. It is a strange but profoundly interesting
correspondence, both politically and personally.
Nothing is too great or too small, too glorious or
too mean for their pens. Amid foolish anecdotes
and rather sordid love affairs the politics of Europe,
and especially of Italy, are dissected and discussed.
Leo X. had now plunged into political intrigue.
Ferdinand of Spain was in difficulty. France
had allied herself with Venice. The Swiss are
the Ancient Romans, and may conquer Italy. Then
back again, or rather constant throughout, the love
intrigues and the ’likely wench hard-by who may
help to pass our time.’ But through it
all there is an ache at Machiavelli’s heart,
and on a sudden he will break down, crying,
Pero se aleuna volta io rido e canto
Facciol, perche non ho se non quest’
una
Via da sfogare il mio angoscioso pianto.
Vettori promised much, but nothing came of it.
By 1515 the correspondence died away, and the Ex-Secretary
found for himself at last the true pathway through
his vale of years.
[Sidenote: The true Life.]
The remainder of Machiavelli’s life is bounded
by his books. He settled at his villa at San
Casciano, where he spent his day as he describes in
the letter quoted at the beginning of this essay.
In 1518 he began to attend the meetings of the Literary
Club in the Orti Oricellarii, and made new and remarkable
friends. ’Era amato grandamente da loro
... e della sua conversazione si dilettavano maravigliosamente,
tenendo in prezzo grandissimo tutte l’opere
sue,’ which shows the personal authority he
exercised. Occasionally he was employed by Florentine
merchants to negotiate for them at Venice, Genoa, Lucca,
and other places. In 1519 Cardinal Medici deigned
to consult him as to the Government, and commissioned
him to write the History of Florence. But in
the main he wrote his books and lived the daily life
we know. In 1525 he went to Rome to present his
History to Clement vii., and was sent on to Guicciardini.
In 1526 he was busy once more with military matters
and the fortification of Florence. On the 22nd
of June 1527 he died at Florence immediately after
the establishment of the second Republic. He
had lived as a practising Christian, and so died, surrounded
by his wife and family. Wild legends grew about
his death, but have no foundation. A peasant
clod in San Casciano could not have made a simpler
end. He was buried in the family Chapel in Santa
Croce, and a monument was there at last erected with
the epitaph by Doctor Ferroni—’Tanto
nomini nullum par elogium.’ The first edition
of his complete works was published in 1782, and was
dedicated to Lord Cowper.
Page 5
[Sidenote: His Character.]
What manner of man was Machiavelli at home and in
the market-place? It is hard to say. There
are doubtful busts, the best, perhaps, that engraved
in the ‘Testina’ edition of 1550, so-called
on account of the portrait. ’Of middle
height, slender figure, with sparkling eyes, dark
hair, rather a small head, a slightly aquiline nose,
a tightly closed mouth: all about him bore the
impress of a very acute observer and thinker, but
not that of one able to wield much influence over others.’
Such is a reconstruction of him by one best able to
make one. ’In his conversation,’
says Varchi, ’Machiavelli was pleasant, serviceable
to his friends, a friend of virtuous men, and, in
a word, worthy to have received from Nature either
less genius or a better mind.’ If not much
above the moral standard of the day he was certainly
not below it. His habits were loose and his language
lucid and licentious. But there is no bad or
even unkind act charged against him. To his honesty
and good faith he very fairly claims that his poverty
bears witness. He was a kind, if uncertain, husband
and a devoted father. His letters to his children
are charming. Here is one written soon before
his death to his little son Guido.—’Guido,
my darling son, I received a letter of thine and was
delighted with it, particularly because you tell me
of your full recovery, the best news I could have.
If God grants life to us both I expect to make a good
man of you, only you must do your fair share yourself.’
Guido is to stick to his books and music, and if the
family mule is too fractious, ’Unbridle him,
take off the halter and turn him loose at Montepulciano.
The farm is large, the mule is small, so no harm can
come of it. Tell your mother, with my love, not
to be nervous. I shall surely be home before
any trouble comes. Give a kiss to Baccina, Piero,
and Totto: I wish I knew his eyes were getting
well. Be happy and spend as little as you may.
Christ have you in his keeping.’—There
is nothing exquisite or divinely delicate in this
letter, but there are many such, and they were not
written by a bad man, any more than the answers they
evoke were addressed to one. There is little more
save of a like character that is known of Machiavelli
the man. But to judge him and his work we must
have some knowledge of the world in which he was to
move and have his being.
* * * *
*
[Sidenote: State of Italy.]
At the beginning of the sixteenth century Italy was
rotten to the core. In the close competition
of great wickedness the Vicar of Christ easily carried
off the palm, and the Court of Alexander vi. was
probably the wickedest meeting-place of men that has
ever existed upon earth. No virtue, Christian
or Pagan, was there to be found; little art that was
not sensuous or sensual. It seemed as if Bacchus
and Venus and Priapus had come to their own again,
and yet Rome had not ceased to call herself Christian.
Page 6
[Sidenote: Superstition.]
‘Owing to the evil ensample of the Papal Court,’
writes Machiavelli, ’Italy has lost all piety
and all religion: whence follow infinite troubles
and disorders; for as religion implies all good, so
its absence implies the contrary. To the Church
and priests of Rome we owe another even greater disaster
which is the cause of her ruin. I mean that the
Church has maintained, and still maintains Italy divided.’
The Papacy is too weak to unite and rule, but strong
enough to prevent others doing so, and is always ready
to call in the foreigner to crush all Italians to
the foreigner’s profit, and Guicciardini, a high
Papal officer, commenting on this, adds, ’It
would be impossible to speak so ill of the Roman Court,
but that more abuse should not be merited, seeing it
is an infamy, and example of all the shames and scandals
of the world.’ The lesser clergy, the monks,
the nuns followed, with anxious fidelity, the footsteps
of their shepherds. There was hardly a tonsure
in Italy which covered more than thoughts and hopes
of lust and avarice. Religion and morals which
God had joined together, were set by man a thousand
leagues asunder. Yet religion still sat upon
the alabaster throne of Peter, and in the filthy straw
of the meanest Calabrian confessional. And still
deeper remained a blind devoted superstition.
Vitellozzo Vitelli, as Machiavelli tells us, while
being strangled by Caeesar Borgia’s assassin,
implored his murderer to procure for him the absolution
of that murderer’s father. Gianpaolo Baglioni,
who reigned by parricide and lived in incest, was
severely blamed by the Florentines for not killing
Pope Julius ii. when the latter was his guest
at Perugia. And when Gabrino Fondato, the tyrant
of Cremona, was on the scaffold, his only regret was
that when he had taken his guests, the Pope and Emperor,
to the top of the Cremona tower, four hundred feet
high, his nerve failed him and he did not push them
both over. Upon this anarchy of religion, morals,
and conduct breathed suddenly the inspiring breath
of Pagan antiquity which seemed to the Italian mind
to find its finest climax in tyrannicide. There
is no better instance than in the plot of the Pazzi
at Florence. Francesco Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini
decided to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici
in the cathedral at the moment of the elevation of
the Host. They naturally took the priest into
their confidence. They escorted Giuliano to the
Duomo, laughing and talking, and playfully embraced
him—to discover if he wore armour under
his clothes. Then they killed him at the moment
appointed.
[Sidenote: Pagan influence.]
Page 7
Nor were there any hills from which salvation might
be looked for. Philosophy, poetry, science, expressed
themselves in terms of materialism. Faith and
hope are ever the last survivors in the life of a
man or of a nation. But in Italy these brave comforters
were at their latest breath. It is perhaps unfair
to accept in full the judgment of Northern travellers.
The conditions, training, needs of England and Germany
were different. In these countries courage was
a necessity, and good faith a paying policy.
Subtlety could do little against a two-handed sword
in the hands of an angry or partially intoxicated
giant. Climate played its part as well as culture,
and the crude pleasures and vices of the North seemed
fully as loathsome to the refined Italian as did the
tortuous policy and the elaborate infamies of the
South to their rough invaders. Alone, perhaps,
among the nations of Europe the Italians had never
understood or practised chivalry, save in such select
and exotic schools as the Casa Gioiosa under Vittorino
da Feltre at Mantua. The oath of Arthur’s
knights would have seemed to them mere superfluity
of silliness. Onore connoted credit, reputation,
and prowess. Virtu, which may be roughly translated
as mental ability combined with personal daring, set
the standard and ruled opinion. ‘Honour
in the North was subjective: Onore in Italy
objective.’ Individual liberty, indeed,
was granted in full to all, at the individual’s
risk. The love of beauty curbed grossness and
added distinction. Fraud became an art and force
a science. There is liberty for all, but for
the great ones there is licence. And when the
day of trial comes, it is the Churchmen and the Princes
who can save neither themselves nor man, nor thing
that is theirs. To such a world was Machiavelli
born. To whom should he turn? To the People?
To the Church? To the Princes and Despots?
But hear him:—
’There shall never be found any
good mason, which will beleeve to be able to make
a faire image of a peece of marble ill hewed, but
verye well of a rude peece. Our Italian Princes
beleeved, before they tasted the blowes of the
outlandish warre, that it should suffice a Prince
to know by writinges, how to make a subtell aunswere,
to write a goodly letter, to shewe in sayinges,
and in woordes, witte and promptenesse, to know how
to canvas a fraude, to decke themselves with precious
stones and gold, to sleepe and to eate with greater
glory then other: To kepe many lascivious
persons about them, to governe themselves with
their subjects, covetously and proudely: To roote
in idlenes, to give the degrees of the exercise
of warre for good will, to dispise if any should
have shewed them any laudable waie, minding that
their wordes should bee aunswers of oracles:
nor the sely wretches were not aware that they
prepared themselves to be a pray to whome so ever
should assaulte them. Hereby grew then in
the thousand fowre hundred and nintie and fowre
Page 8
yere, the great feares, the sodaine flightes and the
marveilous losses: and so three most mighty
states which were in Italie, have bene dievers
times sacked and destroyed. But that which
is worse, is where those that remaine, continue in
the very same errour, and liev in the verie same
disorder and consider not, that those who in olde
time would keepe their states, caused to be done
these thinges, which of me hath beene reasoned,
and that their studies were, to prepare the body to
diseases, and the minde not to feare perills.
Whereby grewe that Caesar, Alexander, and all
those men and excellent Princes in olde time,
were the formost amongst the fighters, going armed
on foote: and if they lost their state, they
would loose their life, so that they lievd and
died vertuously.’
Such was the clay that waited the moulding of the
potter’s hand. ’Posterity, that high
court of appeal, which is never tired of eulogising
its own justice and discernment,’ has recorded
harsh sentence on the Florentine. It is better
to-day to let him speak for himself.
[Sidenote: The Prince.]
The slender volume of The Prince has probably
produced wider discussion, more bitter controversy,
more varied interpretations and a deeper influence
than any book save Holy Writ. Kings and statesmen,
philosophers and theologians, monarchists and republicans
have all and always used or abused it for their purposes.
Written in 1513, the first year of Machiavelli’s
disgrace, concurrently with part of the Discorsi,
which contain the germs of it, the book represents
the fulness of its author’s thought and experience.
It was not till after Machiavelli’s death, that
it was published in 1532, by order of Clement vii.
Meanwhile, however, in manuscript it had been widely
read and favourably received.
[Sidenote: Its purpose.]
The mere motive of its creation and dedication has
been the theme of many volumes. Machiavelli was
poor, was idle, was out of favour, and therefore,
though a Republican, wrote a devilish hand-book of
tyranny to strengthen the Medici and recover his position.
Machiavelli, a loyal Republican, wrote a primer of
such fiendish principles as might lure the Medici
to their ruin. Machiavelli’s one idea was
to ruin the rich: Machiavelli’s one idea
was to oppress the poor: he was a Protestant,
a Jesuit, an Atheist: a Royalist and a Republican.
And the book published by one Pope’s express
authority was utterly condemned and forbidden, with
all its author’s works, by the express command
of another (1559). But before facing the whirlwind
of savage controversy which raged and rages still
about The Prince, it may be well to consider
shortly the book itself—consider it as
a new book and without prejudice. The purpose
of its composition is almost certainly to be found
in the plain fact that Machiavelli, a politician and
a man of letters, wished to write a book upon the
subject which had been his special study and lay nearest
Page 9
to his business and bosom. To ensure prominence
for such a book, to engage attention and incidentally
perhaps to obtain political employment for himself,
he dedicated it to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the existing
and accepted Chief of the State. But far and above
such lighter motives stood the fact that he saw in
Lorenzo the only man who might conceivably bring to
being the vast dream of patriotism which the writer
had imagined. The subject he proposed to himself
was largely, though not wholly, conditioned by the
time and place in which he lived. He wrote for
his countrymen and he wrote for his own generation.
He had heard with his ears and seen with his eyes
the alternate rending anarchy and moaning paralysis
of Italy. He had seen what Agricola had long before
been spared the sight of. And what he saw, he
saw not through a glass darkly or distorted, but in
the whitest, driest light, without flinching and face
to face. ‘We are much beholden,’ writes
Bacon, ’to Machiavelli and others that wrote
what men do, and not what they ought to do.’
He did not despair of Italy, he did not despair even
of Italian unity. But he despaired of what he
saw around him, and he was willing at almost any price
to end it. He recognised, despite the nominal
example of Venice, that a Republican system was impossible,
and that the small Principalities and Free Cities
were corrupt beyond hope of healing. A strong
central unifying government was imperative, and at
that day such government could only be vested in a
single man. For it must ever be closely remembered,
as will be pointed out again, that throughout the
book the Prince is what would now be called the Government.
And then he saw with faithful prophecy, in the splendid
peroration of his hope, a hope deferred for near four
hundred years, he saw beyond the painful paths of
blood and tyranny, a vision of deliverance and union.
For at least it is plain that in all things Machiavelli
was a passionate patriot, and Amo la patria mia
piu dell’ anima is found in one of the last
of many thousand letters that his untiring pen had
written.
The purpose, then, of The Prince is to lay
down rules, within the possibilities of the time,
for the making of a man who shall create, increase,
and maintain a strong and stable government. This
is done in the main by a plain presentation of facts,
a presentation condensed and critical but based on
men and things as they actually were. The ethical
side is wholly omitted: the social and economical
almost entirely. The aspect is purely political,
with the underlying thought, it may be supposed, that
under the postulated government, all else will prosper.
[Sidenote: The Book; New States.]
Page 10
Machiavelli opens by discussing the various forms
of governments, which he divides into Republics and
Principalities. Of the latter some may be hereditary
and some acquired. Of hereditary states he says
little and quotes but one, the Duchy of Ferrara.
He then turns to his true subject, the acquisition
and preservation of States wholly new or new in part,
States such as he saw himself on every side around
him. Having gained possession of a new State,
he says, you must first extirpate the family of your
predecessor. You should then either reside or
plant colonies, but not trust to garrisons. ’Colonies
are not costly to the Prince, are more faithful and
cause less offence to the subject States: those
whom they may injure being poor and scattered, are
prevented from doing mischief. For it should
be observed that men ought either to be caressed or
trampled out, seeing that small injuries may be avenged,
whereas great ones destroy the possibility of retaliation:
and so the damage that has to be inflicted ought to
be such that it need involve no fear of reprisals.’
There is perhaps in all Machiavelli no better example
of his lucid scientific method than this passage.
There is neither excuse nor hypocrisy. It is
merely a matter of business calculation. Mankind
is the raw material, the State is the finished work.
Further you are to conciliate your neighbours who
are weak and abase the strong, and you must not let
the stranger within your gates. Above all look
before as well as after and think not to leave it
to time, godere li benefici del tempo, but,
as did the Romans, strike and strike at once.
For illustration he criticises, in a final and damning
analysis, the career of Louis XII. in Italy.
There was no canon of statecraft so absolute that
the King did not ignore it, and in inevitable Nemesis,
there was no ultimate disaster so crowning as not
to be achieved.
[Sidenote: Conquests.]
After observing that a feudal monarchy is much less
easy of conquest than a despotism, since in the one
case you must vanquish many lesser lordships while
in the other you merely replace slaves by slaves,
Machiavelli considers the best method of subjugating
Free Cities. Here again is eminent the terrible
composure and the exact truth of his politics.
A conquered Free City you may of course rule in person,
or you may construct an oligarchy to govern for you,
but the only safe way is to destroy it utterly, since
’that name of Liberty, those ancient usages
of Freedom,’ are things ’which no length
of years and no benefits can extinguish in the nation’s
mind, things which no pains or forethought can uproot
unless the citizens be utterly destroyed.’
Hitherto the discussion has ranged round the material
politics of the matter, the acquisition of material
power. Machiavelli now turns to the heart of
his matter, the proper character and conduct of a new
Prince in a new Principality and the ways by which
he shall deal most fortunately with friend and foe.
For fortune it is, as well as ability, which go to
the making of the man and the maintenance of his power.
Page 11
[Sidenote: Caesar Borgia.]
In the manner of the day Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, and
Theseus are led across the stage in illustration.
The common attribute of all such fortunate masters
of men was force of arms, while the mission of an
unarmed prophet such as Savonarola was foredoomed to
failure. In such politics Machiavelli is positive
and ruthless: force is and must be the remedy
and the last appeal, a principle which indeed no later
generation has in practice set at naught. But
in the hard dry eyes of the Florentine Secretary stood,
above all others, one shining figure, a figure to
all other eyes, from then till now, wrapped in mysterious
and miasmatic cloud. In the pages of common history
he was a tyrant, he was vicious beyond compare, he
was cruel beyond the Inquisition, he was false beyond
the Father of Lies, he was the Antichrist of Rome and
he was a failure: but he was the hero of Niccolo
Machiavelli, who, indeed, found in Caesar Borgia the
fine flower of Italian politics in the Age of the
Despots. Son of the Pope, a Prince of the Church,
a Duke of France, a master of events, a born soldier,
diplomatist, and more than half a statesman, Caesar
seemed indeed the darling of gods and men whom original
fortune had crowned with inborn ability. Machiavelli
knew him as well as it was possible to know a soul
so tortuous and secret, and he had been present at
the most critical and terrible moments of Caesar’s
life. That in despite of a life which the world
calls infamous, in despite of the howling execrations
of all Christendom, in despite of ultimate and entire
failures, Machiavelli could still write years after,
’I know not what lessons I could teach a new
Prince more useful than the example of his actions,’
exhibits the ineffaceable impressions that Caesar Borgia
had made upon the most subtle and observant mind of
modern history.
[Sidenote: Caesar’s Career.]
Caesar was the acknowledged son of Pope Alexander
by his acknowledged mistress Vannozza dei Cattani.
Born in 1472, he was an Archbishop and a Cardinal
at sixteen, and the murderer of his elder brother at
an age when modern youths are at college. He
played his part to the full in the unspeakable scandals
of the Vatican, but already ’he spoke little
and people feared him.’ Ere long the splendours
of the Papacy seemed too remote and uncertain for
his fierce ambition, and, indeed, through his father,
he already wielded both the temporal and the spiritual
arms of Peter. To the subtlety of the Italian
his Spanish blood had lent a certain stern resolution,
and as with Julius and Sulla the lust for sloth and
sensuality were quickened by the lust for sway.
He unfrocked himself with pleasure. He commenced
politician, soldier, and despot. And for the
five years preceding Alexander’s death he may
almost be looked upon as a power in Europe. Invested
Duke of Romagna, that hot-bed of petty tyranny and
tumult, he repressed disorder through his governor
Messer Ramiro with a relentless hand. When order
reigned, Machiavelli tells us he walked out one morning
into the market-place at Cesena and saw the body of
Ramiro, who had borne the odium of reform, lying in
two pieces with his head on a lance, and a bloody
axe by his side. Caesar reaped the harvest of
Ramiro’s severity, and the people recognising
his benevolence and justice were ‘astounded
and satisfied.’
Page 12
But the gaze of the Borgia was not bounded by the
strait limits of a mere Italian Duchy. Whether
indeed there mingled with personal ambition an ideal
of a united Italy, swept clean of the barbarians, it
is hard to say, though Machiavelli would have us believe
it. What is certain is that he desired the supreme
dominion in Italy for himself, and to win it spared
neither force nor fraud nor the help of the very barbarians
themselves. With a decree of divorce and a Cardinal’s
hat he gained the support of France, the French Duchy
of Valentinois, and the sister of the King of Navarre
to wife. By largesse of bribery and hollow promises
he brought to his side the great families of Rome,
his natural enemies, and the great Condottieri with
their men-at-arms. When by their aid he had established
and extended his government he mistrusted their good
faith. With an infinity of fascination and cunning,
without haste and without rest, he lured these leaders,
almost more cunning than himself, to visit him as
friends in his fortress of Sinigaglia. ’I
doubt if they will be alive to-morrow morning,’
wrote Machiavelli, who was on the spot. He was
right. Caesar caused them to be strangled the
same night, while his father dealt equal measure to
their colleagues and adherents in Rome. Thenceforth,
distrusting mercenaries, he found and disciplined
out of a mere rabble, a devoted army of his own, and
having unobtrusively but completely extirpated the
whole families of those whose thrones he had usurped,
not only the present but the future seemed assured
to him.
He had fulfilled the first of Machiavelli’s
four conditions. He rapidly achieved the remaining
three. He bought the Roman nobles so as to be
able to put a bridle in the new ‘Pope’s
mouth.’ He bought or poisoned or packed
or terrorised the existing College of Cardinals and
selected new Princes of the Church who should accept
a Pontiff of his choosing. He was effectively
strong enough to resist the first onset upon him at
his father’s death. Five years had been
enough for so great an undertaking. One thing
alone he had not and indeed could not have foreseen.
’He told me himself on the day on which (Pope)
Julius was created, that he had foreseen and provided
for everything else that could happen on his father’s
death, but had never anticipated that, when his father
died, he too should have been at death’s door.’
Even so the fame and splendour of his name for a while
maintained his authority against his unnumbered enemies.
But soon the great betrayer was betrayed. ’It
is well to cheat those who have been masters of treachery,’
he had said himself in his hours of brief authority.
His wheel had turned full cycle. Within three
years his fate, like that of Charles XII., was destined
to a foreign strand, a petty fortress, and a dubious
hand. Given over to Spain he passed three years
obscurely. ’He was struck down in a fight
at Viana in Navarre (1507) after a furious resistance:
he was stripped of his fine armour by men who did
not know his name or quality and his body was left
naked on the bare ground, bloody and riddled with wounds.
He was only thirty-one.’ And so the star
of Machiavelli’s hopes and dreams was quenched
for a season in the clouds from which it came.
Page 13
[Sidenote: The Lesson.]
It seems worth while to sketch the strange tempestuous
career of Caesar Borgia because in the remaining chapters
of The Prince and elsewhere in his writings,
it is the thought and memory of Valentinois, transmuted
doubtless and idealised by the lapse of years, that
largely inform and inspire the perfect Prince of Machiavelli.
But it must not be supposed that in life or in mind
they were intimate or even sympathetic. Machiavelli
criticises his hero liberally and even harshly.
But for the work he wanted done he had found no better
craftsman and no better example to follow for those
that might come after. Morals and religion did
not touch the purpose of his arguments except as affecting
policy. In policy virtues may be admitted as
useful agents and in the chapter following that on
Caesar, entitled, curiously enough, ’Of those
who by their crimes come to be Princes,’ he
lays down that ’to slaughter fellow citizens,
to betray friends, to be devoid of honour, pity and
religion cannot be counted as merits, for these are
means which may lead to power but which confer no
glory.’ Cruelty he would employ without
hesitation but with the greatest care both in degree
and in kind. It should be immediate and complete
and leave no possibility of counter-revenge. For
it is never forgotten by the living, and ’he
deceives himself who believes that, with the great,
recent benefits cause old wrongs to be forgotten.’
On the other hand ’Benefits should be conferred
little by little so that they may be more fully relished.’
The cruelty proper to a Prince (Government, for as
ever they are identical) aims only at authority.
Now authority must spring from love or fear. It
were best to combine both motives to obedience but
you cannot. The Prince must remember that men
are fickle, and love at their own pleasure, and that
men are fearful and fear at the pleasure of the Prince.
Let him therefore depend on what is of himself, not
on that which is of others. ’Yet if he
win not love he may escape hate, and so it will be
if he does not meddle with the property or women-folk
of his subjects.’ When he must punish let
him kill. ’For men will sooner forget the
death of their father than the loss of their estate.’
And moreover you cannot always go on killing, but
a Prince who has once set himself to plundering will
never stop. This is the more needful because the
only secure foundation of his rule lies in his trust
of the people and in their support. And indeed
again and again you shall find no more thorough democrat
than this teacher of tyrants. ’The people
own better broader qualities, fidelities and passions
than any Prince and have better cause to show for
them.’ ’As for prudence and stability,
I say that a people is more stable, more prudent,
and of better judgment than a Prince.’ If
the people go wrong it is almost certainly the crime
or negligence of the Prince which drives or leads
them astray. ’Better far than any number
of fortresses is not to be hated by your people.’
The support of the people and a national militia make
the essential strength of the Prince and of the State.
Page 14
[Sidenote: National Defence.]
The chapters on military organisation may be more
conveniently considered in conjunction with The
Art of War. It is enough at present to point
out two or three observations of Machiavelli which
touch politics from the military side. To his
generation they were entirely novel, though mere commonplace
to-day. National strength means national stability
and national greatness; and this can be achieved, and
can only be achieved, by a national army. The
Condottiere system, born of sloth and luxury, has
proved its rottenness. Your hired general is either
a tyrant or a traitor, a bully or a coward. ’In
a word the armour of others is too wide or too strait
for us: it falls off us, or it weighs us down.’
And in a fine illustration he compares auxiliary troops
to the armour of Saul which David refused, preferring
to fight Goliath with his sling and stone.
[Sidenote: Conduct of the Prince.]
Having assured the external security of the State,
Machiavelli turns once more to the qualities and conduct
of the Prince. So closely packed are these concluding
chapters that it is almost impossible to compress
them further. The author at the outset states
his purpose: ’Since it is my object to
write what shall be useful to whosoever understands
it, it seems to me better to follow the practical
truth of things rather than an imaginary view of them.
For many Republics and Princedoms have been imagined
that were never seen or known to exist in reality.
And the manner in which we live and in which we ought
to live, are things so wide asunder that he who suits
the one to betake himself to the other is more likely
to destroy than to save himself.’ Nothing
that Machiavelli wrote is more sincere, analytic,
positive and ruthless. He operates unflinchingly
on an assured diagnosis. The hand never an instant
falters, the knife is never blunt. He deals with
what is, and not with what ought to be. Should
the Prince be all-virtuous, all-liberal, all-humane?
Should his word be his bond for ever? Should true
religion be the master-passion of his life? Machiavelli
considers. The first duty of the Prince (or Government)
is to maintain the existence, stability, and prosperity
of the State. Now if all the world were perfect
so should the Prince be perfect too. But such
are not the conditions of human life. An idealising
Prince must fall before a practising world. A
Prince must learn in self-defence how to be bad, but
like Caesar Borgia, he must be a great judge of occasion.
And what evil he does must be deliberate, appropriate,
and calculated, and done, not selfishly, but for the
good of the State of which he is trustee. There
is the power of Law and the power of Force. The
first is proper to men, the second to beasts.
And that is why Achilles was brought up by Cheiron
the Centaur that he might learn to use both natures.
A ruler must be half lion and half fox, a fox to discern
the toils, a lion to drive off the wolves. Merciful,
Page 15
faithful, humane, religious, just, these he may be
and above all should seem to be, nor should any word
escape his lips to give the lie to his professions:
and in fact he should not leave these qualities but
when he must. He should, if possible, practise
goodness, but under necessity should know how to pursue
evil. He should keep faith until occasion alter,
or reason of state compel him to break his pledge.
Above all he should profess and observe religion,
’because men in general judge rather by the
eye than by the hand, and every one can see but few
can touch.’ But none the less, must he
learn (as did William the Silent, Elizabeth of England,
and Henry of Navarre) how to subordinate creed to
policy when urgent need is upon him. In a word,
he must realise and face his own position, and the
facts of mankind and of the world. If not veracious
to his conscience, he must be veracious to facts.
He must not be bad for badness’ sake, but seeing
things as they are, must deal as he can to protect
and preserve the trust committed to his care.
Fortune is still a fickle jade, but at least the half
our will is free, and if we are bold we may master
her yet. For Fortune is a woman who, to be kept
under, must be beaten and roughly handled, and we see
that she is more ready to be mastered by those who
treat her so, than by those who are shy in their wooing.
And always, like a woman, she gives her favours to
the young, because they are less scrupulous and fiercer
and more audaciously command her to their will.
[Sidenote: The Appeal.]
And so at the last the sometime Secretary of the Florentine
Republic turns to the new Master of the Florentines
in splendid exhortation. He points to no easy
path. He proposes no mean ambition. He has
said already that ’double will that Prince’s
glory be, who has founded a new realm and fortified
it and adorned it with good laws, good arms, good
friends, and good examples.’ But there is
more and better to be done. The great misery
of men has ever made the great leaders of men.
But was Israel in Egypt, were the Persians, the Athenians
ever more enslaved, down-trodden, disunited, beaten,
despoiled, mangled, overrun and desolate than is our
Italy to-day? The barbarians must be hounded out,
and Italy be free and one. Now is the accepted
time. All Italy is waiting and only seeks the
man. To you the darling of Fortune and the Church
this splendid task is given, to and to the army of
Italy and of Italians only. Arm Italy and lead
her. To you, the deliverer, what gates would
be closed, what obedience refused! What jealousies
opposed, what homage denied. Love, courage, and
fixed fidelity await you, and under your standards
shall the voice of Petrarch be fulfilled:
Virtu contro al furore
Prendera l’arme e fia il combatter corto:
Che l’antico valore
Negl’ Italici cor non e ancor morto.
Such is The Prince of Machiavelli. The
vision of its breathless exhortation seemed then as
but a landscape to a blind man’s eye. But
the passing of three hundred and fifty years of the
misery he wept for brought at the last, almost in
perfect exactness, the fulfilment of that impossible
prophecy.
Page 16
[Sidenote: The Attack.]
There is no great book in the world of smaller compass
than The Prince of Machiavelli. There
is no book more lucidly, directly, and plainly written.
There is no book that has aroused more vehement, venomous,
and even truculent controversy from the moment of
its publication until to-day. And it is asserted
with great probability that The Prince has
had a more direct action upon real life than any other
book in the world, and a larger share in breaking
the chains and lighting the dark places of the Middle
Ages. It is a truism to say that Machiavellism
existed before Machiavelli. The politics of Gian
Galeazzo Visconti, of Louis XI. of France, of Ferdinand
of Spain, of the Papacy, of Venice, might have been
dictated by the author of The Prince. But
Machiavelli was the first to observe, to compare,
to diagnose, to analyse, and to formulate their principles
of government. The first to establish, not a
divorce, but rather a judicial separation between the
morals of a man and the morals of a government.
It is around the purpose and possible results of such
a separation in politics, ethics, and religion that
the storm has raged most fiercely. To follow
the path of that storm through near four centuries
many volumes would be needed, and it will be more
convenient to deal with the more general questions
in summing up the influence of Machiavelli as a whole.
But the main lines and varying fortunes of the long
campaign may be indicated. During the period of
its manuscript circulation and for a few years after
its publication The Prince was treated with
favour or at worst with indifference, and the first
mutterings were merely personal to the author.
He was a scurvy knave and turncoat with neither bowels
nor conscience, almost negligible. But still
men read him, and a change in conditions brought a
change in front. He had in The Prince,
above all in the Discorsi, accused the Church
of having ruined Italy and debauched the world.
In view of the writer’s growing popularity,
of the Reformation and the Pagan Renaissance, such
charges could no longer be lightly set aside.
The Churchmen opened the main attack. Amongst
the leaders was Cardinal Pole, to whom the practical
precepts of The Prince had been recommended
in lieu of the dreams of Plato, by Thomas Cromwell,
the malleus monachorum of Henry VIII.
The Catholic attack was purely theological, but before
long the Jesuits joined in the cry. Machiavelli
was burnt in effigy at Ingoldstadt. He was subdolus
diabolicarum cogitationum faber, and irrisor
et atheos to boot. The Pope himself gave
commissions to unite against him, and his books were
placed on the Index, together, it must be admitted,
with those of Boccaccio, Erasmus, and Savonarola so
the company was goodly. But meanwhile, and perhaps
in consequence, editions and translations of The
Prince multiplied apace. The great figures
Page 17
of the world were absorbed by it. Charles V.,
his son, and his courtiers studied the book.
Catherine de Medici brought it to France. A copy
of The Prince was found on the murdered bodies
of Henry III. and Henry IV. Richelieu praised
it. Sextus V. analysed it in his own handwriting.
It was read at the English Court; Bacon was steeped
in it, and quotes or alludes to it constantly.
Hobbes and Harrington studied it.
But now another change. So then, cried Innocent
Gentillet, the Huguenot, the book is a primer of despotism
and Rome, and a grammar for bigots and tyrants.
It doubtless is answerable for the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew. The man is a chien impur.
And in answer to this new huntsman the whole Protestant
pack crashed in pursuit. Within fifty years of
his death The Prince and Machiavelli himself
had become a legend and a myth, a haunting, discomforting
ghost that would not be laid. Machiavellism had
grown to be a case of conscience both to Catholic and
Protestant, to Theologian, Moralist, and Philosopher.
In Spain the author, damned in France for his despotism
and popery, was as freshly and freely damned for his
civil and religious toleration. In England to
the Cavaliers he was an Atheist, to the Roundheads
a Jesuit. Christina of Sweden annotated him with
enthusiasm. Frederick the Great published his
Anti-Machiavel brimming with indignation, though
it is impossible not to wonder what would have become
of Prussia had not the Prussian king so closely followed
in practice the precepts of the Florentine, above all
perhaps, as Voltaire observed, in the publication of
the Anti-Machiavel itself. No doubt in
the eighteenth century, when monarchy was so firmly
established as not to need Machiavelli, kings and
statesmen sought to clear kingship of the supposed
stain he had besmirched them with. But their
reading was as little as their misunderstanding was
great, and the Florentine Secretary remained the mysterious
necromancer. It was left for Rousseau to describe
the book of this ‘honnete homme et bon citoyen’
as ‘le livre des Republicains,’ and for
Napoleon, the greatest of the author’s followers
if not disciples, to draw inspiration and suggestion
from his Florentine forerunner and to justify the
murder of the Due d’Enghien by a quotation from
The Prince. ‘Mais apres tout,’
he said, ’un homme d’Etat est-il fait pour
etre sensible? N’est-ce pas un personnage—completement
excentrique, toujours seul d’un cote, avec le
monde de l’autre?’ and again ’Jugez
done s’il doit s’amuser a menager certaines
convenances de sentiments si importantes pour le commun
des hommes? Peut-il considerer les liens du sang,
les affections, les puerils menagements de la societe?
Et dans la situation ou il se trouve, que d’actions
separees de l’ensemble et qu’on blame,
quoiqu’elles doivent contribuer au grand oeuvre
que tout le monde n’apercoit pas? ... Malheureux
que vous etes! vous retiendrez vos eloges parce que
Page 18
vous craindrez que le mouvement de cette grande machine
ne fasse sur vous l’effet de Gulliver, qui,
lorsqu’il deplacait sa jambe, ecrasait les Lilliputiens.
Exhortez-vous, devancez le temps, agrandissez votre
imagination, regardez de loin, et vous verrez que ces
grands personnages que vous croyez violents, cruels,
que sais-je? ne sont que des politiques. Ils
se connaissent, se jugent mieux que vous, et, quand
ils sont reellement habiles, ils savent se rendre maitres
de leurs passions car ils vont jusqu’a en calculer
les effets.’ Even in his carriage at Waterloo
was found a French translation of The Prince
profusely annotated.
[Sidenote: The Defence.]
But from the first the defence was neither idle nor
weak. The assault was on the morals of the man:
the fortress held for the ideas of the thinker.
He does not treat of morals, therefore he is immoral,
cried the plaintiff. Has he spoken truth or falsehood?
Is his word the truth and will his truth prevail?
was the rejoinder. In Germany and Italy especially
and in France and England in less degree, philosophers
and critics have argued and written without stint
and without cease. As history has grown wider
and more scientific so has the preponderance of opinion
leaned to the Florentine’s favour.
It would be impossible to recapitulate the arguments
or even to indicate the varying points of view.
And indeed the main hindrance in forming a just idea
of The Prince is the constant treatment of a
single side of the book and the preconceived intent
of the critic. Bacon has already been mentioned.
Among later names are Hobbes, Spinoza, Leibnitz.
Herder gives qualified approval, while Fichte frankly
throws down the glove as The Prince’s
champion. ’Da man weiss dass politische
Machtfragen nie, am wenigsten in einem verderbten
Volke, mit den Mitteln der Moral zu loesen sind, so
ist es unverstaendig das Buch von Fuersten zu verschreien.
Macchiavelli hatte einen Herrscher zu schildern, keinen
Klosterbruder.’ The last sentence may at
least be accepted as a last word by practical politicians.
Ranke and Macaulay, and a host of competent Germans
and Italians have lent their thought and pens to solve
the riddle in the Florentine’s favour.
And lastly, the course of political events in Europe
have seemed to many the final justification of the
teaching of The Prince. The leaders of
the Risorgimento thought that they found in letters,
‘writ with a stiletto,’ not only the inspirations
of patriotism and the aspirations to unity, but a
sure and trusted guide to the achievement. Germany
recognised in the author a schoolmaster to lead them
to unification, and a military instructor to teach
them of an Armed People. Half Europe snatched
at the principle of Nationality. For in The
Prince, Machiavelli not only begat ideas but fertilised
the ideas of others, and whatever the future estimation
of the book may be, it stands, read or unread, as
a most potent, if not as the dominant, factor in European
politics for four hundred years.
Page 19
[Sidenote: The Discorsi.]
The Discorsi, printed in Rome by Blado, 1537,
are not included in the present edition, as the first
English translation did not appear until 1680, when
almost the entire works of Machiavelli were published
by an anonymous translator in London. But some
account and consideration of their contents is imperative
to any review of the Florentine’s political
thoughts. Such Discorsi and Relazioni were not
uncommon at the time. The stronger and younger
minds of the Renaissance wearied of discussing in
the lovely gardens of the Rucellai the ideas of Plato
or the allegories of Plotinus. The politics of
Aristotle had just been intelligibly translated by
Leonardo Bruni (1492). And to-day the young ears
and eyes of Florence were alert for an impulse to
action. They saw glimpses, in reopened fields
of history, of quarries long grown over where the ore
of positive politics lay hid. The men who came
to-day to the Orti Oricellarii were men versed in
public affairs, men of letters, historians, poets,
living greatly in a great age, with Raphael, Michael
Angelo, Ariosto, Leonardo going up and down amongst
them. Machiavelli was now in fair favour with
the Medici, and is described by Strozzi as una
persona per sorgere (a rising man). He was
welcomed into the group with enthusiasm, and there
read and discussed the Discorsi. Nominally
mere considerations upon the First Decade of Livy,
they rapidly encircled all that was known and thought
of policy and state-craft, old and living.
[Sidenote: Their Plan.]
Written concurrently with The Prince, though
completed later, the Discorsi contain almost
the whole of the thoughts and intents of the more
famous book, but with a slightly different application.
’The Prince traces the progress of an
ambitious man, the Discorsi the progress of
an ambitious people,’ is an apt if inadequate
criticism. Machiavelli was not the first Italian
who thought and wrote upon the problems of his time.
But he was the first who discussed grave questions
in modern language. He was the first modern political
writer who wrote of men and not of man, for the Prince
himself is a collective individuality.
‘This must be regarded as a general rule,’
is ever in Machiavelli’s mouth, while Guicciardini
finds no value in a general rule, but only in ‘long
experience and worthy discretion.’ The one
treated of policy, the other of politics. Guicciardini
considered specifically by what methods to control
and arrange an existing Government. Machiavelli
sought to create a science, which should show how
to establish, maintain, and hinder the decline of
states generally conceived. Even Cavour counted
the former as a more practical guide in affairs.
But Machiavelli was the theorist of humanity in politics,
not the observer only. He distinguished the two
orders of research. And, during the Italian Renaissance
such distinction was supremely necessary. With
Page 20
a crumbled theology, a pagan Pope, amid the wreck
of laws and the confusion of social order, il sue
particolare and virtu, individuality and
ability (energy, political genius, prowess, vital force:
virtu is impossible to translate, and only
does not mean virtue), were the dominating and unrelenting
factors of life. Niccolo Machiavelli, unlike
Montesquieu, agreed with Martin Luther that man was
bad. It was for both the Wittenberger and the
Florentine, in their very separate ways, to found
the school and wield the scourge. In the naked
and unashamed candour of the time Guicciardini could
say that he loathed the Papacy and all its works.
’For all that, he adds, ’the preferments
I have enjoyed, have forced me for my private ends
to set my heart upon papal greatness. Were it
not for this consideration, I should love Martin Luther
as my second self.’ In the Discorsi,
Machiavelli bitterly arraigns the Church as having
’deprived Italians of religion and liberty.’
He utterly condemns Savonarola, yet he could love and
learn from Dante, and might almost have said with
Pym, ’The greatest liberty of the Kingdom is
Religion. Thereby we are freed from spiritual
evils, and no impositions are so grievous as those
that are laid upon the soul.’
[Sidenote: Religion.]
The Florentine postulates religion as an essential
element in a strong and stable State. Perhaps,
with Gibbon, he deemed it useful to the Magistrate.
But his science is impersonal. He will not tolerate
a Church that poaches on his political preserves.
Good dogma makes bad politics. It must not tamper
with liberty or security. And most certainly,
with Dante, in the Paradiso, he would either
have transformed or omitted the third Beatitude, that
the Meek shall inherit the earth. With such a
temperament, Machiavelli must ever keep touch with
sanity. It was not for him as for Aristotle to
imagine what an ideal State should be, but rather
to inquire what States actually were and what they
might actually become. He seeks first and foremost
’the use that may be derived from history in
politics’; not from its incidents but from its
general principles. His darling model of a State
is to be found where Dante found it, in the Roman
Republic. The memory and even the substance of
Dante occur again and again. But Dante’s
inspiration was spiritual: Machiavelli’s
frankly pagan, and with the latter Fortune takes the
place of God. Dante did not love the Papacy,
but Machiavelli, pointing out how even in ancient
Rome religion was politic or utilitarian, leads up
to his famous attack upon the Roman Church, to which
he attributes all the shame and losses, political,
social, moral, national, that Italy has suffered at
her hands. And now for the first time the necessity
for Italian Unity is laid plainly down, and the Church
and its temporal power denounced as the central obstacles.
In religion itself the Secretary saw much merit.
’But when it is an absolute question of the
Page 21
welfare of our country, then justice or injustice,
mercy or cruelty, praise or ignominy, must be set
aside, and we must seek alone whatever course may
preserve the existence and liberty of the state.’
Throughout the Discorsi, Machiavelli in a looser
and more expansive form, suggests, discusses, or re-affirms
the ideas of The Prince. There is the
same absence of judgment on the moral value of individual
conduct; the same keen decision of its practical effect
as a political act. But here more than in The
Prince, he deals with the action and conduct of
the people. With his passion for personal and
contemporary incarnation he finds in the Swiss of
his day the Romans of Republican Rome, and reiterates
the comparison in detail. Feudalism, mercenaries,
political associations embodied in Arts and Guilds,
the Temporal power of the Church, all these are put
away, and in their stead he announces the new and
daring gospel that for organic unity subjects must
be treated as equals and not as inferiors. ‘Trust
the people’ is a maxim he repeats and enforces
again and again. And he does not shrink from,
but rather urges the corollary, ‘Arm the people.’
Indeed it were no audacious paradox to state the ideal
of Machiavelli, though he nominally preferred a Republic,
as a Limited Monarchy, ruling over a Nation in Arms.
No doubt he sought, as was natural enough in his day,
to construct the State from without rather than to
guide and encourage its evolution from within.
It seemed to him that, in such an ocean of corruption,
Force was a remedy and Fraud no sluttish handmaid.
‘Vice n’est-ce pas,’ writes Montaigne,
of such violent acts of Government, ’car il a
quitte sa raison a une plus universelle et puissante
raison.’ Even so the Prince and the people
could only be justified by results. But the public
life is of larger value than the private, and sometimes
one man must be crucified for a thousand. Despite
all prejudice and make-belief, such a rule and practice
has obtained from the Assemblies of Athens to the
Parliaments of the twentieth century. But Machiavelli
first candidly imparted it to the unwilling consciences
and brains of men, and it is he who has been the chosen
scape-goat to carry the sins of the people. His
earnestness makes him belie his own precept to keep
the name and take away the thing. In this, as
in a thousand instances, he was not too darkly hidden;
he was too plain. ‘Machiavelli,’ says
one who studied the Florentine as hardly another had
done, ’Machiavelli hat gesuendigt, aber noch
mehr ist gegen ihn gesuendigt worden.’ Liberty
is good, but Unity is its only sure foundation.
It is the way to the Unity of Government and People
that the thoughts both of The Prince and the
Discorsi lead, though the incidents be so nakedly
presented as to shock the timorous and vex the prurient,
the puritan, and the evil thinker. The people
must obey the State and fight and die for its salvation,
and for the Prince the hatred of the subjects is never
good, but their love, and the best way to gain it
is by ’not interrupting the subject in the quiet
enjoyment of his estate.’ Even so bland
and gentle a spirit as the poet Gray cannot but comment,
’I rejoice when I see Machiavelli defended or
illustrated, who to me appears one of the wisest men
that any nation in any age hath produced.’
Page 22
[Sidenote: The Art of War.]
Throughout both The Prince and the Discorsi
are constant allusions to, and often long discussions
on, military affairs. The Army profoundly interested
Machiavelli both as a primary condition of national
existence and stability, and also, as he pondered
upon the contrast between ancient Rome and the Florence
that he lived in, as a subject fascinating in itself.
His Art of War was probably published in 1520.
Before that date the Florentine Secretary had had
some personal touch both with the theory and practice
of war. As a responsible official in the camp
before Pisa he had seen both siege work and fighting.
Having lost faith in mercenary forces he made immense
attempts to form a National Militia, and was appointed
Chancellor of the Nove della Milizia. In Switzerland
and the Tyrol he had studied army questions. He
planned with Pietro Navarro the defence of Florence
and Prato against Charles V. At Verona and Mantua
in 1509, he closely studied the famous siege of Padua.
From birth to death war and battles raged all about
him, and he had personal knowledge of the great captains
of the Age. Moreover, he saw in Italy troops
of every country, of every quality, in every stage
of discipline, in every manner of formation.
His love of ancient Rome led him naturally to the
study of Livy and Vegetius, and from them with regard
to formations, to the relative values of infantry
and cavalry and other points of tactics, he drew or
deduced many conclusions which hold good to-day.
Indeed a German staff officer has written that in reading
the Florentine you think you are listening to a modern
theorist of war. But for the theorist of those
days a lion stood in the path. The art of war
was not excepted from the quick and thorough transformation
that all earthly and spiritual things were undergoing.
Gunpowder, long invented, was being applied.
Armour, that, since the beginning, had saved both man
and horse, had now lost the half of its virtue.
The walls of fortresses, impregnable for a thousand
years, became as matchwood ramparts. The mounted
man-at-arms was found with wonder to be no match for
the lightly-armoured but nimble foot-man. The
Swiss were seen to hold their own with ease against
the knighthood of Austria and Burgundy. The Free
Companies lost in value and prestige what they added
to their corruption and treachery. All these
things grew clear to Machiavelli. But his almost
fatal misfortune was that he observed and wrote in
the mid-moment of the transition. He had no faith
in fire-arms, and as regards the portable fire-arms
of those days he was right. After the artillery
work at Ravenna, Novara, and Marignano it is argued
that he should have known better. But he was
present at no great battles, and pike, spear, and
sword had been the stable weapons of four thousand
years. These were indeed too simple to be largely
modified, and the future of mechanisms and explosives
no prophet uninspired could foresee. And indeed
the armament and formation of men were not the main
intent of Machiavelli’s thought. His care
in detail, especially in fortifications, of which he
made a special study, in encampments, in plans, in
calculations, is immense. Nothing is so trivial
as to be left inexact.
Page 23
[Sidenote: The New Model.]
But he centred his observation and imagination on
the origin, character, and discipline of an army in
being. He pictures the horror, waste, and failure
of a mercenary system, and lays down the fatal error
in Italy of separating civil from military life, converting
the latter into a trade. In such a way the soldier
grows to a beast, and the citizen to a coward.
All this must be changed. The basic idea of this
astounding Secretary is to form a National Army, furnished
by conscription and informed by the spirit of the
New Model of Cromwell. All able-bodied men between
the ages of seventeen and forty should be drilled
on stated days and be kept in constant readiness.
Once or twice a year each battalion must be mobilised
and manoeuvred as in time of war. The discipline
must be constant and severe. The men must be
not only robust and well-trained, but, above all,
virtuous, modest, and disposed to any sacrifice for
the public good. So imbued should they be with
duty and lofty devotion to their country that though
they may rightly deceive the enemy, reward the enemy’s
deserters and employ spies, yet ’an apple tree
laden with fruit might stand untouched in the midst
of their encampment.’ The infantry should
far exceed the cavalry, ’since it is by infantry
that battles are won.’ Secrecy, mobility,
and familiarity with the country are to be objects
of special care, and positions should be chosen from
which advance is safer than retreat. In war this
army must be led by one single leader, and, when peace
shines again, they must go back contented to their
grateful fellow-countrymen and their wonted ways of
living. The conception and foundation of such
a scheme, at such a time, by such a man is indeed
astounding. He broke with the past and with all
contemporary organisations. He forecast the future
of military Europe, though his own Italy was the last
to win her redemption through his plans. ‘Taken
all in all,’ says a German military writer, ’we
may recognise Machiavelli in his inspired knowledge
of the principles of universal military discipline
as a true prophet and as one of the weightiest thinkers
in the field of military construction and constitution.
He penetrated the essence of military technique with
a precision wholly alien to his period, and it is,
so to say, a new psychological proof of the relationship
between the art of war and the art of statecraft,
that the founder of Modern Politics is also the first
of modern Military Classics.’
But woe to the Florentine Secretary with his thoughts
born centuries before their time. As in The
Prince, so in the Art of War, he closes
with a passionate appeal of great sorrow and the smallest
ray of hope. Where shall I hope to find the things
that I have told of? What is Italy to-day?
What are the Italians? Enervated, impotent, vile.
Wherefore, ’I lament mee of nature, the which
either ought not to have made mee a knower of this,
Page 24
or it ought to have given mee power, to have bene able
to have executed it: For now beeing olde, I cannot
hope to have any occasion, to be able so to doo:
In consideration whereof, I have bene liberall with
you who beeing grave young men, may (when the thinges
said of me shall please you) at due times, in favoure
of your Princes, helpe them and counsider them.
Wherin I would have you not to be afraied, or mistrustfull,
because this Province seemes to bee altogether given
to raise up againe the things deade, as is seene by
the perfection that Poesie, painting, and writing,
is now brought unto: Albeit, as much as is looked
for of mee, beeing strooken in yeeres, I do mistrust.
Where surely, if Fortune had heretofore graunted mee
so much state, as suffiseth for a like enterprise,
I would not have doubted, but in most short time,
to have shewed to the world, how much the auncient
orders availe: and without peradventure, either
I would have increased it with glory, or lost it without
shame.’
[Sidenote: The History of Florence.]
In 1520 Machiavelli was an ageing and disappointed
man. He was not popular with any party, but the
Medici were willing to use him in minor matters if
only to secure his adherence. He was commissioned
by Giulio de Medici to write a history of Florence
with an annual allowance of 100 florins. In 1525
he completed his task and dedicated the book to its
begetter, Pope Clement VII.
In the History, as in much of his other work, Machiavelli
enriches the science of humanity with a new department.
’He was the first to contemplate the life of
a nation in its continuity, to trace the operation
of political forces through successive generations,
to contrast the action of individuals with the evolution
of causes over which they had but little control,
and to bring the salient features of the national
biography into relief by the suppression of comparatively
unimportant details.’ He found no examples
to follow, for Villani with all his merits was of
a different order. Diarists and chroniclers there
were in plenty, and works of the learned men led by
Aretino, written in Latin and mainly rhetorical.
The great work of Guicciardini was not published till
years after the Secretary’s death. Machiavelli
broke away from the Chronicle or any other existing
form. He deliberately applied philosophy to the
sequence of facts. He organised civil and political
history. He originally intended to begin his work
at the year 1234, the year of the return of Cosimo
il Vecchio from exile and of the consolidation of
Medicean power on the ground that the earlier periods
had been covered by Aretino and Bracciolini. But
he speedily recognised that they told of nothing but
external wars and business while the heart of the
history of Florence was left unbared. The work
was to do again in very different manner, and in that
manner he did it. Throughout he maintains and
insistently insinuates his unfailing explanation of
Page 25
the miseries of Italy; the necessity of unity and
the evils of the Papacy which prevents it. In
this book dedicated to a Pope he scants nothing of
his hatred of the Holy See. For ever he is still
seeking the one strong man in a blatant land with
almost absolute power to punish, pull down, and reconstruct
on an abiding foundation, for to his clear eyes it
is ever the events that are born of the man, and not
the man of the events. He was the first to observe
that the Ghibellines were not only the Imperial party
but the party of the aristocrats and influential men,
whereas the Guelphs were the party not only of the
Church but of the people, and he traces the slow but
increasing struggle to the triumph of democracy in
the Ordinamenti di Giustizia (1293). But the triumph
was not final. The Florentines were ’unable
to preserve liberty and could not tolerate slavery.’
So the fighting, banishments, bloodshed, cruelty,
injustice, began once more. The nobles were in
origin Germanic, he points out, the people Latin;
so that a racial bitterness gave accent to their hate.
But yet, he adds impartially, when the crushed nobility
were forced to change their names and no longer dared
be heard ’Florence was not only stripped of
arms but likewise of all generosity.’ It
would be impossible to follow the History in detail.
The second, seventh and eighth books are perhaps the
most powerful and dramatic. Outside affairs and
lesser events are lightly touched. But no stories
in the world have been told with more intensity than
those of the conspiracies in the seventh and eighth
books, and none have given a more intimate and accurate
perception of the modes of thought and feeling at the
time. The History ends with the death of Lorenzo
de Medici in 1492. Enough has been said of its
breadth of scope and originality of method. The
spirit of clear flaming patriotism, of undying hope
that will not in the darkest day despair, the plangent
appeal to Italy for its own great sake to rouse and
live, all these are found pre-eminently in the History
as they are found wherever Machiavelli speaks from
the heart of his heart. Of the style a foreigner
may not speak. But those who are proper judges
maintain that in simplicity and lucidity, vigour, and
power, softness, elevation, and eloquence, the style
of Machiavelli is ‘divine,’ and remains,
as that of Dante among the poets, unchallenged and
insuperable among all writers of Italian prose.
[Sidenote: Other Works.]
Though Machiavelli must always stand as a political
thinker, an historian, and a military theorist it
would leave an insufficient idea of his mental activities
were there no short notice of his other literary works.
With his passion for incarnating his theories in a
single personality, he wrote the Life of Castruccio
Castracani, a politico-military romance.
His hero was a soldier of fortune born Lucca in 1281,
and, playing with a free hand, Machiavelli weaves a
life of adventure and romance in which his constant
Page 26
ideas of war and politics run through and across an
almost imaginary tapestry. He seems to have intended
to illustrate and to popularise his ideals and to attain
by a story the many whom his discourses could not
reach. In verse Machiavelli was fluent, pungent,
and prosaic. The unfinished Golden Ass
is merely made of paragraphs of the Discorsi
twined into rhymes. And the others are little
better. Countless pamphlets, essays, and descriptions
may be searched without total waste by the very curious
and the very leisurely. The many despatches and
multitudinous private letters tell the story both
of his life and his mind. But the short but famous
Novella di Belfagor Arcidiavolo is excellent
in wit, satire, and invention. As a playwright
he wrote, among many lesser efforts, one supreme comedy,
Mandragola, which Macaulay declares to be better
than the best of Goldoni’s plays, and only less
excellent than the very best of Moliere’s.
Italian critics call it the finest play in Italian.
The plot is not for nursery reading, but there are
tears and laughter and pity and anger to furnish forth
a copious author, and it has been not ill observed
that Mandragola is the comedy of a society of
which The Prince is the tragedy.
[Sidenote: The End.]
It has been said of the Italians of the Renaissance
that with so much of unfairness in their policy, there
was an extraordinary degree of fairness in their intellects.
They were as direct in thought as they were tortuous
in action and could see no wickedness in deceiving
a man whom they intended to destroy. To such
a charge—if charge it be—Machiavelli
would have willingly owned himself answerable.
He observed, in order to know, and he wished to use
his knowledge for the advancement of good. To
him the means were indifferent, provided only that
they were always apt and moderate in accordance with
necessity, A surgeon has no room for sentiment:
in such an operator pity were a crime. It is
his to examine, to probe, to diagnose, flinching at
no ulcer, sparing neither to himself or to his patient.
And if he may not act, he is to lay down very clearly
the reasons which led to his conclusions and to state
the mode by which life itself may be saved, cost what
amputation and agony it may. This was Machiavelli’s
business, and he applied his eye, his brains, and
his knife with a relentless persistence, which, only
because it was so faithful, was not called heroic.
And we know that he suffered in the doing of it and
that his heart was sore for his patient. But
there was no other way. His record is clear and
shining. He has been accused of no treachery,
of no evil action. His patriotism for Italy as
a fatherland, a dream undreamt by any other, never
glowed more brightly than when Italy lay low in shame,
and ruin, and despair. His faith never faltered,
his spirit never shrank. And the Italy that he
saw, through dark bursts of storm, broken and sinking,
we see to-day riding in the sunny haven where he would
have her to be.
Page 27
HENRY CUST.
CONTENTS PAGE
THE ARTE OF WARRE 1
THE PRINCE 251
THE ARTE OF WARRE
WRITTEN FIRST IN ITALIAN BY
NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL
AND SET FORTHE IN ENGLISHE BY
PETER WHITEHORNE
STUDIENT AT GRAIES INNE
WITH AN ADDICION OF OTHER LIKE
MARCIALLE FEATES AND EXPERIMENTES
AS IN A TABLE
IN THE ENDE OF THE BOOKE
MAIE APPERE
1560
Menfss. Iulij.
TO THE MOSTE
HIGHE, AND EXCELLENT PRINCES,
ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Quene
of Englande, Fraunce, and Irelande,
defender of the faithe, and of the Churche
of Englande, and Irelande, on yearth
next under God, the supreme
Governour.
Although commonlie every man, moste worthie and renoumed
Soveraine, seketh specially to commend and extolle
the thing, whereunto he feleth hymself naturally bent
and inclined, yet al soche parciallitie and private
affection laid aside, it is to bee thought (that for
the defence, maintenaunce, and advauncemente of a
Kyngdome, or Common weale, or for the good and due
observacion of peace, and administracion of Justice
in the same) no one thinge to be more profitable, necessarie,
or more honourable, then the knowledge of service
in warre, and dedes of armes; bicause consideryng
the ambicion of the worlde, it is impossible for any
realme or dominion, long to continue free in quietnesse
and savegarde, where the defence of the sweard is
not alwaies in a readinesse. For like as the
Grekes, beyng occupied aboute triflyng matters, takyng
pleasure in resityng of Comedies, and soche other vain
thinges, altogether neclecting Marciall feates, gave
occasion to Philip kyng of Macedonia, father to Alexander
the Great, to oppresse and to bring theim in servitude,
under his subjeccion, even so undoubtedly, libertie
will not be kepte, but men shall be troden under foote,
and brought to moste horrible miserie and calamitie,
if thei givyng theim selves to pastymes and pleasure,
forssake the juste regarde of their owne defence,
and savegarde of their countrie, whiche in temporall
regimente, chiefly consisteth in warlike skilfulnesse.
And therefore the aunciente Capitaines and mightie
Conquerours, so longe as thei florished, did devise
with moste greate diligence, all maner of waies, to
bryng their men to the perfect knowledge of what so
ever thing appertained to the warre: as manifestly
Page 28
appereth by the warlike games, whiche in old time
the Princes of Grecia ordained, upon the mount Olimpus,
and also by thorders and exercises, that the aunciente
Romaines used in sundrie places, and specially in
Campo Martio, and in their wonderful sumptuous Theaters,
whiche chiefly thei builded to that purpose.
Whereby thei not onely made their Souldiours so experte,
that thei obtained with a fewe, in faightyng againste
a greate houge multitude of enemies, soche marveilous
victories, as in many credible Histories are mencioned,
but also by the same meanes, their unarmed and rascalle
people that followed their Campes, gotte soche understandyng
in the feates of warre, that thei in the daie of battaile,
beeyng lefte destitute of succour, were able without
any other help, to set themselves in good order, for
their defence againste the enemie, that would seke
to hurte theim, and in soche daungerous times, have
doen their countrie so good service, that verie often
by their helpe, the adversaries have been put to flight,
and fieldes moste happely wone. So that thantiquitie
estemed nothing more happie in a common weale, then
to have in the same many men skilfull in warlike affaires:
by meanes whereof, their Empire continually inlarged,
and moste wonderfully and triumphantly prospered.
For so longe as men for their valiauntnesse, were
then rewarded and had in estimacion, glad was he that
could finde occasion to venter, yea, and spende his
life, to benefite his countrie: as by the manly
actes that Marcus Curcius, Oracius Cocles, and Gaius
Mucius did for the savegarde of Rome and also by other
innumerable like examples dooeth plainly appeare.
But when through long and continuall peace, thei began
to bee altogether given to pleasure and delicatenesse,
little regardyng Marciall feates, nor soche as were
expert in the practise thereof: Their dominions
and estates, did not so moche before increase and
prospere, as then by soche meanes and oversight, thei
sodainly fell into decaie and utter ruine. For
soche truly is the nature and condicion, bothe of
peace and warre, that where in governemente, there
is not had equalle consideration of them bothe, the
one in fine, doeth woorke and induce, the others oblivion
and utter abholicion. Wherfore, sith the necessitie
of the science of warres is so greate, and also the
necessarie use thereof so manifeste, that even Ladie
Peace her self, doeth in maner from thens crave her
chief defence and preservacion, and the worthinesse
moreover, and honour of the same so greate, that as
by prose we see, the perfecte glorie therof, cannot
easely finde roote, but in the hartes of moste noble
couragious and manlike personages, I thought most
excellente Princes, I could not either to the specialle
gratefiyng of your highnesse, the universall delight
of all studious gentlemen, or the common utilitie of
the publike wealth, imploie my labours more profitablie
in accomplishyng of my duetie and good will, then
in settyng foorthe some thing, that might induce to
Page 29
the augmentyng and increase of the knowledge thereof:
inespecially thexample of your highnes most politike
governemente over us, givyng plaine testimonie of
the wonderfull prudente desire that is in you, to
have your people instructed in this kinde of service,
as well for the better defence of your highnesse,
theim selves, and their countrie, as also to discourage
thereby, and to be able to resist the malingnitie
of the enemie, who otherwise would seeke peradventure,
to invade this noble realme or kyngdome.
When therfore about x. yeres paste, in the Emperours
warres against the Mores and certain Turkes beyng
in Barberie, at the siege and winnyng of Calibbia,
Monesterio and Africa, I had as well for my further
instruction in those affaires, as also the better to
acquainte me with the Italian tongue, reduced into
Englishe, the booke called The arte of Warre, of the
famous and excellente Nicholas Machiavell, whiche in
times paste he beyng a counsailour, and Secretarie
of the noble Citee of Florence, not without his greate
laude and praise did write: and havyng lately
againe, somwhat perused the same, the whiche in soche
continuall broiles and unquietnesse, was by me translated,
I determined with my self, by publishyng thereof,
to bestowe as greate a gift (sins greater I was not
able) emongeste my countrie men, not experte in the
Italian tongue, as in like woorkes I had seen before
me, the Frenchemen, Duchemen, Spaniardes, and other
forreine nacions, moste lovyngly to have bestowed
emongeste theirs: The rather undoubtedly, that
as by private readyng of the same booke, I then felt
my self in that knowledge marveilously holpen and
increased, so by communicatyng the same to many, our
Englishemen findyng out the orderyng and disposyng
of exploictes of warre therein contained, the aide
and direction of these plaine and briefe preceptes,
might no lesse in knowledge of warres become incomperable,
then in prowes also and exercise of the same, altogether
invincible: which my translacion moste gracious
Soveraine, together with soche other thynges, as by
me hath been gathered, and thought good to adde thereunto,
I have presumed to dedicate unto youre highnes:
not onely bicause the whole charge and furniture of
warlike counsailes and preparacions, being determined
by the arbitremente of Governours and Princes, the
treatise also of like effecte should in like maner
as of right, depende upon the protection of a moste
worthie and noble Patronesse, but also that the discourse
it self, and the woorke of a forrein aucthour, under
the passeport and safeconduite of your highnes moste
noble name, might by speciall aucthoritie of the same,
winne emongest your Majesties subjectes, moche better
credite and estimacion. And if mooste mightie
Queen, in this kind of Philosophie (if I maie so terme
it) grave and sage counsailes, learned and wittie preceptes,
or politike and prudente admonicions, ought not to
be accompted the least and basest tewels of weale
publike. Then dare I boldely affirme, that of
Page 30
many straungers, whiche from forrein countries, have
here tofore in this your Majesties realme arrived,
there is none in comparison to bee preferred, before
this worthie Florentine and Italian, who havyng frely
without any gaine of exchaunge (as after some acquaintaunce
and familiaritie will better appeare) brought with
hym moste riche, rare and plentiful Treasure, shall
deserve I trust of all good Englishe lishe hartes,
most lovingly and frendly to be intertained, embraced
and cherished. Whose newe Englishe apparell,
how so ever it shall seme by me, after a grosse fasion,
more fitlie appoincted to the Campe, then in nice
termes attired to the Carpet, and in course clothyng
rather putte foorthe to battaile, then in any brave
shewe prepared to the bankette, neverthelesse my good
will I truste, shall of your grace be taken in good
parte, havyng fashioned the phraise of my rude stile,
even accordyng to the purpose of my travaile, whiche
was rather to profite the desirous manne of warre,
then to delight the eares of the fine Rethorician,
or daintie curious scholemanne: Moste humblie
besechyng your highnes, so to accept my labour herein,
as the first fruictes of a poore souldiours studie,
who to the uttermoste of his smalle power, in the
service of your moste gracious majestie, and of his
countrie, will at al tymes, accordyng to his bounden
duetie and allegeaunce, promptlie yeld hym self to
any labour, travaile, or daunger, what so ever shal
happen. Praiyng in the mean season the almightie
God, to give your highnes in longe prosperous raigne,
perfect health, desired tranquilitie, and against
all your enemies, luckie and joifull victorie.
Your humble subject and dailie oratour,
PETER WHITEHORNE.
THE PROHEME
OF NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL,
Citezein and Secretarie of Florence,
upon his booke of the Arte of Warre, unto
Laurence Philippe Strozze, one of the
nobilitie of Florence.
There have Laurence, many helde, and do holde this
opinion, that there is no maner of thing, whiche lesse
agreeth the one with the other, nor that is so much
unlike, as the civil life to the Souldiours. Wherby
it is often seen, that if any determin in thexercise
of that kinde of service to prevaile, that incontinent
he doeth not only chaunge in apparel, but also in
custome and maner, in voice, and from the facion of
all civil use, he doeth alter: For that he thinketh
not meete to clothe with civell apparell him, who
wil be redie, and promt to all kinde of violence,
nor the civell customes, and usages maie that man have,
the whiche judgeth bothe those customes to be effeminate,
and those usages not to be agreable to his profession:
Nor it semes not convenient for him to use the civill
gesture and ordinarie wordes, who with fasing and
blasphemies, will make afraied other menne: the
whiche causeth in this time, suche opinion to be moste
true. But if thei should consider thauncient
orders, there should nothing be founde more united,
Page 31
more confirmable, and that of necessitie ought to
love so much the one the other, as these: for
as muche as all the artes that are ordeined in a common
weale, in regarde or respecte of common profite of
menne, all the orders made in the same, to live with
feare of the Lawe, and of God should be vaine, if
by force of armes their defence wer not prepared,
which, well ordeined, doe maintain those also whiche
be not well ordeined. And likewise to the contrarie
the good orders, without the souldiours help, no lesse
or otherwise doe disorder, then the habitacion of
a sumptuous and roiall palais, although it wer decte
with gold and precious stones, when without being
covered, should not have wherewith to defende it from
the raine. And if in what so ever other orders
of Cities and Kyngdomes, there hath been used al diligence
for to maintain men faithfull, peaceable, and full
of the feare of God, in the service of warre, it was
doubled: if for in what man ought the countrie
to seke greater faith, then in him, who must promise
to die for the same? In whom ought there to bee
more love of peace, then in him, whiche onely by the
warre maie be hurte? In whome ought there to bee
more feare of GOD, then in him, which every daie committyng
himself to infinite perilles, hath moste neede of
his helpe? This necessitie considered wel, bothe
of them that gave the lawes to Empires, and of those
that to the exercise of service wer apoincted, made
that the life of Souldiours, of other menne was praised,
and with all studie folowed and imitated. But
the orders of service of war, beyng altogether corrupted,
and a greate waie from the auncient maners altered,
there hath growen these sinisterous opinions, which
maketh men to hate the warlike service, and to flie
the conversacion of those that dooe exercise it.
Albeit I judgeing by the same, that I have seen and
redde, that it is not a thyng impossible, to bryng
it again to the auncient maners, and to give it some
facion of the vertue passed, I have determined to
the entente not to passe this my idell time, without
doyng some thyng, to write that whiche I doe understande,
to the satisfaction of those, who of aunciente actes,
are lovers of the science of warre. And although
it be a bold thing to intreate of the same matter,
wher of otherwise I have made no profession, notwithstanding
I beleve it is no errour, to occupie with wordes a
degree, the whiche many with greater presumpcion with
their deedes have occupied: for as muche as the
errours that I maie happen to make by writing, may
be without harme to any man corrected: but those
the whiche of them be made in doyng cannot be knowen
without the ruine of Empires. Therefore Laurence
you ought to consider the qualitie of this my laboure,
and with your judgement to give it that blame, or that
praise, as shall seeme unto you it hath deserved.
The whiche I sende unto you, as well to shewe my selfe
gratefull, although my habilitie reche not to the
benefites, which I have received of you, as also for
that beyng the custome to honour with like workes them
who for nobilitie, riches, wisedome, and liberalitie
doe shine: I knowe you for riches, and nobilitie,
not to have many peeres, for wisedome fewe, and for
liberalitie none.
Page 32
THE ARTE OF WARRE
THE TABLE
OF CERTAIN PRINCIPALL THINGES,
CONTAINED IN THIS WOORKE
OF MACHIAVEL
IN THE FIRSTE BOOKE
Why a good man ought not to exersise warfare as his arte, 33
Deedes of armes ought to be used privatly in time
of peace for exersise, and in time of warre for necessetie
and renoume, 36
The strength of an armie is the footemen, 38
The Romaines renued their Legions and had men in the
flower of their age, 38
Whether men of armes ought to be kept, 40
What is requisete for the preparyng of an armie, 42
Out of what contrie souldiers ought to be chosen,
43
Souldiers ought to bee chosen, by thaucthoritie of
the Prince, of suche men as be his oune subjectes,
44
The difference of ages, that is to be taken in the
chosinge of souldiours for the restoring of an olde
power and for the making of a newe, 44
The weapons or power that is prepared, of the naturall
subjectes, of a common weale bringeth profit and not
hurte, 47
What cause letted the Venetians, that they made not
a Monarchi of the worlde, 48
How an armie maye bee prepared in the countrie, where
were no exersise of warre, 49
The custome that the Romaines used, in the chosyng
of their souldiours, 51
The greater number of men is best, 53
Whether the multitude of armed men ar occation of
confusion and of dissorder, 55
How to prohibite, that the Capitaines make no discension,
57
IN THE SECONDE BOOKE
What armour the antiquetie used, 61
The occation of the boldenes of the duchemen, 64
Whiche maner of armyng menne is better either the
Duche or Romaine fasion, 64
Diverse examples of late dayes, 66
An example of Tigran, 69
Whether the footemen or the horsemen ought to bee
estemed moste, 70
The cause whie the Romaines were overcome of the parthians,
71
What order, or what vertue maketh, that footemen overcum
horsemen, 71
Howe the antiquitie exersised their men to learne
them to handle their weapons, 73
What the antiquitie estemed moste happie in a common
weale, 75
The maner, of maintainyng the order, 77
What a legion is, of Grekes called a Falange, and
of Frenchemen
Catterva, 77
The devision of a legion, and the divers names of
orders, 78
The order of batellraye, and the manner of appoincting
the battels, 82
How to order, CCCC.L. men to doo some severall feate,
88
The fation of a battaile that the Suisers make like
a crosse, 90
What carriages the Capitaines ought to have, and the
number of carriages requisite to every band of men,
91
Page 33
Diverse effectes caused of diverse soundes, 93
Whereof cometh the utilitie, and the dissorder of
the armies that are now a daies, 93
The manner of arminge men, 97
The number of carriages that men of armes and lighte
horsemen ought to have, 98
IN THE THIRDE BOOKE
The greatest dissorder that is used now a dayes in
the orderinge of an armie, 102
How the Romaines devided their armie in Hastati, Principi
and Triarii, 102
The manner that the Romaines used to order them selves
agayne in the overthrow, 103
The custom of the Greekes, 103
A maine battaile of Suissers, 104
How manie legions of Romaine Citesens was in an ordinarie
armie, 105
The manner how to pitche a fielde to faighte a battaile,
106
Of what number of faighting men an armie oughte to
be, 110
The description of a battaile that is a faighting,
111
An exsample of Ventidio faighting against the Parthians,
114
An example of Epaminondas, 115
How the Artillerie is unprofitable, 116
How that a maine battaile of Suissers cannot ocupie
more then fower pikes, 120
How the battailes when thei cum to be eight or ten,
maye be receyved in the verie same space, that received
the fyve, 123
The armes that the Standarde of all tharmie ought
to have, 125
Divers examples of the antiquetie, 126
IN THE FOWERTH BOOKE
Whether the fronte of the armie ought to bee made
large, 132
To how many thinges respecte ought to be had, in the
ordringe of an armie, 133
An example of Scipio, 134
In what place a Capitain maie order his armie with
savegarde not to be clene overthrowen, 135
Aniball and Scipio praised for the orderynge of their
armies, 135
Cartes used of the Asiaticans, 137
Diverse examples of the antiquitie, 137
The prudence which the Capitaine ought to use, in
the accidence that chaunse in faightinge, 138
What a Capitaine ought to doo, that is the conqueror,
or that is conquered, 140
A Capitaine ought not to faighte the battaile, but
with advauntage, excepte he be constrained, 142
How to avoide the faightinge of the fielde, 144
Advertismentes that the Capitaine ought to have, 146
Speakyng to souldiers helpeth muche to make them to
be curagious and bolde, 146
Whether all the armie ought to bee spoken unto, or
onely to the heddes thereof, 147
IN THE FYVETH BOOKE
The manner how to leade an armie gowinge thorough
suspected places, or to incounter the enemie, 152
An example of Aniball, 156
Wether any thing oughte to bee commaunded with the
voise or with the trompet, 159
Page 34
The occations why the warres made now a dayes, doo
impoverish the conquerors as well as the conquered,
162
Credite ought not to be given to thinges which stand
nothinge with reason, 164
The armie ought not to knowe what the Capitaine purposeth
to doo, 165
Diverse examples, 167
IN THE SIXTE BOOKE
The maner how to incampe an armie, 175
How brode the spaces and the wayes ought to be within
the campe, 182
What waye ought to be used when it is requiset to
incampe nere the enemie, 184
How the watche and warde ought to be apoincted in
the campe, and what punishmente they ought to have
that doo not their dutie, 186
How the Romanies prohibited women to be in their armies
and idell games to be used, 188
How to incampe accordinge to the nomber of men, and
what nomber of menne maie suffise againste, what so
ever enemie that wer, 191
How to doo to be assured, of the fideletie of those
that are had in suspition, 193
What a Capitaine ought to doo beinge beseged of his
enemies, 194
Example of Coriliano and others, 195
It is requiset chiefly for a Capitain to kepe his
souldiers punished and payed, 197
Of aguries, 197
Moste excellent advertismentes and pollicies, 198
The occation of the overthrowe of the Frenchmen at
Garigliano, 202
IN THE SEVENTH BOOKE
Cities are strong, either by nature or by industrie,
205
The maner of fortificacion, 205
Bulwarkes ought not to be made oute of a towne distante
from the same, 207
Example of Genoa, 208
Of the Countes Catherin, 208
The fation of percullesies used in Almaine, 210
Howe the battelmentes of walles were made at the first,
and how thei are made now adaies, 210
The provisions that is mete to bee made, for the defence
of a towne, 212
Divers pollicies, for the beseginge and defendinge
of a toune or fortres, 214
Secrete conveing of letters, 219
The defence againste a breache, 219
Generall rules of warre, 222
THE FIRST BOOKE
OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF
NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL, CITEZEIN
AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,
UNTO
LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE
ONE OF THE NOBILTIE
OF FLORENCE.
THE FIRST BOOKE
Page 35
Forasmuch as I beleve that after death, al men maie
be praised without charge, al occasion and suspecte
of flatterie beyng taken awaie, I shal not doubte
to praise our Cosimo Ruchellay, whose name was never
remembred of me without teares, havyng knowen in him
those condicions, the whiche in a good frende or in
a citezien, might of his freendes, or of his countrie,
be desired: for that I doe not knowe what thyng
was so muche his, not excepting any thing (saving
his soule) which for his frendes willingly of him
should not have been spent: I knowe not what
enterprise should have made him afraide, where the
same should have ben knowen to have been for the benefite
of his countrie. And I doe painly confesse, not
to have mette emongest so many men, as I have knowen,
and practised withal, a man, whose minde was more
inflamed then his, unto great and magnificent thynges.
Nor he lamented not with his frendes of any thyng
at his death, but because he was borne to die a yong
manne within his owne house, before he had gotten
honour, and accordynge to his desire, holpen any manne:
for that he knewe, that of him coulde not be spoken
other, savyng that there should be dead a good freende.
Yet it resteth not for this, that we, and what so
ever other that as we did know him, are not able to
testifie (seeyng his woorkes doe not appere) of his
lawdable qualities. True it is, that fortune was
not for al this, so muche his enemie, that it left
not some brief record of the readinesse of his witte,
as doeth declare certaine of his writinges, and settyng
foorthe of amorous verses, wherin (although he were
not in love) yet for that he would not consume time
in vain, til unto profounder studies fortune should
have brought him, in his youthfull age he exercised
himselfe. Whereby moste plainly maie be comprehended,
with how moche felicitie he did describe his conceiptes,
and how moche for Poetrie he should have ben estemed,
if the same for the ende therof, had of him ben exercised.
Fortune having therfore deprived us from the use of
so great a frende, me thinketh there can bee founde
no other remedie, then as muche as is possible, to
seke to enjoye the memorie of the same, and to repeate
suche thynges as hath been of him either wittely saied,
or wisely disputed. And for as much as there is
nothyng of him more freshe, then the reasonyng, the
whiche in his last daies Signior Fabricio Collonna,
in his orchard had with him, where largely of the
same gentilman were disputed matters of warre, bothe
wittely and prudently, for the moste parte of Cosimo
demaunded, I thought good, for that I was present
there with certain other of our frendes, to bring it
to memorie, so that reading the same, the frendes of
Cosimo, whiche thether came, might renewe in their
mindes, the remembraunce of his vertue: and the
other part beyng sorie for their absence, might partly
learne hereby many thynges profitable, not onely to
the life of Souldiours, but also to civil mennes lives,
which gravely of a moste wise man was disputed.
Page 36
Therfore I saie, that Fabricio Collonna retournyng
out of Lombardie, where longe time greatly to his glorie,
he had served in the warres the catholike kyng, he
determined, passyng by Florence, to rest himself certain
daies in the same citee, to visite the Dukes excellencie,
and to see certaine gentilmen, whiche in times paste
he had been acquainted withal. For whiche cause,
unto Cosimo it was thought beste to bid him into his
orchard, not so muche to use his liberalitee, as to
have occasion to talke with him at leasure, and of
him to understande and to learne divers thinges, accordyng
as of suche a man maie bee hoped for, semyng to have
accasion to spende a daie in reasonyng of suche matters,
which to his minde should best satisfie him.
Then Fabricio came, accordyng to his desire, and was
received of Cosimo together, with certain of his trustie
frendes, emongest whome wer Zanoby Buondelmonti, Baptiste
Palla, and Luigi Allamanni, all young men loved of
him and of the very same studies moste ardente, whose
good qualities, for as muche as every daie, and at
every houre thei dooe praise themselves, we will omit.
Fabricio was then accordyng to the time and place
honoured, of all those honours, that thei could possible
devise: But the bankettyng pleasures beyng passed,
and the tabel taken up, and al preparacion of feastinges
consumed, the which are sone at an ende in sight of
greate men, who to honorable studies have their mindes
set, the daie beyng longe, and the heate muche, Cosimo
judged for to content better his desire, that it wer
well doen, takyng occasion to avoide the heate, to
bring him into the moste secret, and shadowest place
of his garden. Where thei beyng come, and caused
to sit, some upon herbes, some in the coldest places,
other upon litle seates which there was ordeined,
under the shadow of moste high trees, Fabricio praiseth
the place, to be delectable, and particularly consideryng
the trees, and not knowyng some of them, he did stande
musinge in his minde, whereof Cosimo beeyng a ware
saied, you have not peradventure ben acquainted with
some of these sortes of trees: But doe not marvell
at it, for as muche as there bee some, that were more
estemed of the antiquitie, then thei are commonly
now a daies: and he tolde him the names of them,
and how Barnardo his graundfather did travaile in
suche kinde of plantyng: Fabricio replied, I
thought it shuld be the same you saie, and this place,
and this studie, made me to remember certaine Princes
of the Kyngdome of Naples, whiche of these anncient
tillage and shadow doe delight. And staiyng upon
this talke, and somewhat standyng in a studdie, saied
moreover, if I thought I should not offende, I woud
tell my opinion, but I beleeve I shall not, commonyng
with friendes, and to dispute of thynges, and not
to condemne them. How much better thei should
have doen (be it spoken without displeasure to any
man) to have sought to been like the antiquitie in
thinges strong, and sharpe, not in the delicate and
Page 37
softe: and in those that thei did in the Sunne,
not in the shadowe: and to take the true and
perfecte maners of the antiquitie: not those that
are false and corrupted: for that when these
studies pleased my Romaines, my countrie fell into
ruin. Unto which Cosimo answered. But to
avoide the tediousnesse to repeate so many times he
saied, and the other answered, there shall be onely
noted the names of those that speakes, without rehersing
other.
Then COSIMO saied, you have opened the waie of a reasoning,
which I have desired, and I praie you that you will
speake withoute respecte, for that that I without
respecte will aske you, and if I demaundyng, or repliyng
shall excuse, or accuse any, it shal not be to excuse,
or accuse, but to understande of you the truth.
FABRICIO. And I shall be very well contented
to tell you that, whiche I understand of al the same
that you shall aske me, the whiche if it shall be
true, or no, I wil report me to your judgemente:
and I will be glad that you aske me, for that I am
to learne, as well of you in askyng me, as you of
me in aunswerynge you: for as muche as many times
a wise demaunder, maketh one to consider many thynges,
and to knowe many other, whiche without havyng been
demaunded, he should never have knowen.
COSIMO. I will retourne to thesame, that you
said first, that my graundfather and those your Princes,
should have doen more wisely, to have resembled the
antiquitie in hard thinges, then in the delicate, and
I will excuse my parte, for that, the other I shall
leave to excuse for you. I doe not beleve that
in his tyme was any manne, that so moche detested
the livyng in ease, as he did, and that so moche was
a lover of the same hardenesse of life, whiche you
praise: notwithstandyng he knewe not how to bee
able in persone, nor in those of his sonnes to use
it, beeyng borne in so corrupte a worlde, where one
that would digresse from the common use, should bee
infamed and disdained of every man: consideryng
that if one in the hottest day of Summer being naked,
should wallowe hymself upon the Sande, or in Winter
in the moste coldest monethes upon the snowe, as Diogenes
did, he should be taken as a foole. If one, (as
the Spartans were wonte to doe) should nourishe his
children in a village, makyng them to slepe in the
open aire, to go with hedde and feete naked, to washe
them selves in the colde water for to harden them,
to be able to abide moche paine, and for to make theim
to love lesse life, and to feare lesse death, he should
be scorned, and soner taken as a wilde beast, then
as a manne. If there wer seen also one, to nourishe
himself with peason and beanes, and to despise gold,
as Fabricio doeth, he should bee praised of fewe,
and followed of none: so that he being afraied
of this present maner of livyng, he left thauncient
facions, and thesame, that he could with lest admiracion
imitate in the antiquitie, he did.
Page 38
FABRICIO. You have excused it in this parte mooste
strongly: and surely you saie the truthe:
but I did not speake so moche of this harde maner
of livyng, as of other maners more humaine, and whiche
have with the life now a daies greater conformitie.
The whiche I doe not beleve, that it hath been difficulte
to bryng to passe unto one, who is nombred emongest
Princes of a citee: for the provyng whereof, I
will never seke other, then thexample of the Romaines.
Whose lives, if thei wer well considred, and thorders
of thesame common weale, there should therin be seen
many thinges, not impossible to induce into a cominaltie,
so that it had in her any good thing.
COSIMO. What thynges are those, that you would
induce like unto the antiquitie.
FABRICIO. To honour, and to reward vertue, not
to despise povertie, to esteme the maners and orders
of warfare, to constrain the citezeins to love one
an other, to live without sectes, to esteme lesse the
private, than the publike, and other like thinges,
that easily might bee with this time accompanied:
the which maners ar not difficult to bring to passe,
when a man should wel consider them, and entre therin
by due meanes: for asmoche as in thesame, the
truth so moche appereth, that every common wit, maie
easely perceive it: which thing, who that ordeineth,
doth plant trees, under the shadowe wherof, thei abide
more happie, and more pleasantly, then under these
shadowes of this goodly gardeine.
COSIMO. I will not speake any thyng againste
thesame that you have saied, but I will leave it to
bee judged of these, whom easely can judge, and I
will tourne my communicacion to you, that is an accusar
of theim, the whiche in grave, and greate doynges,
are not followers of the antiquitie, thinkyng by this
waie more easely to be in my entent satisfied.
Therfore, I would knowe of you whereof it groweth,
that of the one side you condempne those, that in
their doynges resemble not the antiquitie? Of
the other, in the warre, whiche is your art, wherin
you are judged excellent, it is not seen, that you
have indevoured your self, to bryng the same to any
soche ende, or any thyng at all resembled therein
the auncient maners.
FABRICIO. You are happened upon the poincte,
where I loked: for that my talke deserved no
other question: nor I desired other: and
albeit that I could save my self with an easie excuse,
not withstandyng for my more contentacion, and yours,
seyng that the season beareth it, I will enter in
moche longer reasoning. Those men, whiche will
enterprise any thyng, ought firste with all diligence
to prepare theim selves, to be ready and apte when
occasion serveth, to accomplish that, which thei have
determined to worke: and for that when the preparacions
are made craftely, thei are not knowen, there cannot
be accused any man of any negligence, if firste it
be not disclosed by thoccasion: in the which
working not, is after seen, either that there is not
prepared so moche as suffiseth, or that there hath
not been of any part therof thought upon. And
for as moche as to me there is not come any occasion
to be able, to shewe the preparacions made of me,
to reduce the servise of warre into his auncient orders,
if I have not reduced it, I cannot be of you, nor
of other blamed: I beleve this excuse shuld suffise
for answere to your accusement.
Page 39
COSIMO. It should suffice, when I wer certain,
that thoccasion were not come.
FABRICIO. But for that I know, that you maie
doubt whether this occasion hath been cum, or no,
I will largely (when you with pacience will heare
me) discourse what preparacions are necessary first
to make, what occasion muste growe, what difficultie
doeth let, that the preparacions help not, and why
thoccasion cannot come, and how these things at ones,
which some contrary endes, is most difficill, and most
easie to do.
COSIMO. You cannot do bothe to me, and unto these
other, a thing more thankfull then this. And
if to you it shall not be tedious to speake, unto
us it shal never be grevous to heare: but for
asmoch as this reasonyng ought to be long, I will
with your license take helpe of these my frendes:
and thei, and I praie you of one thyng, that is, that
you will not bee greved, if some tyme with some question
of importaunce, we interrupte you.
[Sidenote: Why a good man ought never to use
the exercise of armes, as his art.]
FABRICIO. I am moste well contented, that you
Cosimo with these other younge men here, doe aske
me: for that I beleve, that youthfulnes, will
make you lovers of warlike thinges, and more easie
to beleve thesame, that of me shalbe saied. These
other, by reason of havyng nowe their hedde white,
and for havyng upon their backes their bloude congeled,
parte of theim are wonte to bee enemies of warre, parte
uncorrectable, as those, whom beleve, that tymes,
and not the naughtie maners, constraine men to live
thus: so that safely aske you all of me, and
without respecte: the whiche I desire, as well,
for that it maie be unto me a little ease, as also
for that I shall have pleasure, not to leave in your
mynde any doubt. I will begin at your woordes,
where you saied unto me, that in the warre, that is
my arte, I had not indevoured to bryng it to any aunciente
ende: whereupon I saie, as this beyng an arte,
whereby men of no maner of age can live honestly, it
cannot bee used for an arte, but of a common weale:
or of a kyngdome: and the one and the other of
these, when thei bee well ordeined, will never consente
to any their Citezeins, or Subjectes, to use it for
any arte, nor never any good manne doeth exercise
it for his particulare arte: for as moche as
good he shall never bee judged, whom maketh an excersise
thereof, where purposing alwaies to gaine thereby,
it is requisite for hym to be ravenyng, deceiptfull,
violente, and to have many qualities, the whiche of
necessitie maketh hym not good: nor those menne
cannot, whiche use it for an arte, as well the greate
as the leaste, bee made otherwise: for that this
arte doeth not nourishe them in peace. Wherfore
thei ar constrained either to thinke that there is
no peace, or so moche to prevaile in the tyme of warre,
that in peace thei maie bee able to kepe them selves:
and neither of these two thoughtes happeneth in a good
man: for that in mindyng to bee able to finde
Page 40
himself at all tymes, dooe growe robberies, violence,
slaughters, whiche soche souldiours make as well to
the frendes, as to the enemies: and in mindyng
not to have peace, there groweth deceiptes, whiche
the capitaines use to those, whiche hire them, to
the entent the warre maie continue, and yet though
the peace come often, it happeneth that the capitaines
beyng deprived of their stipendes, and of their licencious
livyng, thei erecte an ansigne of adventures, and
without any pitie thei put to sacke a province.
Have not you in memorie of your affaires, how that
beyng many Souldiours in Italie without wages, bicause
the warre was ended, thei assembled together many
companies, and went taxyng the tounes, and sackyng
the countrie, without beyng able to make any remedie?
Have you not red, that the Carthagenes souldiours,
the first warre beyng ended which thei had with the
Romaines, under Matho, and Spendio, twoo capitaines,
rebelliously constituted of theim, made more perillous
warre to the Carthaginens, then thesame whiche thei
had ended with the Romaines? In the time of our
fathers, Frances Sforza, to the entente to bee able
to live honourably in the time of peace, not only
beguiled the Millenars, whose souldiour he was, but
he toke from them their libertie and became their
Prince. Like unto him hath been all the other
souldiours of Italie whiche have used warfare, for
their particulare arte, and albeeit thei have not
through their malignitie becomen Dukes of Milein, so
moche the more thei deserve to bee blamed: for
that although thei have not gotten so moch as he,
thei have all (if their lives wer seen) sought to bring
the like thynges to passe. Sforza father of Fraunces,
constrained Quene Jone, to caste her self into the
armes of the king of Aragon, havyng in a sodain forsaken
her, and in the middest of her enemies, lefte her
disarmed, onely to satisfie his ambicion, either in
taxyng her, or in takyng from her the Kyngdome.
Braccio with the verie same industrie, sought to possesse
the kyngdome of Naples, and if he had not been overthrowen
and slaine at Aquila, he had brought it to passe.
Like disorders growe not of other, then of soche men
as hath been, that use the exercise of warfare, for
their proper arte. Have not you a Proverbe, whiche
fortefieth my reasons, whiche saieth, that warre maketh
Theves, and peace hangeth theim up? For as moche
as those, whiche knowe not how to live of other exercise,
and in the same finding not enie man to sustayne theym,
and havyng not so moche power, to knowe how to reduce
theim selves together, to make an open rebellion, they
are constrayned of necessetie to Robbe in the highe
waies, and Justice is enforced to extinguishe theim.
COSIMO. You have made me to esteme this arte
of warfare almoste as nothyng, and I have supposed
it the moste excellentes, and moste honourableste
that hath been used: so that if you declare me
it not better, I cannot remaine satisfied: For
that when it is thesame, that you saie, I knowe not,
whereof groweth the glorie of Cesar, of Pompei, of
Scipio, of Marcello, and of so many Romaine Capitaines,
whiche by fame are celebrated as Goddes.
Page 41
FABRICIO. I have not yet made an ende of disputyng
al thesame, that I purposed to propounde: whiche
were twoo thynges, the one, that a good manne could
not use this exercise for his arte: the other,
that a common weale or a kingdome well governed, did
never permitte, that their Subjectes or Citezeins
should use it for an arte. Aboute the firste,
I have spoken as moche as hath comen into my mynde:
there remaineth in me to speake of the seconde where
I woll come to aunswere to this your laste question,
and I saie that Pompey and Cesar, and almoste all those
Capitaines, whiche were at Rome, after the laste Carthagenens
warre, gotte fame as valiaunt men, not as good, and
those whiche lived before them, gotte glorie as valiaunte
and good menne: the whiche grewe, for that these
tooke not the exercise of warre for their arte:
and those whiche I named firste, as their arte did
use it. And so longe as the common weale lived
unspotted, never any noble Citezein would presume,
by the meane of soche exercise, to availe thereby
in peace, breakyng the lawes, spoilyng the Provinces,
usurpyng, and plaiyng the Tyraunte in the countrie,
and in every maner prevailyng: nor any of how
lowe degree so ever thei were, would goe aboute to
violate the Religion, confederatyng theim selves with
private men, not to feare the Senate, or to followe
any tirannicall insolence, for to bee able to live
with the arte of warre in all tymes. But those
whiche were Capitaines, contented with triumphe, with
desire did tourne to their private life, and those
whiche were membres, would be more willyng to laie
awaie their weapons, then to take them, and every
manne tourned to his science, whereby thei gotte their
livyng: Nor there was never any, that would hope
with praie, and with this arte, to be able to finde
theim selves. Of this there maie be made concernyng
Citezeins, moste evidente conjecture, by the ensample
of Regolo Attillio, who beyng Capitain of the Romaine
armies in Affrica, and havyng as it wer overcome the
Carthegenens, he required of the Senate, licence to
retourne home, to kepe his possessions, and told them,
that thei were marde of his housbandmen. Whereby
it is more clere then the Sunne, that if thesame manne
had used the warre as his arte, and by meanes thereof,
had purposed to have made it profitable unto him,
havyng in praie so many Provinces, he would not have
asked license, to returne to kepe his feldes:
for as moche as every daie he might otherwise, have
gotten moche more, then the value of al those possessions:
but bicause these good men and soche as use not the
warre for their arte, will not take of thesame any
thing then labour, perilles, and gloris, when thei
are sufficiently glorious, thei desire to returne
home, and to live of their owne science. Concernyng
menne of lowe degree, and common souldiours, to prove
that thei kepte the verie same order, it doeth appeare
that every one willingly absented theim selves from
soche exercise, and when thei served not in the warre,
Page 42
thei would have desired to serve, and when thei did
serve, thei would have desired leave not to have served:
whiche is wel knowen through many insamples, and inespecially
seeyng how emonge the firste privileges, whiche the
Romaine people gave to their Citezeins was, that thei
should not be constrained against their willes, to
serve in the warres. Therefore Rome so long as
it was well governed, whiche was untill the commyng
of Graccus, it had not any Souldiour that would take
this exercise for an arte, and therefore it had fewe
naughtie, and those few wer severely punished.
Then a citee well governed, ought to desire, that
this studie of warre, be used in tyme of peace for
exercise, and in the time of warre, for necessitie
and for glorie: and to suffer onely the common
weale to use it for an arte, as Rome did, and what
so ever Citezein, that hath in soche exercise other
ende, is not good, and what so ever citee is governed
otherwise, is not well ordeined.
COSIMO. I remain contented enough and satisfied
of thesame, whiche hetherto you have told, and this
conclusion pleaseth me verie wel whiche you have made,
and as muche as is loked for touching a common welth,
I beleve that it is true, but concerning Kinges, I
can not tell nowe, for that I woulde beleve that a
Kinge would have about him, whome particularly should
take suche exercise for his arte.
FABRICIO. A kingdome well ordred ought moste
of all to avoide the like kinde of men, for only thei,
are the destruction of their king, and all together
ministers of tiranny, and alledge me not to the contrarie
anie presente kingdome, for that I woll denie you
all those to be kingdomes well ordered, bicause the
kingdomes whiche have good orders, give not their
absolute Empire unto their king, saving in the armies,
for as much as in this place only, a quicke deliberation
is necessarie, and for this cause a principall power
ought to be made. In the other affaires, he ought
not to doe any thing without councell, and those are
to be feared, which councell him, leaste he have some
aboute him which in time of peace desireth to have
warre bicause they are not able without the same to
live, but in this, I wilbe a little more large:
neither to seke a kingdome altogether good, but like
unto those whiche be nowe a daies where also of a
king those ought to be feared, whiche take the warre
for theire art, for that the strength of armies without
any doubte are the foote menne: so that if a
king take not order in suche wise, that his men in
time of peace may be content to returne home, and to
live of their owne trades, it will follow of necessitie,
that he ruinate: for that there is not found
more perilous men, then those, whiche make the warre
as their arte: bicause in such case, a king is
inforsed either alwaies to make warre, or to paie
them alwaies, or else to bee in perill, that they
take not from him his kingdome. To make warre
alwaies, it is not possible: to paie them alwaies
it can not be: see that of necessitie, he runneth
Page 43
in peril to lese the state. The Romaines (as I
have saide) so long as they were wise and good, would
never permitte, that their Citizeins should take this
exercise for their arte, although they were able to
nurrishe them therin alwaies, for that that alwaies
they made warre: but to avoide thesame hurte,
whiche this continuall exercise might doe them, seyng
the time did not varie, they changed the men, and
from time to time toke such order with their legions,
that in xv. yeres alwaies, they renewed them:
and so thei had their men in the floure of their age,
that is from xviij. to xxxiij. yeres, in which time
the legges, the handes, and the yes answere the one
the other, nor thei tarried not till there strengthe
should decaie, and there naghtines increase, as it
did after in the corrupted times. For as muche
as Octavian first, and after Tiberius, minding more
their own proper power, then the publicke profite,
began to unarme the Romaine people, to be able easely
to commaunde them, and to kepe continually those same
armies on the frontries of the Empire: and bicause
also they judged those, not sufficient to kepe brideled
the people and Romaine Senate, they ordeined an armie
called Pretoriano, which laie harde by the walles of
Rome, and was as a rocke on the backe of the same
Citie. And for as much as then thei began frely
to permitte, that suche men as were apoincted in suche
exercises, should use the service of warre for their
arte, streight waie the insolence of theim grewe,
that they became fearful unto the Senate, and hurtefull
to the Emperour, whereby ensued suche harme, that manie
were slaine thorough there insolensie: for that
they gave, and toke awaie the Empire, to whome they
thought good. And some while it hapned, that
in one self time there were manie Emperours, created
of divers armies, of whiche thinges proceded first
the devision of the Empire, and at laste the ruine
of the same. Therefore kinges ought, if thei wil
live safely, to have there souldiours made of men,
who when it is time to make warre, willingly for his
love will go to the same, and when the peace cometh
after, more willingly will returne home. Whiche
alwaies wilbe, when thei shalbe men that know how
to live of other arte then this: and so they
ought to desire, peace beyng come, that there Prince
doo tourne to governe their people, the gentilmen to
the tending of there possessions, and the common souldiours
to their particular arte, and everie one of these,
to make warre to have peace, and not to seke to trouble
the peace, to have warre.
COSIMO. Truely this reasonyng of yours, I thinke
to bee well considered, notwithstanding beyng almost
contrarie to that, whiche till nowe I have thought,
my minde as yet doeth not reste purged of all doubte,
for as muche as I see manie Lordes and gentelmen,
to finde them selves in time of peace, thorough the
studies of warre, as your matches bee, who have provision
of there princes, and of the cominaltie. I see
also, almost al the gentelmen of armes, remaine with
neir provision, I see manie souldiours lie in garison
of Cities and fortresses, so that my thinkes, that
there is place in time of peace, for everie one.
Page 44
FABRICIO. I doe not beleve that you beleve this,
that in time of peace everie man may have place, bicause,
put case that there coulde not be brought other reason,
the small number, that all they make, whiche remaine
in the places alledged of you, would answer you.
What proporcion have the souldiours, whiche are requiset
to bee in the warre with those, whiche in the peace
are occupied? For as much as the fortreses, and
the cities that be warded in time of peace, in the
warre are warded muche more, unto whome are joyned
the souldiours, whiche kepe in the fielde, whiche
are a great number, all whiche in the peace be putte
awaie. And concerning the garde of states, whiche
are a small number, Pope July, and you have shewed
to everie man, how muche are to be feared those, who
will not learne to exercise any other art, then the
warre, and you have for there insolence, deprived
them from your garde, and have placed therin Swisers,
as men borne and brought up under lawes, and chosen
of the cominaltie, according to the true election:
so that saie no more, that in peace is place for everie
man. Concerning men at armes, thei al remaining
in peace with their wages, maketh this resolution to
seme more difficulte: notwithstandyng who considereth
well all, shall finde the answere easie, bicause this
manner of keping men of armes, is a corrupted manner
and not good, the occasion is, for that they be men,
who make thereof an arte, and of them their should
grow every daie a thousande inconveniencies in the
states, where thei should be, if thei were accompanied
of sufficient company: but beyng fewe, and not
able by them selves to make an armie, they cannot
often doe suche grevous hurtes, neverthelesse they
have done oftentimes: as I have said of Frances,
and of Sforza his father, and of Braccio of Perugia:
so that this use of keping men of armes, I doe not
alowe, for it is a corrupte maner, and it may make
great inconveniencies.
COSIMO. Woulde you live without them? or keping
them, how would you kepe them?
[Sidenote: A kinge that hath about him any that
are to much lovers of warre, or to much lovers of
peace shal cause him to erre.]
FABRICIO. By waie of ordinaunce, not like to
those of the king of Fraunce: for as muche as
they be perilous, and insolent like unto ours, but
I would kepe them like unto those of the auncient Romaines,
whom created their chivalry of their own subjectes,
and in peace time, thei sente them home unto their
houses, to live of their owne trades, as more largely
before this reasoning ende, I shal dispute. So
that if now this part of an armie, can live in such
exercise, as wel when it is peace, it groweth of the
corrupt order. Concerning the provisions, which
are reserved to me, and to other capitaines, I saie
unto you, that this likewise is an order moste corrupted:
for as much as a wise common weale, ought not to give
such stipendes to any, but rather thei ought to use
for Capitaines in the warre, their Citezeins, and in
Page 45
time of peace to will, that thei returne to their
occupations. Likewise also, a wise king either
ought not to give to suche, or giving any, the occasion
ought to be either for rewarde of some worthy dede,
or else for the desire to kepe suche a kinde of man,
as well in peace as in warre. And bicause you
alledged me, I will make ensample upon my self, and
saie that I never used the warre as an arte, for as
muche as my arte, is to governe my subjectes, and
to defende them, and to be able to defende them, to
love peace, and to know how to make warre, and my kinge
not so muche to rewarde and esteeme me, for my knowledge
in the warre, as for the knowledge that I have to
councel him in peace. Then a king ought not to
desire to have about him, any that is not of this condicion
if he be wise, and prudently minde to governe:
for that, that if he shal have about him either to
muche lovers of peace, or to much lovers of warre,
they shall make him to erre. I cannot in this
my firste reasoning, and according to my purpose saie
more, and when this suffiseth you not, it is mete,
you seke of them that may satisfie you better.
You maie now verie well understand, how difficulte
it is to bringe in use the auncient maners in the
presente warres, and what preparations are mete for
a wise man to make, and what occasions ought to be
loked for, to be able to execute it. But by and
by, you shall know these things better, if this reasoning
make you not werie, conferring what so ever partes
of the auncient orders hath ben, to the maners nowe
presente.
COSIMO. If we desired at the first to here your
reason of these thinges, truly thesame whiche hetherto
you have spoken, hath doubled our desire: wherefore
we thanke you for that we have hard, and the rest,
we crave of you to here.
FABRICIO. Seyng that it is so your pleasure,
I will begin to intreate of this matter from the beginning,
to the intent it maye be better understode, being
able by thesame meane, more largely to declare it.
The ende of him that wil make warre, is to be able
to fight with every enemy in the fielde and to be
able to overcum an armie. To purpose to doe this,
it is convenient to ordeine an hoost. To ordein
an hoost, their must be found menne, armed, ordered,
and as well in the small, as in the great orders exercised,
to knowe howe to kepe araie, and to incampe, so that
after bringing them unto the enemie, either standing
or marching, they maie know how to behave themselves
valiantly. In this thing consisteth all the industrie
of the warre on the lande, whiche is the most necessarie,
and the most honorablest, for he that can wel order
a fielde against the enemie, the other faultes that
he should make in the affaires of warre, wilbe borne
with: but he that lacketh this knowledge, although
that in other particulars he be verie good, he shal
never bring a warre to honor: for as muche as
a fielde that thou winnest, lesing? img 94 doeth cancell
all other thy evill actes: so like wise lesing
Page 46
it, all thinges well done of thee before, remaine
vaine. Therfore, beyng necessarie first to finde
the menne, it is requiset to come to the choise of
them. They whiche unto the warre have given rule,
will that the menne be chosen out of temperate countries,
to the intente they may have hardines, and prudence,
for as muche as the hote countrey, bredes prudente
men and not hardy, the colde, hardy, and not prudente.
This rule is good to be geven, to one that were prince
of all the world, bicause it is lawfull for him to
choose men out of those places, whiche he shall thinke
beste. But minding to give a rule, that every
one may use, it is mete to declare, that everie common
weale, and every kingdome, ought to choose their souldiours
out of their owne countrie, whether it be hote, colde,
or temperate: for that it is scene by olde ensamples,
how that in every countrie with exercise, their is
made good souldiours: bicause where nature lacketh,
the industry supplieth, the which in this case is
worthe more, then nature, and taking them in other
places, you shal not have of the choise, for choise
is as much to saie, as the best of a province, and
to have power to chuse those that will not, as well
as those that wil serve. Wherfore, you muste take
your choise in those places, that are subjecte unto
you, for that you cannot take whome you liste, in
the countries that are not yours, but you muste take
suche as will goe with you.
COSIMO. Yet there maie bee of those, that will
come, taken and lefte, and therefore, thei maie be
called chosen.
[Sidenote: Oute of what Countrie is best to chuse
Souldiours to make a good election.]
FABUICIO. You saie the truthe in a certaine maner,
but consider the faultes, whiche soche a chosen manne
hath in himselfe, for that also many times it hapneth,
that he is not a chosen manne. For those that
are not thy subjectes, and whiche willyngly doe serve,
are not of the beste, but rather of the worste of
a Province, for as moche as if any be sclanderous,
idell, unruly, without Religion, fugetive from the
rule of their fathers, blasphemours, Dise plaiers,
in every condicion evill brought up, bee those, whiche
will serve, whose customes cannot be more contrarie,
to a true and good servise: Albeit, when there
bee offered unto you, so many of soche men, as come
to above the nomber, that you have appoincted, you
maie chuse them: but the matter beyng naught,
the choise is not possible to be good: also,
many times it chaunceth, that thei be not so many,
as will make up the nomber, whereof you have nede,
so that beyng constrained to take them al, it commeth
to passe, that thei cannot then bee called chosen
men, but hired Souldiours. With this disorder
the armies of Italie, are made now a daies, and in
other places, except in Almaine, bicause there thei
doe not hire any by commaundemente of the Prince,
but accordyng to the will of them, that are disposed
to serve. Then consider now, what maners of those
aunciente armies, maie bee brought into an armie of
men, put together by like waies.
Page 47
COSIMO. What waie ought to bee used then?
FABRICIO. The same waie that I saied, to chuse
them of their owne subjectes, and with the auethoritie
of the Prince.
COSMO. In the chosen, shall there bee likewise
brought in any auncient facion?
FABRICIO. You know well enough that ye:
when he that should commaunde theim, were their Prince,
or ordinarie lorde, whether he were made chief, or
as a Citezein, and for the same tyme Capitaine, beyng
a common weale, otherwise it is harde to make any
thyng good.
COSIMO. Why?
FABRICIO. I will tell you a nane: For this
time I will that this suffise you, that it cannot
be wrought well by other waie.
[Sidenote: Whether it be better to take menne
oute of townes or out of the countrie to serve.]
COSIMO. Having then to make this choyse of men
in their owne countries, whether judge you that it
be better to take them oute of the citie, or out of
the countrie?
FABRICIO. Those that have written of such matters,
doe all agree, that it is best to chuse them out of
the countrie, being men accustomed to no ease, nurished
in labours, used to stonde in the sunne, to flie the
shadow, knowing how to occupy the spade, to make a
diche, to carrie a burden, and to bee without any
deceite, and without malisiousnes. But in this
parte my opinion should be, that beyng two sortes of
souldiours, on foote, and on horsebacke, that those
on foote, should be chosen out of the countrie, and
those on horseback, oute of the Cities.
[Sidenote: Of what age Souldiours ought to bee
chosen.]
COSIMO. Of what age would you choose them?
FABRICIO. I would take them, when I had to make
a newe armie, from xvii. to xl. yeres: when it
were made alredy, and I had to restore them, of xvii.
alwaies.
COSIMO. I doe not understonde well this distinction.
FABRICIO. I shall tell you: when I should
ordaine an hooste to make warre, where were no hooste
alredy, it should be necessarie to chuse all those
men, which were most fitte and apte for the warre,
so that they were of servisable age, that I might
bee able to instructe theim, as by me shalbe declared:
but when I would make my choise of menne in places,
where a powre were alredy prepared, for suppliyng of
thesame, I would take them of xvii. yeres: for
as much as the other of more age be alredy chosen
and apoincted.
COSIMO. Then woulde you prepare a power like
to those whiche is in our countrie?
FABRICIO. Ye truly, it is so that I would arme
them, Captaine them, exercise and order them in a
maner, whiche I cannot tell, if you have ordred them
so.
COSIMO. Then do you praise the keping of order?
FABRICIO. Wherefore would you that I should dispraise
it?
COSIMO. Bicause many wise menne have alwaies
blamed it.
FABRICIO. You speake against all reason, to saie
that a wise man blameth order, he maie bee well thought
wise, and be nothyng so.
Page 48
COSIMO. The naughtie profe, which it hath alwaies,
maketh us to have soche opinion thereof.
FABRICIO. Take hede it be not your fault, and
not the kepyng of order, the whiche you shall knowe,
before this reasonyng be ended.
COSIMO. You shall doe a thyng moste thankfull,
yet I will saie concernyng thesame, that thei accuse
it, to the entente you maie the better justifie it.
Thei saie thus, either it is unprofitable, and we
trustyng on the same, shall make us to lese our state,
or it shall be verteous, and by thesame meane, he
that governeth may easely deprive us thereof.
Thei alledge the Romaines, who by meane of their owne
powers, loste their libertie. Thei alledge the
Venicians, and the Frenche king, whiche Venicians,
bicause thei will not be constrained, to obeie one
of their owne Citezeins, use the power of straungers:
and the Frenche kyng hath disarmed his people, to
be able more easely to commaunde them, but thei whiche
like not the ordinaunces, feare moche more the unprofitablenesse,
that thei suppose maie insue thereby, then any thyng
els: the one cause whiche thei allege is, bicause
thei are unexperte: The other, for that thei
have to serve par force: for asmoche as thei
saie, that the aged bee not so dissiplinable, nor apte
to learne the feate of armes, and that by force, is
doen never any thyng good.
[Sidenote: By what meanes souldiours bee made
bolde and experte.]
FABRICIO. All these reasons that you have rehearsed,
be of men, whiche knoweth the thyng full little, as
I shall plainly declare. And firste, concernyng
the unprofitablenesse, I tell you, that there is no
service used in any countrie more profitable, then
the service by the Subjectes of thesame nor thesame
service cannot bee prepared, but in this maner:
and for that this nedeth not to be disputed of, I will
not lese moche tyme: bicause al thensamples of
auncient histores, make for my purpose, and for that
thei alledge the lacke of experience, and to use constraint:
I saie how it is true, that the lacke of experience,
causeth lacke of courage, and constrainte, maketh
evill contentacion: but courage, and experience
thei are made to gette, with the maner of armyng theim,
exercisyng, and orderyng theim, as in proceadyng of
this reasonyng, you shall heare. But concernyng
constrainte, you ought to understande, that the menne,
whiche are conducted to warfare, by commaundement
of their Prince, thei ought to come, neither altogether
forced, nor altogether willyngly, for as moche as to
moche willyngnesse, would make thinconveniencies,
where I told afore, that he should not be a chosen
manne, and those would be fewe that would go:
and so to moche constraint, will bring forth naughtie
effectes. Therefore, a meane ought to be taken,
where is not all constrainte, nor all willingnesse:
but beyng drawen of a respecte, that thei have towardes
their Prince, where thei feare more the displeasure
of thesame, then the presente paine: and alwaies
Page 49
it shall happen to be a constrainte, in maner mingled
with willingnesse, that there cannot growe soche evil
contentacion, that it make evill effectes. Yet
I saie not for all this, that it cannot bee overcome,
for that full many tymes, were overcome the Romaine
armies, and the armie of Aniball was overcome, so
that it is seen, that an armie cannot be ordained
so sure, that it cannot be overthrowen. Therefore,
these your wise men, ought not to measure this unprofitablenesse,
for havyng loste ones, but to beleve, that like as
thei lese, so thei maie winne, and remeadie the occasion
of the losse: and when thei shall seke this thei
shall finde, that it hath not been through faulte of
the waie, but of the order, whiche had not his perfeccion
and as I have saied, thei ought to provide, not with
blamyng the order, but with redressing it, the whiche
how it ought to be doen, you shall understande, from
poinct to poinct. Concernyng the doubte, leste
soche ordinaunces, take not from thee thy state, by
meane of one, whiche is made hedde therof, I answere,
that the armure on the backes of citezeins, or subjectes,
given by the disposicion of order and lawe, did never
harme, but rather alwaies it doeth good, and mainteineth
the citee, moche lenger in suretie, through helpe
of this armure, then without. Rome continued free
CCCC. yeres, and was armed. Sparta viii.C.
Many other citees have been disarmed, and have remained
free, lesse then xl. For as moche as citees have
nede of defence, and when thei have no defence of their
owne, thei hire straungers, and the straunges defence,
shall hurte moche soner the common weale, then their
owne: bicause thei be moche easier to be corrupted,
and a citezein that becommeth mightie, maie moche soner
usurpe, and more easely bryng his purpose to passe,
where the people bee disarmed, that he seketh to oppresse:
besides this, a citee ought to feare a greate deale
more, twoo enemies then one. Thesame citee that
useth straungers power, feareth at one instant the
straunger, whiche it hireth, and the Citezein:
and whether this feare ought to be, remember thesame,
whiche I rehearsed a little a fore of Frances Sforza.
That citee, whiche useth her own proper power, feareth
no man, other then onely her owne Citezein. But
for all the reasons that maie bee saied, this shall
serve me, that never any ordeined any common weale,
or Kyngdome, that would not thinke, that thei theim
selves, that inhabite thesame, should with their sweardes
defende it.
And if the Venicians had been so wise in this, as
in all their other orders, thei should have made a
new Monarchie in the world, whom so moche the more
deserve blame, havyng been armed of their first giver
of lawes: for havyng no dominion on the lande,
thei wer armed on the sea, where thei made their warre
vertuously, and with weapons in their handes, increased
their countrie. But when thei were driven to make
warre on the lande, to defende Vicenza, where thei
ought to have sent one of their citezens, to have
Page 50
fought on the lande, thei hired for their capitain,
the Marques of Mantua: this was thesame foolishe
acte, whiche cut of their legges, from climyng into
heaven, and from enlargyng their dominion: and
if thei did it, bicause thei beleved that as thei knewe,
how to make warre on the Sea, so thei mistrusted theim
selves, to make it on the lande, it was a mistruste
not wise: for as moche as more easely, a capitain
of the sea, whiche is used to fight with the windes,
with the water, and with men, shall become a Capitaine
of the lande, where he shall fight with men onely,
then a capitaine of the lande, to become a capitain
of the sea. The Romanies knowyng how to fight
on the lande, and on the sea, commyng to warre, with
the Carthaginens, whiche were mightie on the sea,
hired not Grekes, or Spaniardes, accustomed to the
sea, but thei committed thesame care, to their Citezeins,
whiche thei sent on the land, and thei overcame.
If thei did it, for that one of their citezeins should
not become a tiraunt, it was a feare smally considered:
for that besides thesame reasons, whiche to this purpose,
a little afore I have rehearsed, if a Citezein with
the powers on the sea, was never made a tiraunt in
a citee standyng in the sea, so moche the lesse he
should have been able to accomplishe this with the
powers of the lande: whereby thei ought to se
that the weapons in the handes of their Citezeins,
could not make tirantes: but the naughtie orders
of the governement, whiche maketh tirannie in a citee,
and thei havyng good governement, thei nede not to
feare their owne weapons: thei toke therefore
an unwise waie, the whiche hath been occasion, to take
from them moche glorie, and moche felicitie.
Concernyng the erroure, whiche the kyng of Fraunce
committeth not kepyng instructed his people in the
warre, the whiche those your wise men alledge for ensample,
there is no man, (his particulare passions laied a
side) that doeth not judge this fault, to be in thesame
kyngdome, and this negligence onely to make hym weake.
But I have made to greate a digression, and peradventure
am come out of my purpose, albeit I have doen it to
aunswere you, and to shewe you, that in no countrie,
there can bee made sure foundacion, for defence in
other powers but of their owne subjectes: and
their own power, cannot be prepared otherwise, then
by waie of an ordinaunce, nor by other waie, to induce
the facion of an armie in any place, nor by other
meane to ordein an instruction of warfare. If
you have red the orders, whiche those first kynges
made in Rome, and inespecially Servio Tullo, you shall
finde that the orders of the Classi is no other, then
an ordinaunce, to bee able at a sodaine, to bryng together
an armie, for defence of thesame citee. But let
us retourne to our choise, I saie againe, that havyng
to renewe an olde order, I would take them of xvii.
havyng to make a newe armie, I would take them of all
ages, betwene xvii. and xl. to be able to warre straight
waie.
Page 51
[Sidenote: Of what science soldiours ought to
bee chosen.]
COSIMO. Would you make any difference, of what
science you would chuse them?
FABRICIO. The aucthours, which have written of
the arte of warre, make difference, for that thei
will not, that there bee taken Foulers, Fishers, Cookes,
baudes, nor none that use any science of voluptuousnesse.
But thei will, that there bee taken Plowmen, Ferrars,
Smithes, Carpenters, Buchars, Hunters, and soche like:
but I would make little difference, through conjecture
of the science, concernyng the goodnesse of the man,
notwithstandyng, in as moche as to be able with more
profite to use theim, I would make difference, and
for this cause, the countrie men, which are used to
till the grounde, are more profitable then any other.
Next to whom be Smithes, Carpentars, Ferrars, Masons,
wherof it is profitable to have enough: for that
their occupacions, serve well in many thynges:
beyng a thyng verie good to have a souldiour, of whom
maie be had double servise.
[Sidenote: Howe to chose a souldiour.]
COSIMO. Wherby doe thei knowe those, that be,
or are not sufficient to serve.
FABRICIO. I will speake of the maner of chusing
a new ordinaunce, to make an armie after, for that
parte of this matter, doeth come also to be reasoned
of, in the election, which should be made for the
replenishing, or restoring of an old ordinaunce.
I saie therfore, that the goodnesse of one, whiche
thou muste chuse for a Souldiour, is knowen either
by experience, thorough meane of some of his worthy
doynges, or by conjecture. The proofe of vertue,
cannot be founde in men whiche are chosen of newe,
and whiche never afore have ben chosen, and of these
are founde either fewe or none, in the ordinaunce
that of newe is ordeined. It is necessarie therefore,
lackyng this experience, to runne to the conjecture,
whiche is taken by the yeres, by the occupacion, and
by the personage: of those two first, hath been
reasoned, there remaineth to speake of the thirde.
And therefore, I saie how some have willed, that the
souldiour bee greate, emongest whom was Pirrus.
Some other have chosen theim onely, by the lustinesse
of the body, as Cesar did: whiche lustinesse
of bodie and mynde, is conjectured by the composicion
of the members, and of the grace of the countenaunce:
and therefore, these that write saie, that thei would
have the iyes lively and cherefull, the necke full
of sinowes, the breaste large, the armes full of musculles,
the fingers long, little beallie, the flankes rounde,
the legges and feete drie: whiche partes are
wont alwayes to make a manne nimble and strong, whiche
are twoo thynges, that in a souldiour are sought above
al other. Regarde ought to bee had above all
thynges, to his customes, and that in hym bee honestie,
and shame: otherwise, there shall bee chosen
an instrumente of mischief, and a beginnyng of corrupcion:
for that lette no manne beleve that in the dishoneste
Page 52
educacion, and filthy minde, there maie take any vertue,
whiche is in any parte laudable. And I thinke
it not superfluous, but rather I beleve it to bee necessarie,
to the entente you maie the better understande, the
importaunce of this chosen, to tell you the maner
that the Romaine Consuls, in the beginnyng of their
rule, observed in the chosing of their Romain legions:
in the whiche choise of men, bicause thesame legions
were mingled with old souldiours and newe, consideryng
the continuall warre thei kepte, thei might in their
choise procede, with the experince of the old, and
with the conjecture of the newe: and this ought
to be noted, that these men be chosen, either to serve
incontinently, or to exercise theim incontinently,
and after to serve when nede should require. But
my intencion is to shew you, how an armie maie be
prepared in the countrie, where there is no warlike
discipline: in which countrie, chosen men cannot
be had, to use them straight waie, but there, where
the custome is to levie armies, and by meane of the
Prince, thei maie then well bee had, as the Romaines
observed, and as is observed at this daie emong the
Suisers: bicause in these chosen, though there
be many newe menne, there be also so many of the other
olde Souldiours, accustomed to serve in the warlike
orders, where the newe mingled together with the olde,
make a bodie united and good, notwithstanding, that
themperours after, beginning the staciones of ordinarie
Souldiours, had appoincted over the newe souldiours,
whiche were called tironi, a maister to exercise theim,
as appeareth in the life of Massimo the Emperour.
The whiche thyng, while Rome was free, not onely in
the armies, but in the citee was ordeined: and
the exercises of warre, beyng accustomed in thesame,
where the yong men did exercise, there grewe, that
beyng chosen after to goe into warre, thei were so
used in the fained exercise of warfare, that thei
could easely worke in the true: but those Emperours
havyng after put doune these exercises, thei wer constrained
to use the waies, that I have shewed you. Therefore,
comyng to the maner of the chosen Romain, I saie that
after the Romain Consulles (to whom was appoincted
the charge of the warre) had taken the rule, myndyng
to ordeine their armies, for that it was the custome,
that either of them should have twoo Legions of Romaine
menne, whiche was the strength of their armies, thei
created xxiiii. Tribunes of warre, and thei appoincted
sixe for every Legion, whom did thesame office, whiche
those doe now a daies, that we call Conestables:
thei made after to come together, all the Romain men
apte to beare weapons and thei put the Tribunes of
every Legion, seperate the one from the other.
Afterwarde, by lot thei drewe the Tribes, of whiche
thei had firste to make the chosen, and of thesame
Tribe thei chose fower of the best, of whiche was
chosen one of the Tribunes, of the first Legion, and
of the other three was chosen, one of the Tribunes
of the second Legion, of the other two there was chosen
Page 53
one of the Tribunes of the third, and the same last
fell to the fowerth Legion. After these iiij,
thei chose other fower, of which, first one was chosen
of the Tribunes of the seconde Legion, the seconde
of those of the thirde, the thirde of those of the
fowerth, the fowerth remained to the first. After,
thei chose other fower, the first chose the thirde,
the second the fowerth, the thirde the fiveth, the
fowerth remained to the seconde: and thus thei
varied successively, this maner of chosyng, so that
the election came to be equall, and the Legions wer
gathered together: and as afore we saied, this
choise might bee made to use straighte waie, for that
thei made them of men, of whom a good parte were experiensed
in the verie warfare in deede, and all in the fained
exercised, and thei might make this choise by conjecture,
and by experience. But where a power must be
ordeined of newe, and for this to chuse them out of
hande, this chosen cannot be made, saving by conjecture,
whiche is taken by consideryng their ages and their
likelinesse.
COSIMO. I beleve all to be true, as moche as
of you hath been spoken: but before that you
procede to other reasonyng, I woll aske of you one
thing, which you have made me to remember: saiyng
that the chosen, that is to be made where men were
not used to warre, ought to be made by conjecture:
for asmoche as I have heard some men, in many places
dispraise our ordinaunce, and in especially concernyng
the nomber, for that many saie, that there ought to
bee taken lesse nomber, whereof is gotten this profite,
that thei shall be better and better chosen, and men
shal not be so moche diseased, so that there maie bee
given them some rewarde, whereby thei maie bee more
contented, and better bee commaunded, whereof I would
understande in this parte your opinion, and whether
you love better the greate nomber, than the little,
and what waie you would take to chuse theim in the
one, and in the other nomber.
FABRICIO. Without doubte it is better, and more
necessary, the great nomber, then the little:
but to speake more plainly, where there cannot be
ordeined a great nomber of men, there cannot be ordeined
a perfect ordinaunce: and I will easely confute
all the reasons of them propounded. I saie therefore
firste, that the lesse nomber where is many people,
as is for ensample Tuscane, maketh not that you have
better, nor that the chosen be more excellent, for
that myndyng in chosing the menne, to judge them by
experience, there shall be founde in thesame countrie
moste fewe, whom experience should make provable, bothe
for that fewe hath been in warre, as also for that
of those, mooste fewe have made triall, whereby thei
might deserve to bee chosen before the other:
so that he whiche ought in like places to chuse, it
is mete he leave a parte the experience, and take
them by conjecture. Then being brought likewise
into soche necessitie, I would understande, if there
come before me twentie young men of good stature, with
Page 54
what rule I ought to take, or to leave any: where
without doubte, I beleve that every man will confesse,
how it is lesse errour to take them al, to arme theim
and exercise theim, beyng not able to knowe, whiche
of theim is beste, and to reserve to make after more
certaine chosen, when in practisyng theim with exercise,
there shall be knowen those of moste spirite, and of
moste life: which considered, the chusing in this
case a fewe, to have them better, is altogether naught.
Concernyng diseasing lesse the countrie, and men,
I saie that the ordinaunce, either evill or little
that it bee, causeth not any disease, for that this
order doeth not take menne from any of their businesse,
it bindeth them not, that thei cannot go to doe any
of their affaires: for that it bindeth them onely
in the idell daies, to assemble together, to exercise
them, the whiche thyng doeth not hurt, neither to the
countrie, nor to the men, but rather to yong men it
shall bryng delite: For that where vilie on the
holy daies thei stande idell in tipplyng houses, thei
will go for pleasure to those exercises, for that the
handlyng of weapons, as it is a goodly spectacle,
so unto yong men it is pleasaunt. Concernyng
to bee able to paie the lesse nomber, and for this
to kepe theim more obediente, and more contented,
I answere, how there cannot be made an ordinaunce
of so fewe, whiche maie be in maner continually paied,
where thesame paiment of theirs maie satisfie them.
As for ensample, if there were ordeined a power of
v. thousande men, for to paie them after soche sorte,
that it might be thought sufficient, to content them,
it shal bee convenient to give theim at least, ten
thousaunde crounes the moneth: first, this nomber
of men are not able to make an armie, this paie is
intolerable to a state, and of the other side, it
is not sufficiente to kepe men contented, and bounde
to be able to serve at al times: so that in doyng
this, there shall be spent moche, and a small power
kept, whiche shall not be sufficient to defend thee,
or to doe any enterprise of thine. If thou shouldest
give theim more, or shouldest take more, so moche
more impossibilitie it should be, for thee to paie
theim: if thou shouldest give them lesse, or should
take lesse, so moche the lesse contentacion should
be in them, or so moche the lesse profite thei shal
bring thee. Therfore, those that reason of makyng
an ordinaunce, and whilest thei tary at home to paie
them, thei reason of a thing either impossible, or
unprofitable, but it is necessarie to paie them, when
thei are taken up to be led to the warre: albeit,
though soche order should somewhat disease those,
in time of peace, that are appoincted in thesame,
which I se not how, there is for recompence all those
benefites, whiche a power brynges, that is ordeined
in a countrie: for that without thesame, there
is nothyng sure. I conclude, that he that will
have the little nomber, to be able to paie them, or
for any of the other causes alledged of you, doeth
Page 55
not understande, for that also it maketh for my opinion,
that every nomber shall deminishe in thy handes, through
infinite impedimentes, whiche men have: so that
the little nomber shall tourne to nothing: again
havyng thordinaunce greate, thou maiest at thy pleasure
use fewe of many, besides this, it must serve thee
in deede, and in reputacion and alwaies the great nomber
shall give thee moste reputacion. More over, makyng
the ordinaunce to kepe menne exercised, if thou appoincte
a fewe nomber of men in many countries, the handes
of men bee so farre a sonder, the one from the other,
that thou canst not without their moste grevous losse,
gather them together to exercise them, and without
this exercise, the ordinaunce is unprofitable, as
hereafter shall be declared.
COSIMO. It suffiseth upon this my demaunde, that
whiche you have saied: but I desire now, that
you declare me an other doubt. Thei saie, that
soche a multitude of armed men, will make confusion,
discension and disorder in the countrie where thei
are.
[Sidenote: How to provid againste soche inconveniences
as souldiours maie cause.]
FABRICIO. This is an other vaine opinion, the
cause wherof, I shall tell you: soche as are
ordeined to serve in the warres, maie cause disorder
in twoo maners, either betwene them selves, or against
other, whiche thinges moste easely maie be withstode,
where the order of it self, should not withstande
it: for that concernyng the discorde emong theim
selves, this order taketh it waie, and doeth not nourishe
it, for that in orderyng them, you give them armour
and capitaines. If the countrie where you ordein
them, bee so unapte for the warre, that there are not
armours emong the men of thesame, and that thei bee
so united, that thei have no heddes, this order maketh
theim moche fearser against the straunger, but it
maketh them not any thyng the more disunited, for that
men well ordered, feare the lawe beyng armed, as well
as unarmed, nor thei can never alter, if the capitaines,
which you give them, cause not the alteracion, and
the waie to make this, shall be tolde now: but
if the countrie where you ordein them, be warlike
and disunited, this order onely shal be occasion to
unite them: bicause this order giveth them armours
profitable for the warre, and heddes, extinguishers
of discencion: where their owne armours bee unprofitable
for the warres, and their heddes nourishers of discorde.
For that so sone as any in thesame countrie is offended,
he resorteth by and by to his capitain to make complaint,
who for to maintain his reputacion, comforteth hym
to revengement not to peace. To the contrary
doeth the publike hed, so that by this meanes, thoccasion
of discorde is taken awaie, and the occasion of union
is prepared, and the provinces united and effeminated,
gette utilitie, and maintain union: the disunited
and discencious, doe agree, and thesame their fearsnesse,
which is wont disordinately to worke, is tourned into
Page 56
publike utilitie. To minde to have them, to doe
no hurt against other, it ought to bee considered,
that thei cannot dooe this, except by meane of the
heddes, whiche governe them. To will that the
heddes make no disorder, it is necessarie to have care,
that thei get not over them to much auctoritie.
And you must consider that this auctoritie, is gotten
either by nature, or by accidente: and as to
nature, it behoveth to provide, that he which is boren
in one place, be not apoincted to the men billed in
the same, but be made hedde of those places, where
he hath not any naturall aquaintance: and as to
the accident, the thing ought to be ordeined in suche
maner, that every yere the heddes maie be changed
from governement to goverment: for as muche as
the continuall auctoritie over one sorte of menne,
breedeth among them so muche union, that it maie turne
easely to the prejudice of the Prince: whiche
permutations howe profitable they be to those who have
used theim, and hurtefull to them that have not observed
theim, it is well knowen by the kingdome of the Assirians,
and by the Empire of the Romaines: where is seene,
that the same kingdome indured a M. yeres without
tumulte, and without any Civill warre: whiche
preceded not of other, then of the permutations, whiche
from place to place everie yere thesame Capitaines
made, unto whome were apoincted the charge of the
Armies. Nor for any other occasion in the Romaine
Empire, after the bloud of Cesar was extinguished,
there grewe so many civill warres, betwene the Capitaines
of the hostes, and so many conspiracies of the forsaied
capitaines against the Emperours, not onely kepyng
continually still those capitaines alwayes in one
governement. And if in some of those firste Emperoures,
of those after, whom helde the Empire with reputacion,
as Adriane, Marcus, Severus, and soche like, there
had been so moche foresight, that thei had brought
this custome of chaungyng the capitaines in thesame
Empire, without doubte it should have made theim more
quiete, and more durable: For that the Capitaines
should have had lesse occasion to make tumultes, the
Emperours lesse cause to feare, and the senate in
the lackes of the successions, should have had in the
election of the Emperour, more aucthoritie, and by
consequence should have been better: but the
naughtie custome, either for ignoraunce, or through
the little diligence of menne, neither for the wicked,
nor good ensamples, can be taken awaie.
COSIMO. I cannot tell, if with my questionyng,
I have as it were led you out of your order, bicause
from the chusyng of men, we be entred into an other
matter, and if I had not been a little before excused,
I should thinke to deserve some reprehension.
[Sidenote: The nomber of horsemen, that the Romanies
chose for a Legion, and for a Consailes armie.]
Page 57
FABRICIO. Let not this disquiete you, for that
all this reasonyng was necessary, myndyng to reason
of the ordinaunce, the which beyng blamed of many,
it was requsite to excuse it, willyng to have this
first parte of chusyng men to be alowed. But
now before I discend to the other partes, I will reason
of the choise of men on horsebacke. Of the antiquitie,
these were made of the moste richeste, havyng regard
bothe to the yeres, and to the qualitie of the man,
and thei chose CCC. for a Legion, so that the Romain
horse, in every Consulles armie, passed not the nomber
of vi. C.
COSIMO. Would you make an ordinaunce of hors,
to exercise them at home, and to use their service
when nede requires?
[Sidenote: The choosing and ordering of horsemen,
that is to be observed at this present.]
FABRICIO. It is most necessary, and it cannot
be doen otherwise, minding to have the power, that
it be the owne proper, and not to purpose to take
of those, which make thereof an art.
COSIMO. How would you choose them?
FABRICIO. I would imitate the Romans, I would
take of the richest, I would give them heads or chief
Captains, in the same manner, as nowadays to other
is given, and I would arm them and exercise them.
COSIMO. To these should it be well to give some
provision?
FABRICIO. Yea marie, but so much only as is necessary
to keep the horse, for as much as bringing to thy
subjects expenses, they might justly complain of thee,
therefore it should be necessary, to pay them their
charges of their horse.
COSIMO. What number would you make? and how would
you arme them?
FABRICIO. You pass into another matter.
I will tell you in convenient place, which shall be
when I have told you, how footmen ought to be armed,
and how a power of men is prepared, for a day of battle.
THE SECOND BOOKE
[Sidenote: Howe the Romaines armed their souldiers
and what weapons thei used.]
I beleeve that it is necessarye, men being founde,
to arme them, and minding to doo this, I suppose that
it is a needefull thing to examine, what armoure the
antiquitie used, and of the same to chose the best.
The Romanes devided their foote men in heavie and
lighte armed: Those that were light armed, they
called by the name of Veliti: Under this name
were understoode all those that threwe with Slinges,
shot with Crossebowes, cast Dartes, and they used
the most parte of them for their defence, to weare
on their heade a Murion, with a Targaet on their arme:
they fought out of the orders, and farre of from the
heavie armed, which did weare a head peece, that came
downe to their shoulders, a Corselet, which with the
tases came downe to the knees, and they had the legges
and armes, covered with greaves, and vambraces, with
a targaet on the left arme, a yarde and a halfe long,
and three quarters of a yarde brode, whiche had a
Page 58
hoope of Iron upon it, to bee able to sustaine a blowe,
and an other under, to the intente, that it being driven
to the earth, it should not breake: for to offende,
they had girte on their left flanke a swoorde, the
length of a yearde and a naile, on their righte side,
a Dagger: they had a darte in every one of their
handes, the which they called Pilo, and in the beginning
of the fight, they threwe those at the enemie.
This was the ordering, and importaunce of the armours
of the Romanes, by the which they possessed all the
world. And although some of these ancient writers
gave them, besides the foresayde weapons, a staffe
in their hande like unto a Partasen, I cannot tell
howe a heavy staff, may of him that holdeth a Targaet
be occupied: for that to handle it with both
hands, the Targaet should bee an impediment, and to
occupye the same with one hande, there can be done
no good therewith, by reason of the weightynesse thereof:
besides this, to faight in the strong, and in the
orders with such long kinde of weapon, it is unprofitable,
except in the first front, where they have space enough,
to thrust out all the staffe, which in the orders within,
cannot be done, for that the nature of the battaile
(as in the order of the same, I shall tell you) is
continually to throng together, which although it
be an inconvenience, yet in so doing they fear lesse,
then to stande wide, where the perill is most evident,
so that all the weapons, which passe in length a yarde
and a halfe, in the throng, be unprofitable:
for that, if a man have the Partasen, and will occupye
it with both handes, put case that the Targaet let
him not, he can not hurte with the same an enemy,
whom is upon him, if he take it with one hande, to
the intent to occupy also the Targaet, being not able
to take it, but in the middest, there remayneth so
much of the staff behind, that those which are behinde
him, shall let him to welde it. And whether it
were true, either that the Romans had not this Partasen,
or that having it, did little good withal, read all
the battailes, in the historye thereof, celebrated
of Titus Livius, and you shall see in the same, most
seldom times made mencion of Partasens, but rather
alwaies he saieth, that the Dartes being thrown, they
laid their hands on their sweardes. Therefore
I will leave this staffe, and observe, concerning
the Romanes, the swoorde for to hurte, and for defense
the Targaet, with the other armours aforesaide.
[Sidenote: A brave and a terrible thing to the
enemies.]
The Greekes did not arme them selves so heavyly, for
their defense, as the Romans dyd: but for to
offend the enemies, they grounded more on their staves,
then on their swoordes, and in especiallye the Fallangye
of Macedonia, which used staves, that they called Sarisse,
seven yardes and a halfe long, with the which they
opened the rankes of their enemies, and they keept
the orders in their Fallangy. And although some
writers saie, that they had also the Targaet, I can
Page 59
not tell (by the reasons aforesayde) howe the Sarisse
and they coulde stande together. Besides this,
in the battaile that Paulus Emilius made, with Persa
king of Macedonia, I do not remember, that there is
made any mention of Targaettes, but only of the Sarisse,
and of the difficultie that the Romane armie had,
to overcome them: so that I conjecture, that a
Macedonicall Fallange, was no other wise, then is now
a dayes a battaile of Suizzers, the whiche in their
Pikes have all their force, and all their power.
The Romanes did garnish (besides the armours) the footemen
with feathers; the whiche thinges makes the fight of
an armie to the friendes goodly, to the enemies terrible.
The armour of the horsemen, in the same first Romane
antiquitie, was a rounde Targaet, and they had their
head armed, and the rest unarmed: They had a swoorde
and a staffe, with an Iron head onely before, long
and small: whereby it happened, that they were
not able to staye the Targaet, and the staffe in the
incountring broke, and they through being unarmed,
were subjecte to hurtes: after, in processe of
time, they armed them as the footemen, albeit they
used the Targaette muche shorter, square, and the staffe
more stiffe, and with twoo heades, to the entente,
that breaking one of the heades, they mighte prevaile
with the other. With these armours as well on
foote, as on horsebacke, the Romanes conquered all
the worlde, and it is to be beleeved, by the fruiet
thereof, whiche is seene, that they were the beste
appointed armies, that ever were: and Titus Livius
in his history, doeth testifie verye often, where comming
to comparison with the enemies armies, he saieth:
But the Romanes, by vertue, by the kinde of their
armours, and piactise in the service of warre, were
superiours: and therfore I have more particularly
reasoned of the armours of conquerours, then of the
conquered. But nowe mee thikes good, to reason
onelye of the manner of arming men at this presente.
Footemen have for their defence, a breast plate, and
for to offende, a launce, sixe yardes and three quarters
long, which is called a pike, with a swoorde on their
side, rather rounde at the poinct, then sharpe.
This is the ordinarie arming of footemen nowe a dayes,
for that fewe there be, which have their legges armed,
and their armes, the heade none, and those fewe, beare
insteede of a Pike, a Halberde, the staffe whereof
as you know, is twoo yardes and a quarter long, and
it hath the Iron made like an axe. Betweene them,
they have Harkebutters, the which with the violence
of the fire, do the same office, which in olde time
the slingers did, and the Crosseboweshoters.
This maner of arming, was found out by the Dutchemen,
inespeciallye of Suizzers, whom being poore, and desirous
to live free, they were, and be constrayned to fight,
with the ambition of the Princes of Almaine, who being
riche, were able to keepe horse, the which the same
people could not do for povertye. Wherby it grewe,
that being on foote, minding to defende them selves
Page 60
from the enemies, that were on horsebacke, it behooveth
them to seeke of the aunciente orders, and to finde
weapons, whiche from the furie of horses, should defende
them: This necessitie hath made either to be maintayned,
or to bee founde of them the aunciente orders, without
whiche, as everye prudente man affirmeth, the footemen
is altogether unprofitable. Therefore, they tooke
for their weapon the Pike, a moste profitable weapon,
not only to withstande horses, but to overcome them:
and the Dutchemen have by vertue of these weapons,
and of these orders, taken such boldnesse, that XV.
or XX. thousande of them, will assault the greatest
nomber of horse that maye be: and of this, there
hath beene experience enough within this XXV. yeres.
And the insamples of their vertue hath bene so mightie,
grounded upon these weapons, and these orders, that
sence King Charles passed into Italie, everye nation
hath imitated them: so that the Spanish armies,
are become into most great reputation.
COSIMO. Which maner of arming, do you praise
moste, either these Dutchemens, or the auncient Romanes?
[Sidenote: Whether the Romanes maner in arming
of men, be better then the arming of men, that is
used nowe a daies.]
FABRICIO. The Romane without doubte, and I will
tell the commoditie, and the discommoditie of the
one, and the other. The Dutche footemen, are
able to withstande, and overcome the horses: they
bee moste speedie to marche, and to be set in araye,
being not laden with armours: of the other part,
they be subjecte to all blowes, both farre of, and
at hande: because they be unarmed, they bee unprofitable
unto the battaile on the lande, and to everye fighte,
where is strong resistaunce. But the Romanes
withstoode, and overcame the horses, as well as the
Dutchemen, they were safe from blowes at hande, and
farre of, being covered with armours: they were
also better able to charge, and better able to sustaine
charges, having Targaettes: they might more aptly
in the preace fight with the swoorde, then these with
the Pike, and though the Dutchemen have likewise swoordes,
yet being without Targaets, they become in suche case
unprofitable: The Romanes might safelye assault
townes, having their bodies cleane covered with armour,
and being better able to cover themselves with their
Targaettes. So that they had no other incommoditie,
then the waightynesse of their armours, and the pain
to cary them: the whiche thinges thei overcame,
with accustomyng the body to diseases, and with hardenyng
it, to bee able to indure labour. And you knowe,
how that in thinges accustomed, men suffer no grief.
And you have to understand this, that the footemen
maie be constrained, to faight with footemen, and
with horse, and alwaies those be unprofitable, whiche
cannot either sustain the horses, or beyng able to
sustain them, have notwithstandyng neede to feare
the footemen, whiche be better armed, and better ordeined
then thei. Now if you consider the Duchemen,
and the Romaines, you shall finde in the Duchemen activitie
(as we have said) to overcome the horses, but greate
dissavauntage, when thei faighte with menne, ordeined
as thei them selves are, and armed as the Romaines
were: so that there shall be this advauntage more
of the one, then of thother, that the Romaines could
overcome the men, and the horses, the Duchemen onely
the horses.
Page 61
COSIMO. I would desire, that you would come to
some more particulare insample, whereby wee maie better
understande.
[Sidenote: An ensample whiche proveth that horsemen
with staves, cannot prevaile against footemen with
Pikes, and what great advauntage the armed have, againste
the unarmed. The victory of Carminvola against
the Duchemen.]
FABRICIO. I saie thus, that you shall finde in
many places of our histories, the Romain footemen
to have overcome innumerable horses, and you shall
never finde, that thei have been overcome of men on
foote, for default that thei have had in their armour,
or thorowe the vantage that the enemie hath had in
the armours: For that if the maner of their armyng,
should have had defaulte, it had been necessarie, that
there should folowe, the one of these twoo thynges,
either that findyng soche, as should arme theim better
then thei, thei should not have gone still forwardes,
with their conquestes, or that thei should have taken
the straungers maners, and should have left their
owne, and for that it folowed not in the one thing,
nor in the other, there groweth that ther maie be
easely conjectured, that the maner of their armyng,
was better then thesame of any other. It is not
yet thus happened to the Duchemen, for that naughtie
profe, hath ben seen made them, when soever thei have
chaunsed to faight with men on foote prepared, and
as obstinate as thei, the whiche is growen of the
vauntage, whiche thesame have incountred in thenemies
armours. Philip Vicecounte of Milaine, being assaulted
of xviii. thousande Suizzers, sent against theim the
Counte Carminvola, whiche then was his capitaine.
He with sixe thousande horse, and a fewe footemen,
went to mete with them, and incounteryng theim, he
was repulsed with his moste greate losse: wherby
Carminvola as a prudente man, knewe straight waie
the puisaunce of the enemies weapons, and how moche
against the horses thei prevailed, and the debilitie
of the horses, againste those on foote so appoincted:
and gatheryng his men together again, he went to finde
the Suizzers, and so sone as he was nere them, he
made his men of armes, to a light from their horse,
and in thesame mane, faightyng with them he slue theim
all, excepte three thousande: the whiche seyng
them selves to consume, without havyng reamedy, castyng
their weapons to the grounde, yelded.
COSIMO. Whereof cometh so moche disavauntage?
[Sidenote: The battailes when thei are a faightyng,
doe throng together.]
FABRICIO. I have a little afore tolde you, but
seyng that you have not understoode it, I will rehearse
it againe. The Duchemen (as a little before I
saied unto you) as it were unarmed, to defende themselves,
have to offende, the Pike and the swearde: thei
come with these weapons, and with their orders to
finde the enemies, whom if thei bee well armed, to
defende theim selves, as were the menne of armes of
Carminvola, whiche made theim a lighte on foote, thei
Page 62
come with the sweard, and in their orders to find
them, and have no other difficultie, then to come nere
to the Suizzers, so that thei maie reche them with
the sweard, for that so sone as thei have gotten unto
them, thei faight safely: for asmoche as the
Duch man cannot strike thenemie with the Pike, whom
is upon him, for the length of the staffe, wherefore
it is conveniente for hym, to put the hande to the
sweard, the whiche to hym is unprofitable, he beyng
unarmed, and havyng against hym an enemie, that is
all armed. Whereby he that considereth the vantage,
and the disavantage of the one, and of the other,
shall see, how the unarmed, shall have no maner of
remeady, and the overcommyng of the firste faight,
and to passe the firste poinctes of the Pikes, is
not moche difficulte, he that faighteth beyng well
armed: for that the battailes go (as you shall
better understande, when I have shewed you, how thei
are set together) and incounteryng the one the other,
of necessitie thei thrust together, after soche sorte,
that thei take the one thother by the bosome, and
though by the Pikes some bee slaine, or overthrowen,
those that remain on their feete, be so many, that
thei suffice to obtaine the victorie. Hereof it
grewe, that Carminvola overcame them, with so greate
slaughter of the Suizzers, and with little losse of
his.
COSIMO. Consider that those of Carminvola, were
men of armes, whom although thei wer on foote, thei
were covered all with stele, and therefore thei wer
able to make the profe thei did: so that me thinkes,
that a power ought to be armed as thei, mindyng to
make the verie same profe.
FABRICIO. If you should remember, how I tolde
you the Romaines were armed, you would not thynke
so: for as moche as a manne, that hath the hedde
covered with Iron, the breaste defended of a Corselet,
and of a Targaet, the armes and the legges armed,
is moche more apt to defende hymself from the Pike,
and to enter emong them, then a man of armes on foote.
I wil give you a little of a late ensample. There
wer come out of Cicelie, into the kyngdome of Naples,
a power of Spaniardes, for to go to finde Consalvo,
who was besieged in Barlet, of the Frenchemen:
there made against theim Mounsier de Vhigni, with
his menne of armes, and with aboute fower thousande
Duchemen on foote: The Duchemen incountered with
their Pikes lowe, and thei opened the power of the
Spaniardes: but those beyng holp, by meane of
their bucklers and of the agiletie of their bodies,
mingled togethers with the Duchemen, so that thei might
reche them with the swearde, whereby happened the
death, almoste of all theim, and the victorie to the
Spaniardes. Every man knoweth, how many Duchemen
were slaine in the battaile of Ravenna, the whiche
happened by the verie same occasion: for that
the Spanishe souldiours, got them within a swerdes
length of the Duche souldiours, and thei had destroied
them all, if of the Frenche horsemen, the Duchemen
on foote, had not been succored: notwithstandyng,
the Spaniardes close together, brought themselves
into a safe place. I conclude therefore, that
a good power ought not onely to be able, to withstande
the horses, but also not to have fear of menne on
foote, the which (as I have many tymes saied) procedeth
of the armours, and of the order.
Page 63
[Sidenote: How to arme men, and what weapons
to appoincte theim, after the Romaine maner, and Duche
facion.]
COSIMO. Tell therefore, how you would arme them?
FABRICIO. I would take of the Romaine armours,
and of the Duchemennes weapons, and I would that the
one haulfe, should bee appoincted like the Romaines,
and the other haulfe like the Duchemen: for that
if in sixe thousande footemen (as I shall tell you
a little hereafter) I should have thre thousande men
with Targaettes, after the Romain maner, and two thousande
Pikes, and a thousand Harkebutters, after the Duche
facion, thei should sufice me: for that I would
place the Pikes, either in the fronte of the battaile,
or where I should feare moste the horses, and those
with the Targaetes and sweardes, shall serve me to
make a backe to the Pikes, and to winne the battaile,
as I shall shewe you: so that I beleeve, that
a power thus ordayned, should overcome at this daye,
any other power.
COSIMO. This which hath beene saide, sufficeth
concerning footemen, but concerning horsemen, wee
desire to understand which you thinke more stronger
armed, either ours, or the antiquitie.
[Sidenote: The victorie of Lucullo, against Tiarane
king of Armenia; For what pupose horsemen be most
requisite.]
FABRICIO. I beleeve that in these daies, having
respect to the Saddelles bolstered, and to the stiroppes
not used of the antiquitie, they stande more stronglye
on horsebacke, then in the olde time: I thinke
also they arme them more sure: so that at this
daye, a bande of men of armes, paysing very muche,
commeth to be with more difficultie withstoode, then
were the horsemen of old time: notwithstanding
for all this, I judge, that there ought not to be
made more accompt of horses, then in olde time was
made, for that (as afore is sayde) manye times in our
dayes, they have with the footemen receyved shame
and shall receyve alwayes, where they incounter, with
a power of footemen armed, and ordered, as above hath
bene declared. Tigrane king of Armenia, had againste
the armie of the Romanes, wherof was Capitayne Lucullo,
CL. thousande horsemen, amongest the whiche, were
many armed, like unto our men of armes, which they
called Catafratti, and of the other parte, the Romanes
were about sixe thousande, with xxv. thousand footemen:
so that Tigrane seeing the armie of the enemies, saide:
these be horses enough for an imbassage: notwithstanding,
incountering together, he was overthrowen: and
he that writeth of the same fighte, disprayseth those
Catafratti, declaring them to be unprofitable; for
that hee sayeth, because they had their faces covered,
they had muche a doe to see, and to offende the enemie,
and they falling, being laden with armour coulde not
rise up again, nor welde themselves in any maner to
prevaile. I say therefore, that those people
or kingdomes, whiche shall esteeme more the power of
horses, then the power of footemen be alwaies weake,
Page 64
and subjecte to all ruine, as by Italie hath been
seene in our time, the whiche hath beene taken, ruinated,
and over run with straungers, through not other fault,
then for having taken litle care, of the service on
foote, and being brought the souldiours therof, all
on horsebacke. Yet there ought to bee had horses,
but for seconde, and not for firste foundaion of an
armie: for that to make a discovery, to over
run and to destroy the enemies countrie, and to keepe
troubled and disquieted, the armie of the same, and
in their armours alwayes, to let them of their victuals,
they are necessary, and most profitable: but
concerning for the daye of battaile, and for the fighte
in the fielde, whiche is the importaunce of the warre,
and the ende, for which the armies are ordeined, they
are more meeter to follow the enemie being discomfited
then to do any other thing which in the same is to
be done, and they bee in comparison, to the footemen
much inferiour.
COSIMO. There is happened unto mee twoo doubtes,
the one, where I knowe, that the Parthians dyd not
use in the warre, other then horses, and yet they
devided the worlde with the Romanes: the other
is, that I woulde that you should shewe, howe the
horsemen can be withstoode of footemen, and wherof
groweth the strength of these, and the debilitie of
those?
[Sidenote: The reason why footmen are able to
overcome horsemen; How footmen maie save them selves
from horsemen; The exercise of Souldiours, ought to
be devided into thre partes; What exercises the auncient
common weales used to exercise their youth in, and
what commoditie insued thereby; How the antiquitie,
learned their yong soldiours, to handell their weapons;
What thantiquitie estemed moste happie in a common
weale; Mouster Maisters; for thexercisyng of yong
men unexperte.]
FABRICIO. Either I have tolde you, or I minded
to tell you, howe that my reasoning of the affaires
of warre, ought not to passe the boundes of Europe:
when thus it is, I am not bounde unto you, to make
accompte of the same, which is used in Asia, yet I
muste saye unto you thus, that the warring of the
Parthians, was altogether contrarye, to the same of
the Romanes: for as muche as the Parthians, warred
all on horsebacke, and in the fight, they proceeded
confusedlye, and scattered, and it was a maner of
fighte unstable, and full of uncertaintie. The
Romanes were (it maye be sayde) almoste al on foote,
and thei fought close together and sure, and thei
overcame diversly, the one the other, according to
the largenesse, or straightnesse of the situation:
for that in this the Romaines were superiours, in
thesame the Parthians, whom might make greate proofe,
with thesame maner of warryng, consideryng the region,
which thei had to defende, the which was moste large:
for as moche as it hath the sea coaste, distant a
thousande miles, the rivers thone from thother, twoo
or three daies journey, the tounes in like maner and
the inhabitauntes few: so that a Romaine armie
Page 65
heavie and slowe, by meanes of their armoures, and
their orders, could not over run it, without their
grevous hurt (those that defended it, being on horsebacke
mooste expedite) so that thei were to daie in one
place, and to morowe distaunt fiftie miles. Hereof
it grewe, that the Parthians might prevaile with their
chivalrie onely, bothe to the ruine of the armie of
Crassus, and to the perill of thesame, of Marcus Antonius:
but I (as I have told you) doe not intende in this
my reasonyng, to speake of the warfare out of Europe,
therfore I will stand upon thesame, whiche in times
past, the Romaines ordained, and the Grekes, and as
the Duchemen doe now adaies. But let us se to
the other question of yours, where you desire to understande,
what order, or what naturall vertue makes, that the
footemen overcome the horsmen. And I saie unto
you first that the horses cannot go, as the footmen
in every place: Thei are slower then the footemen
to obeie, when it is requisite to alter the order:
for as moche, as if it be nedefull, either goyng forward,
to turne backwarde, or tournyng backwarde, to go forwarde,
or to move themselves standing stil, or goyng to stand
still, without doubt, the horsemen cannot dooe it
so redilie as the footemen: the horsemen cannot,
being of some violence, disordained, returne in their
orders, but with difficultie, although thesame violence
cease, the whiche the footemen dooe moste easely and
quickly. Besides this, it happeneth many tymes,
that a hardie manne shall be upon a vile horse, and
a coward upon a good, whereby it foloweth, that this
evill matchyng of stomackes, makes disorder. Nor
no man doeth marvell, that a bande of footemenne,
susteineth all violence of horse for that a horse
is a beaste, that hath sence, and knoweth the perilles,
and with an ill will, will enter in them: and
if you consider, what force maketh theim go forwarde,
and what holdeth them backwarde, you shall se without
doubt thesame to be greater, whiche kepeth them backe,
then that whiche maketh them go forwardes: For
that the spurre maketh theim go forwarde, and of the
other side, either the swearde, or the Pike, kepeth
theim backe: so that it hath been seen by the
olde, and by the late experience, a bande of footemen
to bee moste safe, ye, invinsible for horses.
And if you should argue to this, that the heate, with
whiche thei come, maketh theim more furious to incounter
who that would withstande them, and lesse to regard
the Pike, then the spurre: I saie, that if the
horse so disposed, begin to see, that he must run upon
the poincte of the Pike, either of himself, he wil
refrain the course so that so sone as he shall feele
himself pricked, he will stande still atones, or beeyng
come to theim, he will tourne on the right, or on the
lefte hande. Whereof if you wil make experience,
prove to run a horse against a walle: you shall
finde fewe, with what so ever furie he come withall,
will strike against it. Cesar havyng in Fraunce,
to faighte with the Suizzers, a lighted, and made
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every manne a light on foote, and to avoide from the
araies, the horses, as a thyng more meete to flie,
then to faight. But notwithstandyng these naturall
impedimentes, whiche horses have, thesame Capitaine,
whiche leadeth the footemen, ought to chuse waies,
whiche have for horse, the moste impedimentes that
maie bee, and seldome tymes it happeneth, but that
a manne maie save hymself, by the qualitie of the
countrie: for that if thou marche on the hilles,
the situacion doeth save thee from thesame furie, whereof
you doubt, that thei go withail in the plain, fewe
plaines be, whiche through the tillage or by meanes
of the woddes, doe not assure thee: for that every
hillocke, every bancke, although it be but small, taketh
awaie thesame heate, and every culture where bee Vines,
and other trees, lettes the horses: and if thou
come to battaile, the very same lettes happeneth,
that chaunceth in marchyng: for as moche as every
little impedemente, that the horse hath, abateth his
furie. One thyng notwithstandyng, I will not
forgette to tell you, how the Romaines estemed so moche
their orders, and trusted so moche to their weapons,
that if thei shuld have had, to chuse either so rough
a place to save theim selves from horses, where thei
should not have been able, to raunge their orders,
or a place where thei should have nede, to feare more
of horses, but ben able to deffende their battaile,
alwaies thei toke this, and left that: but bicause
it is tyme, to passe to the armie, having armed these
souldiours, accordyng to the aunciente and newe use,
let us see what exercises the Romaines caused theim
make, before the menne were brought to the battaile.
Although thei be well chosen, and better armed, thei
ought with moste greate studie be exercised, for that
without this exercise, there was never any souldiour
good: these exercises ought to be devided into
three partes, the one, for to harden the bodie, and
to make it apte to take paines, and to bee more swifter
and more readier, the other, to teach them, how to
handell their weapons, the third, for to learne them
to kepe the orders in the armie, as well in marchyng,
as in faightyng, and in the incampyng: The whiche
be three principall actes, that an armie doeth:
for asmoche, as if an armie marche, incampe, and faight
with order, and expertly, the Capitaine leseth not
his honoure, although the battaile should have no
good ende. Therfore, all thauncient common weales,
provided these exercises in maner, by custome, and
by lawe, that there should not be left behinde any
part thereof. Thei exercised then their youth,
for to make them swift, in runnyng, to make theim
readie, in leapyng, for to make them strong, in throwyng
the barre, or in wrestlyng: and these three qualities,
be as it were necessarie in souldiours. For that
swiftnesse, maketh theim apte to possesse places,
before the enemie, and to come to them unloked for,
and at unwares to pursue them, when thei are discomfaicted:
the readinesse, maketh theim apte to avoide a blowe,
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to leape over a diche, to winne a banke: strength,
maketh them the better able to beare their armours,
to incounter the enemie, to withstande a violence.
And above all, to make the bodie the more apte to
take paines, thei used to beare greate burthens, the
whiche custome is necessarie: for that in difficulte
expedicions it is requisite many tymes, that the souldiour
beside his armours, beare vitualles for many daies,
and if he were not accustomed to this labour, he could
not dooe it: and without this, there can neither
bee avoided a perill, nor a victorie gotten with fame.
Concernyng to learne how to handell the weapons, thei
exercised theim, in this maner: thei would have
the yong menne, to put on armour, whiche should waie
twise as moche, as their field armour, and in stede
of a swearde, thei gave them a cudgell leaded, whiche
in comparison of a verie swearde in deede, was moste
heavie; thei made for every one of them, a poste to
be set up in the ground, which should be in height
twoo yardes and a quarter, and in soche maner, and
so strong, that the blowes should not slur nor hurle
it doune, against the whiche poste, the yong man with
a targaet, and with the cudgell, as against an enemie
did exercise, and some whiles he stroke, as though
he would hurte the hedde, or the face, somewhile he
retired backe, an other while he made forewarde:
and thei had in this exercise, this advertisment, to
make theim apt to cover theim selves, and to hurte
the enemie: and havyng the counterfaight armours
moste heavy, their ordinarie armours semed after unto
them more lighter. The Romanies, would that their
souldiours should hurte with the pricke, and not with
the cutte, as well bicause the pricke is more mortalle,
and hath lesse defence, as also to thentent that he
that should hurt, might lye the lesse open, and be
more apt to redouble it, then with cuttes. Dooe
not marvaile that these auncient men, should thinke
on these small thynges, for that where the incounteryng
of men is reasoned of, you shall perceive, that every
little vauntage, is of greate importaunce: and
I remember you the same, whiche the writers of this
declare, rather then I to teache you. The antiquitie
estemed nothing move happie, in a common weale, then
to be in thesame, many men exercised in armes:
bicause not the shining of precious stones and of
golde, maketh that the enemies submit themselves unto
thee, but onely the fear of the weapons: afterwarde
the errours whiche are made in other thynges, maie
sometymes be corrected, but those whiche are dooen
in the warre, the paine straight waie commyng on,
cannot be amended. Besides that, the knowlege
to faight, maketh men more bold, bicause no man feareth
to doe that thing, which he thinketh to have learned
to dooe. The antiquitie would therefore, that
their Citezeins should exercise themselves, in all
marcial feates, and thei made them to throwe against
thesame poste, dartes moche hevier then the ordinarie:
the whiche exercise, besides the makyng men expert
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in throwyng, maketh also the arme more nimble, and
moche stronger. Thei taught them also to shote
in the long bowe, to whorle with the sling: and
to all these thynges, thei appoincted maisters, in
soche maner, that after when thei were chosen for
to go to the warre, thei were now with mynde and disposicion,
souldiours. Nor there remained them to learn
other, then to go in the orders, and to maintain them
selves in those, either marchyng, or faightyng:
The whiche moste easely thei learned, mingeling themselves
with those, whiche had long tyme served, whereby thei
knewe how to stande in the orders.
COSIMO. What exercises would you cause theim
to make at this present?
[Sidenote: The exercises that souldiers ought
to make in these daies; The exercise of swimmyng;
Tiber, is a river runnyng through Rome the water wher
of will never corrupte; Thexercise of vautyng, and
the commoditie thereof; An order that is taken in
certain countries, concerning exercises of warre;
What knowledge a Souldiour ought to have; A Cohorte
is a bande of men; Of what nomer and of what kind of
armours and weapons, a maine battaile ought to bee,
and the distributing and appoinetyng of thesame; veliti
are light armed men; Thecapitaines that ar appointed
to every band of men; Twoo orders observed in an armie;
How a captain muste instructe muste instructe his
souldiours how thei ought to governe themselves in
the battaile.]
FABRICIO. A good many of those, whiche have been
declared, as runnyng, and wrestlyng, makyng theim
to leape, makyng theim to labour in armours, moche
heavier then the ordinarie, making them shoote with
Crosse bowes, and longe bowes, whereunto I would joyne
the harkabus, a newe instrument (as you know) verie
necessarie, and to these exercises I would use, al
the youth of my state, but with greater industrie,
and more sollicitatenesse thesame parte, whiche I
should have alreadie appoincted to serve, and alwaies
in the idell daies, thei should bee exercised.
I would also that thei should learne to swimme, the
whiche is a thyng verie profitable: for that
there be not alwaies bridges over rivers, boates be
not alwaies readie: so that thy army not knowyng
howe to swime, remaineth deprived of many commodities:
and many occasions to woorke well, is taken awaie.
The Romaines for none other cause had ordained, that
the yong men should exercise them selves in Campus
Martius, then onely, for that havyng Tiber at hande,
thei might, beyng weried with the exercise on lande,
refreshe theim selves in the water, and partly in
swimmyng, to exercise them selves. I would make
also, as the antiquitie, those whiche should serve
on horsebacke to exercise, the whiche is moste necessarie,
for that besides to know how to ride, thei muste knowe
how on horsebacke thei maie prevaile of them selves.
And for this thei had ordeined horses of wood, upon
the which thei practised, to leape by armed, and unarmed,
without any helpe, and on every hande: the whiche
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made, that atones, and at a beck of a capitain, the
horsmen were on foote, and likewise at a token, thei
mounted on horsebacke. And soche exercises, bothe
on foote and on horsebacke, as thei were then easie
to bee doen, so now thei should not be difficult to
thesame common weale, or to thesame prince, whiche
would cause them to be put in practise of their yong
men. As by experience is seen, in certaine citees
of the Weste countrie, where is kepte a live like
maners with this order. Thei devide all their
inhabiters into divers partes: and every parte
thei name of the kinde of those weapons, that thei
use in the warre. And for that thei use Pikes,
Halbardes, Bowes, and Harkebuses, thei call them Pike
menne, Halberders, Harkebutters, and Archars:
Therefore, it is mete for all the inhabiters to declare,
in what orders thei will be appoincted in. And
for that all men, either for age, or for other impedimentes,
be not fitte for the warre, every order maketh a choise
of men, and thei call them the sworen, whom in idell
daies, be bounde to exercise themselves in those weapons,
wherof thei be named: and every manne hath his
place appoincted hym of the cominaltie, where soche
exercise ought to be made: and those whiche be
of thesame order, but not of the sworen, are contributaries
with their money, to thesame expenses, whiche in soche
exercises be necessarie: therfore thesame that
thei doe, we maie doe. But our smal prudence
dooeth not suffre us, to take any good waie.
Of these exercises there grewe, that the antiquitie
had good souldiours, and that now those of the Weste,
bee better men then ours: for as moche as the
antiquitie exercised them, either at home (as those
common weales doe) or in the armies, as those Emperours
did, for thoccasions aforesaied: but we, at home
will not exercise theim, in Campe we cannot, bicause
thei are not our subjectes, and for that we are not
able to binde them to other exercises then thei them
selves liste to doe: the whiche occacion hath
made, that firste the armies bee neclected, and after,
the orders, and that the kyngdomes, and the common
weales, in especially Italians, live in soche debilitie.
But let us tourne to our order, and folowyng this
matter of exercises, I saie, how it suffiseth not
to make good armies, for havyng hardened the men, made
them strong, swift, and handsome, it is nedefull also,
that thei learne to stande in the orders, to obeie
to signes, to soundes, and to the voice of the capitain:
to knowe, standyng, to retire them selves, goyng forwardes,
bothe faightyng, and marchyng to maintain those:
bicause without this knowlege, withal serious diligence
observed, and practised, there was never armie good:
and without doubt, the fierce and disordered menne,
bee moche more weaker, then the fearfull that are ordered,
for that thorder driveth awaie from men feare, the
disorder abateth fiercenesse. And to the entente
you maie the better perceive that, whiche here folowyng
shalbe declared, you have to understande, how every
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nation, in the orderyng of their men to the warre,
have made in their hoste, or in their armie, a principall
member, the whiche though thei have varied with the
name, thei have little varied with the nomber of the
menne: for that thei all have made it, betwene
sixe and viii. M. men. This nomber of men
was called of the Romaines, a Legion, of Grekes a
Fallange, of Frenchemen Caterva: this verie same
in our tyme of the Suizzers, whom onely of the auncient
warfare, kepe some shadowe, is called in their tongue
that, whiche in ours signifieththe maine battaile.
True it is, that every one of them, hath after devided
it, accordyng to their purposes. Therefore me
thinkes beste, that wee grounde our talke, upon this
name moste knowen, and after, according to the aunciente,
and to the orders now adaies, the beste that is possible
to ordaine it; and bicause the Romaines devided their
Legion, whiche was made betwene five and sixe thousande
men, in ten Cohortes, I will that wee devide our main
battaile, into ten battailes, and that we make it of
sixe thousande menne on foote, and we will give to
every battaile, CCCCL. men, of whiche shall be, CCCC.
armed with heavie armour, and L. with light armour:
the heavie armed, shall be CCC. Targettes with
sweardes, and shalbe called Target men: and C.
with Pikes, whiche shalbe called ordinarie Pikes:
the light armed shalbe, L. men armed with Harkabuses,
Crosse bowes, and Partisans, and smal Targaettes, and
these by an aunciente name, were called ordinarie
Veliti: all of the ten battailes therefore, comes
to have three thousande Targaet men, a thousande ordinarie
Pikes, CCCC. ordinarie Veliti, all whiche make the
nomber of fower thousande and five hundred men.
And we saied, that we would make the maine battaile
of six thousande; therefore there must be added an
other thousande, five hundred men, of whiche I will
appoinet a thousande with Pikes, whom I will call
extraordinarie Veliti, and thus my menne should come
(as a little before I have saied) to bee made halfe
of Targaetes, and halfe of Pikes and other weapons.
I would appoinete to everie battaile, or bande of
men, a Conestable, fower Centurions and fouretic peticapitaines,
and moreover a hedde to the ordinarie Veliti. with
five peticapitaines; I would give to the thousande
extraordinarie Pikes, three Conestabelles, ten Centurions,
and a hundred peticapitaines; to the extraodrinarie
Veliti, two Conestabelles, v. Centurions, and
l. peticapitaines: I would then apoinet a generall
hed, over all the main battaile: I would that
every Conestable should have an Ansigne, and a Drum.
Thus there should be made a manne battaile of ten
battailes, of three thousande Targaet men, of a thousande
ordinarie Pikes, of a thousande extraordinarie of
five hundred ordinarie Veliti, of five hundred extraordinarie,
so there should come to bee sixe thousande men, emongeste
the whiche there should bee M.D. peticapitaines, and
moreover, xv. Conestables, with xv. Drummes,
and xv. Ansignes, lv. Centurions, x. heddes
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of the ordinarie Veliti, and a Capitaine over all
the maine battaile with his Asigne and Drume, and I
have of purpose repeated this order the oftener, to
the intent, that after when I shall shewe you, the
maners of orderyng the battailes, and tharmies, you
should not be confounded: I saie therefore, how
that, that king, or that common weale, whiche intendeth
to ordeine their subjectes to armes, ought to appoincte
theim with these armoures and weapons, and with these
partes, and to make in their countrie so many maine
battailes, as it were able: and when thei should
have ordained them, according to the forsaid distribucion,
minding to exercise them in the orders, it should
suffice to exercise every battaile by it self:
and although the nomber of the men, of every one of
them, cannot by it self, make the facion of a juste
armie, notwithstandyng, every man maie learne to dooe
thesame, whiche particularly appertaineth unto hym:
for that in the armies, twoo orders is observed, the
one, thesame that the men ought to doe in every battaile,
and the other that, whiche the battaile ought to doe
after, when it is with the other in an armie.
And those men, whiche doe wel the first, mooste easely
maie observe the seconde: But without knowyng
thesame, thei can never come to the knowlege of the
seconde. Then (as I have saied) every one of these
battailes, maie by them selves, learne to kepe the
orders of the araies, in every qualitie of movyng,
and of place, and after learne to put them selves togethers,
to understande the soundes, by meanes wherof in the
faight thei are commaunded, to learne to know by that,
as the Gallics by the whissell, what ought to be doen,
either to stande still, or to tourne forward, or to
tourne backwarde or whiche waie to tourne the weapons,
and the face: so that knowyng how to kepe well
the araie, after soche sorte, that neither place nor
movyng maie disorder them, understandyng well the
commaundementes of their heddes, by meanes of the sounde,
and knowyng quickly, how to retourne into their place,
these battailes maie after easly (as I have said)
beyng brought many together, learne to do that, whiche
all the body together, with the other battailes in
a juste armie, is bounde to dooe. And bicause
soche universall practise, is also not to bee estemed
a little, ones or twise a yere, when there is peace,
all the main battaile maie be brought together, to
give it the facion of an whole armie, some daies exercisyng
theim, as though thei should faight a fielde, settyng
the fronte, and the sides with their succours in their
places. And bicause a capitaine ordeineth his
hoste to the fielde, either for coumpte of the enemie
he seeth, or for that, of whiche without seyng he
doubteth, he ought to exercise his armie in the one
maner, and in the other, and to instructe theim in
soche sorte, that thei maie knowe how to marche, and
to faight, when nede should require, the wyng to his
souldiours, how thei should governe theim selves, when
thei should happen to be assaulted of this, or of that
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side: and where he ought to instructe theim how
to faight againste the enemie, whom thei should see:
he must shewe them also, how the faight is begun, and
where thei ought to retire: being overthrowen,
who hath to succeade in their places, to what signes,
to what soundes, to what voices, thei ought to obeie,
and to practise them in soche wise in the battaile,
and with fained assaultes, that thei may desire the
verie thyng in deede. For that an armie is not
made coragious, bicause in thesame be hardie menne,
but by reason the orders thereof bee well appoineted:
For as moche as if I be one of the first faighters,
and do knowe, beyng overcome, where I maie retire,
and who hath to succeade in my place, I shall alwaies
faight with boldnes, seing my succour at hand.
If I shall be one of the seconde faighters, the first
being driven backe, and overthrowen, I shall not bee
afraied, for that I shall have presuposed that I maie
bee, and I shall have desire to be thesame, whiche
maie give the victory to my maister, and not to bee
any of the other. These exercises bee moste necessarie,
where an armie is made of newe, and where the old armie
is, thei bee also necessarie: for that it is
also seen, how the Romaines knew from their infancie,
thorder of their armies, notwithstandyng, those capitaines
before thei should come to thenemie, continually did
exercise them in those. And Josephus in his historie
saieth, that the continuall exercises of the Romaine
armies, made that all thesame multitude, whiche folowe
the campe for gain, was in the daie of battaile profitable:
bicause thei all knewe, how to stande in the orders,
and to faight kepyng the same: but in the armies
of newe men, whether thou have putte theim together,
to faight straight waie, or that thou make a power
to faight, when neede requires, without these exercises,
as well of the battailes severally by themselves,
as of all the armie, is made nothing: wherefore
the orders beying necessarie, it is conveniente with
double industrie and laboure, to shewe them unto soche
as knoweth them not, and for to teache it, many excellent
capitaines have travailed, without any respecte.
COSIMO. My thinkes that this reasoning, hath
sumwhat transported you: for asmoche, as havyng
not yet declared the waies, with the whiche the battailes
bee exercised, you have reasoned of the whole armie,
and of the daie of battaile.
[Sidenote: The chief importance in the exercisyng
of bandes of men; Three principall for thorderyng
of menne into battaile raie; The manner how to bryng
a bande of men into battaile raie after a square facion;
The better waie for the ordring of a band of men in
battaile raie, after the first facion; How to exercise
men, and to take soche order, whereby a band of men
that were by whatsoever chance disordred maye straighte
wai be brought into order againe; What advertisement
ought to bee used in tourning about a whole bande
of menne, after soche sorte, as though it were but
one bodie; How to order a band of menne after soche
sort that thei maie make their front againste thenemie
of whiche flanke thei list; How a band of man oughte
to be ordered, when in marchyng thei should bee constrained
to faighton their backes.]
Page 73
FABRICIO. You saie truth, but surely thoccasion
hath been the affection, whiche I beare to these orders,
and the grief that I feele, seyng thei be not put
in use: notwithstanding, doubt not but that I
will tourne to the purpose: as I have saied,
the chief importaunce that is in thexercise of the
battailes, is to knowe how to kepe well the armies:
and bicause I tolde you that one of these battailes,
ought to bee made of fower hundred men heavie armed,
I wil staie my self upon this nomber. Thei ought
then to be brought into lxxx. rankes, and five to a
ranke: afterward goyng fast, or softly, to knit
them together, and to lose them: the whiche how
it is dooen, maie bee shewed better with deedes, then
with wordes. Which nedeth not gretly to be taught,
for that every manne, whom is practised in servise
of warre, knoweth how this order procedeth, whiche
is good for no other, then to use the souldiours to
keepe the raie: but let us come to putte together
one of these battailes, I saie, that there is given
them three facions principally, the firste, and the
moste profitablest is, to make al massive, and to
give it the facion of two squares, the second is, to
make it square with the front horned, the thirde is,
to make it with a voide space in the middest:
the maner to put men together in the first facion,
maie be of twoo sortes, tho together in the first
facion, maie be of twoo sortes, thone is to double
the rankes, that is, to make the seconde ranke enter
into the first, the iiii. into the third, the sixt
into the fift, and so foorth, so that where there
was lxxx. rankes, five to a ranke, thei maie become
xl. rankes, x. to a ranke. Afterward cause theim
to double ones more in thesame maner, settyng the
one ranke into an other, and so there shall remain
twentie rankes, twentie men to a ranke: this maketh
twoo squares aboute, for as moche as albeit that there
bee as many men the one waie, as in the other, notwithstandyng
to wardes the hedde, thei joine together, that the
one side toucheth the other: but by the other
waie, thei be distant the one from the other, at least
a yarde and a haulfe, after soche sorte, that the
square is moche longer, from the backe to the fronte,
then from the one side to thother: and bicause
we have at this presente, to speake often of the partes
afore, of behinde, and of the sides of these battailes,
and of all the armie together, knowe you, that when
I saie either hedde or fronte, I meane the parte afore,
when I shall saie backe, the part behind, when I shall
saie flankes, the partes on the sides. The fiftie
ordinarie veliti of the battaile, muste not mingle
with the other rankes, but so sone as the battaile
is facioned, thei shalbe set a long by the flankes
therof. The other waie to set together the battaile
is this, and bicause it is better then the firste,
I will set it before your ives juste, how it ought
to bee ordeined. I beleve that you remember of
what nomber of menne, of what heddes it is made, and
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of what armours thei are armed, then the facion, that
this battaile ought to have, is (as I have saied)
of twentie rankes, twentie men to a ranke, five rankes
of Pikes in the front, and fiftene rankes of Targaettes
on the backe, twoo Centurions standying in the fronte,
twoo behinde on the backe, who shall execute the office
of those, whiche the antiquitie called Tergiductori.
The Conestable with the Ansigne, and with the Drumme,
shall stande in thesame space, that is betwene the
five rankes of the Pikes, and the fiftene of the Targeaettes.
Of the Peticapitaines, there shall stande one upon
every side of the ranckes, so that every one, maie
have on his side his men, those peticapitaines, whiche
shalbe on the left hande, to have their men on the
right hand, those Peticapitaines, whiche shall be
on the right hand, to have their menne on the left
hande: The fiftie Veliti, muste stande a long
the flankes, and on the backe of the battaile.
To mynde now, that this battaile maie be set together
in this facion, the men goyng ordinarily, it is convenient
to order them thus. Make the men to be brought
into lxxx. rankes, five to a ranke, as a little afore
we have said, leavyng the Veliti either at the hedde,
or at the taile, so that thei stande out of this order:
and it ought to be ordeined, that every Centurion
have behinde his back twentie rankes, and to bee nexte
behinde every Centurion, five rankes of Pikes, and
the reste Targaettes. The Conestable shall stande
with the Drum, and the Ansigne, in thesame space,
whiche is betwene the Pikes, and the Targaettes of
the seconde Centurion, and to occupie the places of
three Targaette men. Of the Peticapitaines, twentie
shall stand on the sides of the rankes, of the first
Centurion, on the lefte hande, and twentie shall stande
on the sides of the rankes, of the last Centurion on
the right hande. And you muste understande, that
the Peticapitaine, whiche hath to leade the Pikes,
ought to have a Pike, and those that leade the Targaettes,
ought to have like weapons. Then the rankes beyng
brought into this order, and mindyng in marchyng,
to bryng them into battaile, for to make the hedde,
the first Centurion must be caused to stande still,
with the firste twentie rankes, and the seconde to
proceade marchyng, and tournyng on the right hand,
he must go a long the sides of the twentie rankes
that stande still, till he come to bee even with the
other Centurion, where he must also stande still, and
the thirde Centurion to procede marchyng, likewise
tournyng on the right hand, and a long the sides of
the rankes that stande still, must go so farre, that
he be even with the other twoo Centurions, and he also
standyng still, the other Centurion must folowe with
his rankes, likewise tournyng on the right hande,
a longe the sides of the rankes that stande still,
so farre that he come to the hed of the other, and
then to stand still, and straight waie twoo Centurions
onely, shall depart from the front, and go to the
backe of the battaile, the whiche cometh to bee made
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in thesame maner, and with thesame order juste, as
a little afore I have shewed you. The Veliti
muste stande a long, by the flankes of thesame, accordyng
as is disposed in the first waie, whiche waie is called
redoublyng by right line, this is called redoublyng
by flanke: the first waie is more easie, this
is with better order, and commeth better to passe,
and you maie better correcte it, after your owne maner,
for that in redoublyng by righte line, you muste bee
ruled by the nomber, bicause five maketh ten, ten
twentie, twentie fourtie, so that with redoublyng
by right line, you cannot make a hedde of fiftene,
nor of five and twentie, nor of thirtie, nor of five
and thirtie, but you must go where thesame nomber
will leade you. And yet it happeneth every daie
in particulare affaires, that it is convenient to
make the forwarde with sixe hundred, or eight hundred
men, so that to redouble by right line, should disorder
you: therefore this liketh me better: that
difficultie that is, ought moste with practise, and
with exercise to bee made easie. Therefore I
saie unto you, how it importeth more then any thyng,
to have the souldiours to know how to set themselves
in araie quickly, and it is necessarie to keepe theim
in this battaile, to exercise theim therin, and to
make them to go apace, either forward or backward,
to passe through difficulte places, without troublyng
thorder: for asmoche as the souldiours, whiche
can doe this well, be expert souldiours, and although
thei have never seen enemies in the face, thei maie
be called old souldiours, and contrariwise, those
whiche cannot keepe these orders, though thei have
been in a thousande warres, thei ought alwaies to be
reputed new souldiours. This is, concernyng setting
them together, when thei are marching in small rankes:
but beyng set, and after beyng broken by some accident
or chaunce, whiche groweth either of the situacion,
or of the enemie, to make that in a sodaine, thei
maie come into order againe, this is the importaunce
and the difficultie, and where is nedefull moche exercise,
and moche practise, and wherin the antiquitie bestowed
moche studie. Therefore it is necessarie to doe
twoo thynges, firste to have this battaile full of
countersignes, the other, to keepe alwaies this order,
that those same men maie stand alwaies in the ranke,
which thei were firste placed in: as for insample,
if one have begon to stande in the seconde, that he
stande after alwaie in that, and not onely in that
self same rancke, but in that self same place:
for the observyng whereof (as I have saied) bee necessarie
many countersignes. In especially it is requisite,
that the Ansigne bee after soche sorte countersigned,
that companyng with the other battailes, it maie be
knowen from theim, accordyng as the Conestable, and
the Centurions have plumes of fethers in their heddes
differente, and easie to be knowen, and that whiche
importeth moste, is to ordaine that the peticapitaines
bee knowen. Whereunto the antiquitie had so moche
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care, that thei would have nothing els written in
their hedde peces, but the nomber that thei were named
by, callyng them firste, seconde, thirde, and fourthe
xc. And yet thei were not contented with this,
but made every souldiour to have written in his Targaet,
the nomber of the ranke, and the nomber of the place,
in whiche ranke he was appoineted. Then the menne
being countersigned thus, and used to stande betwene
these limites, it is an easie thyng, thei beyng disordered,
to sett theim all againe quickly into order:
considering, that the Ansigne standyng still, the
Centurions, and the Peticapitaines maie gesse their
places by the iye, and beyng brought the left of the
left, the right of the right, with their accustomed
distance, the souldiours led by their rule, and by
the differences of the cognisances, maie be quickly
in their proper places, no otherwise, then as if the
boordes of a tunne should bee taken a sunder, whiche
beyng first marked, moste easely maie bee set together
again, where thesame beyng not countersigned, were
impossible to bryng into order any more. These
thynges, with diligence and with exercise, are quickely
taught, and quickly learned, and beyng learned, with
difficultie are forgotten: for that the newe menne,
be led of the olde, and with tyme, a Province with
these exercises, may become throughly practised in
the war. It is also necessarie to teache theim,
to tourne theim selves all at ones, and when neede
requires, to make of the flankes, and of the backe,
the fronte, and of the front, flankes, or backe, whiche
is moste easie: bicause it suffiseth that every
manne doe tourne his bodie, towardes thesame parte
that he is commaunded, and where thei tourne their
faces, there the fronte commeth to bee. True it
is, that when thei tourne to any of the flanckes, the
orders tourne out of their proporcion: for that
from the breast to the backe, there is little difference,
and from the one flancke to the other, there is verie
moche distance, the whiche is al contrarie to the ordinarie
order of the battaile: therefore it is convenient,
that practise, and discrecion, doe place them as thei
ought to be: but this is small disorder, for that
moste easely by themselves, thei maie remedie it.
But that whiche importeth more, and where is requisite
more practise, is when a battaile would tourne all
at ones, as though it were a whole bodie, here is meete
to have greate practise, and greate discrecion:
bicause mindyng to tourne, as for insample on the
left hande, the left corner must stande still, and
those that be next to hym that standeth still, muste
marche so softly, that thei that bee in the right
corner, nede not to runne: otherwise all thing
should be confounded. But bicause it happeneth
alwaies, when an armie marcheth from place to place,
that the battailes, whiche are not placed in the front,
shall be driven to faight not by hedde, but either
by flancke, or by backe, so that a battaile muste in
a sodaine make of flancke, or of backe, hedde:
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and mindyng that like battailes in soche cace, maie
have their proporcion, as above is declared, it is
necessarie, that thei have the Pikes on thesame flancke,
that ought to be hedde, and the Peticapitaines, Centurions,
and Conestables, to resorte accordyngly to their places.
Therefore to mynde to dooe this, in plasyng them together,
you must ordeine the fower skore rankes, of five in
a ranke, thus: Set all the Pikes in the first
twentie rankes, and place the Peticapitaines thereof,
five in the first places, and five in the last:
the other three score rankes, whiche come after, bee
all of Targaettes, whiche come to bee three Centuries.
Therefore, the first and the laste ranke of every
Centurion, would be Peticapitaines, the Conestable
with the Ansigne, and with the Drumme, muste stande
in the middest of the first Centurie of Targaettes,
and the Centurions in the hed of every Centurie.
The bande thus ordained, when you would have the Pikes
to come on the left flancke, you must redouble Centurie
by Centurie, on the right flancke: if you would
have them to come on the right flancke, you must redouble
theim on the lefte. And so this battaile tourneth
with the Pikes upon a flancke, and the Conestable
in the middeste: the whiche facion it hath marchyng:
but the enemie commyng, and the tyme that it would
make of flancke hedde, it nedeth not but to make every
man to tourne his face, towardes thesame flancke,
where the Pikes be, and then the battaile tourneth
with the rankes, and with the heddes in thesame maner,
as is aforesaied: for that every man is in his
place, excepte the Centurions, and the Centurions straight
waie, and without difficultie, place themselves:
But when thei in marchyng, should bee driven to faight
on the backe, it is convenient to ordein the rankes
after soch sorte, that settyng theim in battaile, the
Pikes maie come behinde, and to doe this, there is
to bee kepte no other order, then where in orderyng
the battaile, by the ordinarie, every Centurie hath
five rankes of Pikes before, to cause that thei maie
have them behind, and in all the other partes to observe
thorder, whiche I declared firste.
COSIMO. You have tolde (if I dooe well remember
me) that this maner of exercise, is to bee able to
bryng these battailes together into an armie, and
that this practise, serveth to be able to order theim
selves in the same: But if it should happen,
that these CCCCL. men, should have to doe an acte
seperate, how would you order them?
[Sidenote: How a battaile is made with twoo hornes;
The orderyng of a battaile with a voide space in the
middeste.]
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FABRICIO. He that leadeth them, ought then to
judge, where he will place the Pikes, and there to
put them, the whiche doeth not repugne in any part
to the order above written: for that also, though
thesame bee the maner, that is observed to faighte
a fielde, together with thother battailes, notwithstandyng
it is a rule, whiche serveth to all those waies, wherein
a band of menne should happen to have to doe:
but in shewyng you the other twoo waies of me propounded,
of ordering the battailes, I shal also satisfie you
more to your question: for that either thei are
never used, or thei are used when a battaile is a lone,
and not in companie of other, and to come to the waie
of ordering them, with twoo hornes, I saie, that thou
oughteste to order the lxxx. rankes, five to a ranke,
in this maner. Place in the middest, one Centurion,
and after hym xxv. rankes, whiche muste bee with twoo
Pikes on the lefte hande, and with three Targaettes
on the right, and after the first five, there must
be put in the twentie folowyng, twentie Peticapitaines,
all betwene the pikes, and the Targaettes, excepte
those whiche beare the Pike, whom maie stand with
the Pikes: after these xxv. rankes thus ordered,
there is to be placed an other Centurion, and behinde
hym fiftene rankes of Targaettes: after these,
the Conestable betwene the Drum and the Ansigne, who
also must have after him, other fiftene rankes of
Targaettes: after this, the thirde Centurion must
be placed, and behinde hym, xxv. rankes, in every
one of whiche, ought to bee three Targaettes on the
lefte flancke, and twoo Pikes on the right, and after
the five first rankes, there must be xx. Peticapitaines
placed betwene the Pikes, and the Targaettes:
after these rankes, the fowerth Centurion must folowe.
Intendying therefore, of these rankes thus ordered,
to make a battaile with twoo hornes, the first Centurion
must stand still, with the xxv. rankes, whiche be
behinde him, after the second Centurion muste move,
with the fiftene rankes of Targaettes, that bee behinde
hym, and to tourne on the right hande, and up by the
right flancke of the xxv. rankes, to go so farre,
that he arrive to the xv. ranke, and there to stande
still: after, the Conestable muste move, with
the fiftene rankes of Targaettes, whiche be behinde
hym, and tournyng likewise on the right hande, up
by the right flancke of the fiftene rankes, that wer
firste moved, muste marche so farre, that he come
to their heddes, and there to stand stil: after,
the thirde Centurion muste move with the xxv. rankes,
and with the fowerth Centurion, whiche was behinde,
and turnyng up straight, must go a long by the right
flanck of the fiftene last rankes of the Targaettes,
and not to stande still when he is at the heddes of
them, but to followe marchyng so farre, that the laste
ranke of the xxv. maie come to be even with the rankes
behinde. And this dooen, the Centurion, whiche
was hedde of the firste fiftene rankes of Targaettes,
must go awaie from thens where he stoode, and go to
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the backe in the lefte corner: and thus a battaile
shall be made of xxv. rankes, after twentie men to
a rank, with two hornes, upon every side of the front,
one horn, and every one, shall have ten rankes, five
to a ranke, and there shall remain a space betwene
the twoo hornes, as moche as containeth ten men, whiche
tourne their sides, the one to thother. Betwene
the two hornes, the capitain shall stande, and on every
poinct of a horne, a Centurion: There shall bee
also behinde, on every corner, a Centurion: there
shal be twoo rankes of Pikes, and xx. Peticapitaines
on every flancke. These twoo hornes, serve to
kepe betwene theim the artillerie, when this battaile
should have any withit, and the cariages: The
Veliti muste stande a long the flankes, under the Pikes.
But mindyng to bring this horned battaile, with a
voide space in the middeste, there ought no other
to bee doen, then of fiftene rankes, of twentie to
a ranke, to take eight rankes, and to place them on
the poinctes of the twoo hornes, whiche then of hornes,
become backe of the voide space, in this place, the
cariages are kept, the capitain standeth, and the
Ansigne, but never the Artillerie, the whiche is placed
either in the front, or a long the flankes. These
be the waies, that a battaile maie use when it is
constrained to passe alone through suspected places:
notwithstandyng, the massive battaile without hornes,
and without any soche voide place is better, yet purposyng
to assure the disarmed, the same horned battaile is
necessarie. The Suizzers make also many facions
of battailes, emong which, thei make one like unto
a crosse: bicause in the spaces that is betwen
the armes therof, thei kepe safe their Harkebuters
from the daunger of the enemies: but bicause soche
battailes be good to faight by theim selves, and my
intente is to shew, how many battailes united, do
faight with thenemie, I wil not labour further in
describing them.
COSIMO. My thinkes I have verie well comprehended
the waie, that ought to be kept to exercise the men
in these battailes: But (if I remember me well)
you have saied, how that besides the tenne battailes,
you joyne to the maine battaile, a thousande extraordinarie
Pikes, and five hundred extraordinarie Veliti:
will you not appoincte these to be exercised?
[Sidenote: To what purpose the Pikes and Velite
extraordinarie must serve.]
FABRICIO. I would have theim to bee exercised,
and that with moste great diligence: and the
Pikes I would exercise, at leaste Ansigne after Ansigne,
in the orders of the battailes, as the other:
For as moche as these should doe me more servise,
then the ordinarie battailes, in all particulare affaires:
as to make guides, to get booties, and to doe like
thynges: but the Veliti, I would exercise at home,
without bringing them together, for that their office
being to faight a sonder, it is not mete, that thei
should companie with other, in the common exercises:
for that it shall suffice, to exercise them well in
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the particular exercises. Thei ought then (as
I firste tolde you, nor now me thynkes no labour to
rehearse it againe) to cause their men to exercise
them selves in these battailes, whereby thei maie
knowe how to kepe the raie, to knowe their places,
to tourne quickly, when either enemie, or situacion
troubleth them: for that, when thei knowe how
to do this, the place is after easely learned, which
a battaile hath to kepe, and what is the office thereof
in the armie: and when a Prince, or a common weale,
will take the paine, and will use their diligence
in these orders, and in these exercisyng, it shall
alwaies happen, that in their countrie, there shall
bee good souldiours, and thei to be superiours to their
neighbours, and shalbe those, whiche shall give, and
not receive the lawes of other men: but (as I
have saied) the disorder wherein thei live, maketh
that thei neclecte, and doe not esteme these thynges,
and therefore our armies be not good: and yet
though there were either hed, or member naturally
vertuous, thei cannot shewe it.
COSIMO. What carriages would you, that every
one of these battailes should have?
[Sidenote: Neither Centurion nor Peticapitaine,
ought not to ride; What carriages the Capitaines ought
to have, and the nomber of carrages requisite to every
bande of menne.]
FABRICIO. Firste, I would that neither Centurion,
nor Peticapitain, should be suffered to ride:
and if the Conestable would nedes ride, I would that
he should have a Mule, and not a horse: I would
allowe hym twoo carriages, and one to every Centurion,
and twoo to every three Peticapitaines, for that so
many wee lodge in a lodgyng, as in the place therof
we shall tell you: So that every battaile will
come to have xxxvi. carriages, the whiche I would
should carrie of necessitie the tentes, the vesselles
to seeth meate, axes, barres of Iron, sufficient to
make the lodgynges, and then if thei can carry any
other thyng, thei maie dooe it at their pleasure.
COSIMO. I beleve that the heddes of you, ordeined
in every one of these battailes, be necessarie:
albeit, I would doubt, lest that so many commaunders,
should confounde all.
[Sidenote: Without many capitaines, an armie
cannot be governed; To what purpose Ansignes ought
to serve; For what purpose Drummes oughte to bee used;
The propertie that soundes of instrumentes have in
mens myndes.]
FABRICIO. That should bee, when it were not referred
to one man, but referryng it, thei cause order, ye
and without theim, it is impossible to governe an
armie: for that a wall, whiche on every parte
enclineth, requireth rather to have many proppes,
and thicke, although not so strong, then fewe, though
thei were strong: bicause the vertue of one a
lone, doeth not remedie the ruine a farre of.
And therefore in tharmies, and emong every ten men,
it is convenient that there bee one, of more life,
of more harte, or at leaste wise of more aucthoritie,
who with stomacke, with wordes, and with example,
Page 81
maie kepe them constante, and disposed to faight,
and these thynges of me declared, bee necessarie in
an armie, as the Heddes, the Ansignes, and the Drummes,
is seen that wee have theim all in our armies, but
none doeth his office. First to mynde that the
Peticapitaines doe thesame, for whiche thei are ordeined,
it is necessarie (as I have said) that there bee a
difference, betwene every one of them and their men,
and that thei lodge together, doyng their duties,
standyng in thorder with them: for that thei placed
in their places, bee a rule and a temperaunce, to
maintaine the raies straight and steddie, and it is
impossible that thei disorder, or disorderyng, dooe
not reduce themselves quickly into their places.
But we now adaies, doe not use them to other purpose,
then to give theim more wages, then to other menne,
and to cause that thei dooe some particulare feate:
The very same happeneth of the Ansigne bearers, for
that thei are kept rather to make a faire muster,
then for any other warlike use: but the antiquitie
used theim for guides, and to bryng theim selves againe
into order: for that every man, so sone as the
Ansigne stoode still, knewe the place, that he kept
nere to his Ansigne, wherunto he retourned alwaies:
thei knewe also, how that the same movyng, or standyng,
thei should staie, or move: therfore it is necessarie
in an armie, that there be many bodies, and every
bande of menne to have his Ansigne, and his guide:
wherfore havyng this, it is mete that thei have stomackes
inough, and by consequence life enough. Then
the menne ought to marche, accordyng to the Ansigne:
and the Ansigne to move, accordyng to the Drumme,
the whiche Drumme well ordered, commaundeth to the
armie, the whiche goyng with paces, that answereth
the tyme of thesame, will come to kepe easilie thorders:
for whiche cause the antiquitie had Shalmes, Flutes,
and soundes perfectly tymed: For as moche as like
as he that daunseth, proceadeth with the tyme of the
Musick, and goyng with thesame doeth not erre, even
so an armie obeiyng, in movyng it self to thesame
sounde, doeth not disorder: and therefore, thei
varied the sounde, accordyng as thei would varie the
mocion, and accordyng as thei would inflame, or quiete,
or staie the mindes of men: and like as the soundes
were divers, so diversly thei named them: the
sounde Dorico, ingendered constancie, the sounde Frigio,
furie: whereby thei saie, that Alexander beyng
at the Table, and one soundyng the sounde Frigio, it
kendled so moche his minde, that he laied hande on
his weapons. All these maners should be necessarie
to finde again: and when this should bee difficulte,
at least there would not be left behind those that
teache the Souldiour to obeie, the whiche every man
maie varie, and ordeine after his owne facion, so
that with practise, he accustome the eares of his
souldiours to knowe it: But now adaies of this
sounde, there is no other fruicte taken for the moste
part, then to make a rumour.
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COSIMO. I would desire to understande of you,
if ever with your self you have discourced, whereof
groweth so moche vilenesse, and so moche disorder,
and so moche necligence in these daies of this exercise?
[Sidenote: A notable discourse of the aucthour,
declaryng whereof groweth so moche vilenes disorder
and necligence in these daies, concernyng the exercises
of warre.]
FABRICIO. With a good will I will tell you thesame,
that I thinke. You knowe how that of the excellente
men of warre, there hath been named many in Europe,
fewe in Affric, and lesse in Asia: this grewe,
for that these twoo laste partes of the worlde, have
had not paste one kyngdome, or twoo, and fewe common
weales, but Europe onely, hath had many kyngdomes,
and infinite common weales, where menne became excellent,
and did shewe their vertue, accordyng as thei were
sette a woorke, and brought before their Prince, or
common weale, or king that he be: it followeth
therefore, that where be many dominions, there rise
many valiaunt menne, and where be fewe, fewe.
In Asia is founde Ninus, Cirus, Artasercses, Mithridates:
and verie fewe other, that to these maie be compared.
In Africk, is named (lettyng stande thesame auncient
Egipt) Massinissa, Jugurta, and those Capitaines,
whiche of the Carthaginens common weale were nourished,
whom also in respecte to those of Europe, are moste
fewe: bicause in Europe, be excellente men without
nomber, and so many more should be, if together with
those should bee named the other, that be through
the malignitie of time extincte: for that the
worlde hath been moste vertuous, where hath been moste
states, whiche have favoured vertue of necessitie,
or for other humaine passion. There rose therfore
in Asia, fewe excellente menne: bicause thesame
Province, was all under one kyngdome, in the whiche
for the greatnesse thereof, thesame standing for the
moste parte of tyme idell, there could not growe men
in doynges excellent. To Africke there happened
the verie same, yet there were nourished more then
in Asia, by reason of the Carthaginens common weale:
for that in common weales, there growe more excellent
men, then in kingdomes, bicause in common weales for
the most part, vertue is honoured, in Kyngdomes it
is helde backe: wherby groweth, that in thone,
vertuous men are nourished, in the other thei are
extincte. Therefore he that shall consider the
partes of Europe, shall finde it to have been full
of common weales, and of princedomes, the whiche for
feare, that the one had of the other, thei wer constrained
to kepe lively the warlike orders, and to honor them,
whiche in those moste prevailed: for that in
Grece, besides the kyngdome of the Macedonians, there
were many common weales, and in every one of theim,
were bred moste excellente men. In Italie, were
the Romaines, the Sannites, the Toscanes, the Gallie
Cisalpini. Fraunce, and Almainie, wer ful of
common weales and princedomes. Spaine likewise:
and although in comparison of the Romaines, there
Page 83
are named fewe other, it groweth through the malignitie
of the writers, whom folowe fortune, and to theim
for the moste parte it suffised, to honour the conquerours:
but it standeth not with reason, that betwene the
Sannites, and the Toscanes, whom fought CL. yeres
with the Romaine people, before thei wer overcome,
there should not growe exceadyng many excellente menne.
And so likewise in Fraunce, and in Spaine: but
that vertue, whiche the writers did not celebrate
in particuler menne, thei celebrated generally in the
people, where thei exalte to the starres, the obstinatenesse
that was in them, to defende their libertie.
Beyng then true, that where bee moste dominions, there
riseth moste valiaunt menne, it foloweth of necessitie,
that extinguishyng those, vertue is extincte straighte
waie, the occasion decaiyng, whiche maketh menne vertuous.
Therefore, the Romaine Empire beyng after increased,
and havyng extinguished all the common weales, and
Princedomes of Europe, and of Afrike, and for the moste
part those of Asia, it lefte not any waie to vertue,
excepte Rome: whereby grewe, that vertuous menne
began to be as fewe in Europe, as in Asia: the
whiche vertue, came after to the laste caste:
For as moche, as all the vertue beyng reduced to Roome,
so sone as thesame was corrupted, almoste all the
worlde came to bee corrupted: and the Scithian
people, were able to come to spoile thesame Empire,
the whiche had extinguished the vertue of other, and
knewe not howe to maintaine their owne: and after,
although through the inundacion of those barberous
nacions, thesame Empire was devided into many partes,
this vertue is not renued:
[Sidenote: The causes why the aunciente orders
are neclected.]
The one cause is, for that it greveth theim moche,
to take againe the orders when thei are marde, the
other, bicause the maner of livyng now adaies, having
respect to the Christian religion, commaundeth not
thesame necessitie to menne, to defende themselves,
whiche in olde tyme was: for that then, the menne
overcome in warre, either were killed, or remained
perpetuall slaves, where thei led their lives moste
miserably: The tounes overcome, either were rased,
or the inhabiters thereof driven out, their goodes
taken awaie, sent dispersed through the worlde:
so that the vanquished in warre, suffered all extreme
miserie: of this feare, men beyng made afraied,
thei wer driven to kepe lively the warlike exercises,
and thei honoured soche as were excellente in theim:
But nowe adaies, this feare for the moste part is not
regarded: of those that are overcom, fewe bee
killed, none is kepte longe in prison: for that
with facelitie, thei are sette at libertie: the
citees also, whiche a thousande tymes have rebelled,
are not destroied, the men wherof, are let a lone
with their goodes, so that the greateste hurte that
is feared, is but a taske: in so moche, that
men will not submit them selves to the orders of warre,
and to abide alwaies under those, to avoide the perilles
whereof thei are little afraied: again these
Provinces of Europe, be under a verie fewe heddes,
in respecte as it hath been in times past: for
that al Fraunce, obeieth one kyng, al Spain, an other:
Italie is in fewe partes, so that the weake citees,
are defended with leanyng to hym that overcometh,
and the strong states, for the causes aforesaied,
feare no soche extreme ruine.
Page 84
COSIMO. Yet ther hath ben seen many tounes that
have ben sacked within this xxv. yeres, and lost their
dominions, whose insample, ought to teache other how
to live, and to take again some of those old orders.
FABRICIO. You saie true: but if you note
what tounes have gone to sacke, you shall not finde
that thei have been the heddes of states, but of the
members; as was seen sacked Tortona, and not Milaine:
Capua, and not Napelles, Brescia, and not Venice,
Ravenna, and not Roome: the whiche insamples
maketh those that governe, not to chaunge their purposes,
but rather maketh them to stande more in their opinion,
to be able to redeme again all thynges with taskes,
and for this, thei will not submit theim selves to
the troubles of thexercises of warre, semyng unto them
partly not necessarie, partly, an intrinsicate matter,
whiche thei understande not: Those other, whiche
bee subjectes to them, whom soche insamples ought
to make afraied, have no power to remedie it:
and those Princes, that have ones loste their estates,
are no more able, and those which as yet kept them,
know not, nor wil not. Bicause thei will without
any disease rain by fortune, and not by their vertue:
for that in the worlde beyng but little vertue, thei
see fortune governeth all thynges. And thei will
have it to rule theim, not thei to rule it. And
to prove this that I have discoursed to bee true,
consider Almaine, in the whiche, bicause there is
many Princedomes, and common weales, there is moche
vertue, and all thesame, whiche in the present service
of warre is good, dependeth of the insamples of those
people: who beyng all gellious of their states,
fearing servitude, the which in other places is not
feared, thei all maintaine theim selves Lordes, and
honourable: this that I have saied, shall suffice
to shewe the occacions of the presente utilitie, accordyng
to my opinion: I cannot tell, whether it seeme
thesame unto you, or whether there be growen in you
any doubtyng.
COSIMO. None, but rather I understande all verie
well: onely I desire, tournyng to our principall
matter, to understande of you, how you would ordein
the horses with these battailes, and how many, and
how thei should be governed, and how armed.
[Sidenote: The armyng of horsemen; The weapons
that light horsmenne should have; The nombre of horsmen
requisite for a maine bataille of six thousand men;
The nombre of carrages that men of armes and light
horsmen ought to have.]
FABRICIO. You thinke peraventure, that I have
left it behinde: whereat doe not marvell, for
that I purpose for twoo causes, to speake therof little,
the one is, for that the strengthe, and the importaunce
of an armie, is the footemen, the other is, bicause
this part of service of warre, is lesse corrupted,
then thesame of footemen. For that though it
be not stronger then the old, yet it maie compare with
thesame, nevertheles ther hath been spoken a little
afore, of the maner of exercisyng them. And concernyng
Page 85
tharmyng them, I would arme them as thei doe at this
present, as wel the light horsemen, as the menne of
armes: but the light horsemen, I would that thei
should be all Crossebowe shuters, with some Harkebutters
emong them: the whiche though in the other affaires
of warre, thei bee little profitable, thei be for this
most profitable, to make afraied the countrie menne,
and to drive them from a passage, that were kept of
them: bicause a Harkebutter, shall feare them
more, then twentie other armed. But commyng to
the nomber, I saie, that having taken in hand, to
imitate the service of warre of the Romaines, I would
not ordein more then three hundred horse, profitable
for every maine battaile, of whiche I would that there
were CL. men of armes, and CL. light horsmen, and
I would give to every one of these partes, a hedde,
making after emong them fiftene peticapitaines for
a bande, givyng to every one of them a Trompet, and
a standarde: I would that every ten menne of
armes, should have five carriages, and every ten light
horsemen twoo, the whiche as those of the footemen,
should carrie the tentes, the vesselles, and the axes,
and the stakes, and the rest of their other harneis.
Nor beleve not but that it is disorder, where the
menne of armes have to their service fower horse, bicause
soche a thyng is a corrupt use: for that the
men of armes in Almaine, are seen to bee with their
horse alone, every twentie of theim, havyng onely a
carte, that carrieth after them their necessary thynges.
The Romaine horsemen, were likewise a lone: true
it is, that the Triary lodged nere them, whiche wer
bound to minister helpe unto theim, in the kepyng of
their horses the whiche maie easely be imitated of
us, as in the distributyng of the lodgynges, I shall
shewe you. Thesame then that the Romaines did,
and that whiche the Duchmen doe now a daies, we maie
doe also, ye, not doyng it, we erre. These horses
ordained and appoincted together with a main battaile,
maie sometymes be put together, when the battailes
bee assembled, and to cause that betwene theim bee
made some sight of assault, the whiche should be more
to make them acquainted together, then for any other
necessitie. But now of this part, there hath been
spoke sufficiently, wherefore let us facion the armie,
to be able to come into the field against the enemie,
and hope to winne it: whiche thyng is the ende,
for whiche the exercise of warre is ordeined, and so
moche studie therein bestowed.
THE THIRDE BOOKE
COSIMO. Seeing that we chaunge reasonyng, I will
that the demaunder be chaunged: bicause I would
not be thought presumptuous, the which I have alwaies
blamed in other: therfore, I resigne the Dictatorship,
and give this aucthoritie to hym that will have it,
of these my other frendes.
ZANOBI. We would be moste glad, that you should
procede, but seyng that you will not, yet tell at
leaste, whiche of us shall succede in your place.
Page 86
COSIMO. I will give this charge to signor Fabricio.
FABRICIO. I am content to take it, and I will
that we folowe the Venecian custome, that is, that
the youngeste speake firste: bicause this beyng
an exercise for yong men, I perswade my self, that
yong menne, bee moste apt to reason thereof, as thei
be moste readie to execute it.
COSIMO. Then it falleth to you Luigi: and
as I have pleasure of soche a successour, so you shal
satisfie your self of soche a demaunder: therefore
I praie you, let us tourne to the matter, and let us
lese no more tyme.
[Sidenote: The greateste disorder that is used
now a daies in pitching of a fielde; The order how
a Romain Legion was appoincted to faight; The maner
that the Grekes used in their Falangi, when thei fought
against their enemies; The order that the Suizzers
use in their main battailes when thei faight; Howe
to appoincte a main battaile with armour and weapons,
and to order thesame after the Greke and Romain maner.]
FABRICIO. I am certain, that to mynde to shewe
wel, how an armie is prepared, to faight a fielde,
it should be necessarie to declare, how the Grekes,
and the Romaines ordeined the bandes of their armies:
Notwithstandyng, you your selves, beeyng able to rede,
and to consider these tnynges, by meanes of the auncient
writers. I will passe over many particulars:
and I will onely bryng in those thynges, whiche I thinke
necessarie to imitate, mindyng at this tyme, to give
to our exercise of warre, some parte of perfection:
The whiche shall make, that in one instant, I shall
shewe you, how an armie is prepared to the field, and
how it doeth incounter in the verie faight, and how
it maie be exercised in the fained. The greatest
disorder, that thei make, whiche ordeine an armie
to the fielde, is in giving them onely one fronte,
and to binde them to one brunt, and to one fortune:
the whiche groweth, of havyng loste the waie, that
the antiquitie used to receive one bande within an
other: bicause without this waie, thei can neither
succour the formoste, nor defende them, nor succede
in the faight in their steede: the whiche of
the Romaines, was moste excellently well observed.
Therefore, purposyng to shewe this waie, I saie, how
that the Romaines devided into iii. partes every Legion,
in Hastati, Prencipi, and Triarii, of which, the Hastati
wer placed in the first front, or forward of the armie,
with thorders thicke and sure, behinde whom wer the
Prencipi, but placed with their orders more thinne:
after these, thei set the Triarii, and with so moche
thinnes of orders, that thei might, if nede wer, receive
betwene them the Prencipi, and the Hastati. Thei
had besides these, the Slingers, and Crosbowshoters,
and the other lighte armed, the whiche stoode not
in these orders, but thei placed them in the bed of
tharmie, betwene the horses and the other bandes of
footemen: therefore these light armed, began
the faight, if thei overcame (whiche happened seldom
Page 87
times) thei folowed the victorie: if thei were
repulced, thei retired by the flanckes of the armie,
or by the spaces ordained for soche purposes, and
thei brought them selves emong the unarmed: after
the departure of whom, the Hastati incountered with
the enemie, the whiche if thei saw themselves to be
overcome, thei retired by a little and little, by the
rarenesse of thorders betwene the Prencipi, and together
with those, thei renued the faight if these also wer
repulced, thei retired al in the rarenesse of the
orders of the Triarii, and al together on a heape,
began againe the faight: and then, if thei were
overcome, there was no more remeady, bicause there
remained no more waies to renue them again. The
horses stoode on the corners of the armie, to the likenes
of twoo winges to a bodie, and somewhiles thei fought
with the enemies horses, an other while, thei rescued
the fotmen, according as nede required. This
waie of renuyng theim selves three tymes, is almoste
impossible to overcome: for that, fortune muste
three tymes forsake thee, and the enemie to have so
moche strengthe, that three tymes he maie overcome
thee. The Grekes, had not in their Falangi, this
maner of renuyng them selves, and although in those
wer many heddes, and many orders, notwithstandyng,
thei made one bodie, or els one hedde: the maner
that thei kepte in rescuyng the one the other was,
not to retire the one order within the other, as the
Romaines, but to enter the one manne into the place
of the other: the which thei did in this maner.
Their Falange brought into rankes, and admit, that
thei put in a ranke fiftie menne, commyng after with
their hedde againste the enemie, of all the rankes
the foremoste sixe, mighte faight: Bicause their
Launces, the whiche thei called Sarisse, were so long,
that the sixt ranke, passed with the hedde of their
Launces, out of the first ranke: then in faightyng,
if any of the first, either through death, or through
woundes fell, straight waie there entered into his
place, thesame man, that was behinde in the second
ranke, and in the place that remained voide of the
seconde, thesame man entred, whiche was behind hym
in the thirde, and thus successively, in a sodaine
the rankes behinde, restored the faultes of those
afore, so that the rankes alwaies remained whole, and
no place of the faighters was voide, except the laste
rankes, the whiche came to consume, havyng not menne
behinde their backes, whom might restore theim:
So that the hurte that the first rankes suffered, consumed
the laste, and the firste remained alwaies whole:
and thus these Falangi by their order, might soner
be consumed, then broken, for that the grosse bodie,
made it more immovable. The Romaines used at the
beginnyng the Falangi, and did set in order their
Legions like unto them: after, this order pleased
them not, and thei devided the Legions into many bodies,
that is, in bandes and companies: Bicause thei
judged (as a little afore I saied) that thesame bodie,
Page 88
should have neede of many capitaines, and that it
should be made of sunderie partes, so that every one
by it self, might be governed. The maine battailes
of the Suizzers, use at this present, all the maners
of the Falangi, as well in ordryng it grosse, and
whole, as in rescuyng the one the other: and in
pitchyng the field, thei set the main battailes, thone
to the sides of the other: and though thei set
them the one behinde the other, thei have no waie,
that the firste retiryng it self, maie bee received
of the seconde, but thei use this order, to the entent
to bee able to succour the one thother, where thei
put a maine battaile before, and an other behinde thesame
on the right hande: so that if the first have
nede of helpe, that then the other maie make forewarde,
and succour it: the third main battaile, thei
put behind these, but distant from them, a Harkebus
shot: this thei doe, for that thesaid two main
battailes being repulced, this maie make forwarde,
and have space for theim selves, and for the repulced,
and thesame that marcheth forward, to avoide the justling
of the one the other: for asmoche as a grosse
multitude, cannot bee received as a little bodie:
and therefore, the little bodies beyng destincte, whiche
were in a Romaine Legion, might be placed in soche
wise, that thei might receive betwene theim, and rescue
the one the other. And to prove this order of
the Suizzers not to be so good, as the auncient Romaines,
many insamples of the Romain Legions doe declare,
when thei fought with the Grekes Falangi, where alwaies
thei were consumed of theim: for that the kinde
of their weapons (as I have said afore) and this waie
of renuyng themselves, could do more, then the massivenesse
of the Falangi. Havyng therefore, with these
insamples to ordaine an armie, I have thought good,
partly to retaine the maner of armyng and the orders
of the Grekes Falangi, and partely of the Romain Legions:
and therfore I have saied, that I would have in a
main battaile, twoo thousande pikes, whiche be the
weapons of the Macedonicall Falangi, and three thousande
Targaettes with sweardes, whiche be the Romain weapons:
I have devided the main battaile, into x. battailes,
as the Romaines their Legion into ten Cohortes:
I have ordeined the Veliti, that is the light armed,
to begin the faight, as the Romaines used: and
like as the weapons beyng mingled, doe participate
of thone and of the other nacion, so the orders also
doe participate: I have ordained, that every
battaile shall have v. rankes of Pikes in the fronte,
and the rest of Targaettes, to bee able with the front,
to withstande the horses, and to enter easely into
the battaile of the enemies on foot, having in the
firste fronte, or vawarde, Pikes, as well as the enemie,
the whiche shall suffice me to withstande them, the
Targaettes after to overcome theim. And if you
note the vertue of this order, you shal se al these
weapons, to doe fully their office, for that the Pikes,
bee profitable against the horses, and when thei come
Page 89
against the footemenne, thei dooe their office well,
before the faight throng together, bicause so sone
as thei presse together, thei become unprofitable:
wherefore, the Suizzers to avoide this inconvenience,
put after everye three rankes of Pikes, a ranke of
Halberdes, the whiche they do to make roome to the
Pikes, which is not yet so much as suffiseth.
Then putting our Pikes afore, and the Targaettes behinde,
they come to withstande the horses, and in the beginning
of the fight, they open the rayes, and molest the
footemen: But when the fight is thrust together,
and that they become unprofitable, the Targaettes and
swoords succeede, which may in every narowe place be
handled.
LUIGI. Wee looke nowe with desire to understande,
howe you would ordeyne the armie to fighte the fielde,
with these weapons, and with these order.
[Sidenote: The nomber of men that was in a Counsulles
armie; How the Romaines placed their Legions in the
field; How to order an armie in the fielde to fighte
a battaile, according to the minde of the authour;
How the extraordinary pikes bee placed in the set
battaile; The place where thextraordinarie archars
and harkebutters, and the men of armes and lighte
horsmen ought to stande when the field is pitched,
and goeth to faighte the battaile; The ordinarie archars
and harkebutters are placed aboute their owne battailes;
The place where the generall hedde of a maine battaile
muste stande, when thesame power of men is appoincted
to faight; What menne a general capitain of a maine
battaile oughte to have aboute hym; The place wher
a general capitain of all thearmie must stand when
the battaile is ready to be fought and what nomber
of chosen men oughte to be aboute hym; How many canons
is requisite for an armie, and of what sise they ought
to bee; Where the artillerie ought to be placed when
thearmie is reedie to fight; An armie that were ordered
as above is declared, maie in fighting, use the Grekes
maner, and the Roman fashion; To what purpose the
spaces that be betwene every bande of men do serve.]
FABRICIO. And I will not nowe shewe you other,
then this: you have to understande, how that
in an ordinarye Romane armie, which they call a Consull
armie, there were no more, then twoo Legions of Romane
Citezens which were sixe hundred horse, and about
aleven thousande footemen: they had besides as
many more footemen and horsemen, whiche were sente
them from their friends and confiderates, whome they
divided into twoo partes, and called the one, the
right horne and the other the left horne: nor
they never permitted, that these aiding footemen, should
passe the nomber of the footemen of their Legions,
they were well contented, that the nomber of those
horse shoulde be more then theirs: with this
armie, which was of xxii. thousand footemen, and about
twoo thousande good horse, a Consul executed all affaires,
and went to all enterprises: yet when it was
needefull to set against a greater force, twoo Consulles
Page 90
joyned together with twoo armies. You ought also
to note in especially, that in all the three principall
actes, which an armie doth that is, to march, to incampe,
and to fight, the Romanes used to put their Legions
in the middeste, for that they woulde, that the same
power, wherein they most trusted, shoulde bee moste
united, as in the reasoning of these three actes,
shall be shewed you: those aiding footemen, through
the practise they had with the Legion Souldiours, were
as profitable as they, because they were instructed,
according as the souldiours of the Legions were, and
therefore, in like maner in pitching the field, they
pitched. Then he that knoweth how the Romaines
disposed a Legion in their armie, to fight a field,
knoweth how they disposed all: therefor, having
tolde you how they devided a Legion into three bandes,
and how the one bande received the other, I have then
told you, how al tharmie in a fielde, was ordained.
Wherefore, I minding to ordain a field like unto the
Romaines, as they had twoo Legions, I will take ii.
main batailes, and these being disposed, the disposicion
of all an armie shalbe understode therby: bycause
in joyning more men, there is no other to be doen,
then to ingrosse the orders: I thinke I neede
not to rehearse how many men a maine battaile hath,
and howe it hath ten battailes, and what heades bee
in a battaile and what weapons they have, and which
be the ordinarie Pikes and Veliti, and which the extraordinarie
for that a litle a fore I told you it destinctly, and
I willed you to kepe it in memorie as a necessarie
thing to purpose, to understande all the other orders:
and therfore I will come to the demonstracion of the
order without repeating it any more: Me thinkes
good, that the ten battailes of one main battaile be
set on the left flanke, and the tenne other, of the
other main battaile, on the right: these that
are placed on the left flanke, be ordeined in this
maner, there is put five battailes the one to the
side of the other in the fronte, after suche sorte,
that betweene the one and the other, there remaine
a space of three yardes, whiche come to occupie for
largenesse Cvi. yardes, of ground, and for length
thirtie: behinde these five battailes, I would
put three other distante by right line from the firste
thirtie yardes: twoo of the whiche, should come
behinde by right line, to the uttermoste of the five,
and the other should kepe the space in the middeste,
and so these three, shall come to occupie for bredth
and length, as moche space, as the five doeth.
But where the five have betwene the one, and the other,
a distaunce of three yardes, these shall have a distance
of xxv. yardes. After these, I would place the
twoo last battailes, in like maner behinde the three
by right line, and distaunte from those three, thirtie
yardes, and I would place eche of theim, behinde the
uttermoste part of the three, so that the space, whiche
should remain betwen the one and the other, should
be lxviii. yardes: then al these battailes thus
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ordered, will take in bredth Cvi. yardes, and in length
CL. Thextraordinarie Pikes, I would deffende a
long the flanckes of these battailes, on the left
side, distante from them fiftene yardes, makyng Cxliij.
rankes, seven to a ranke, after soche sorte, that
thei maie impale with their length, all the left sixe
of the tenne battailes in thesame wise, declared of
me to be ordained: and there shall remain fourtie
rankes to keepe the carriages, and the unarmed, whiche
ought to remaine in the taile of the armie, distributyng
the Peticapitaines, and the Centurions, in their places:
and of the three Conestables, I would place one in
the hedde, the other in the middeste, the third in
the laste ranke, the whiche should execute the office
of a Tergiductore, whom the antiquitie so called hym,
that was appoincted to the backe of the armie.
But retournyng to the hedde of the armie, I saie how
that I would place nere to the extraordinarie pikes,
the Veliti extraordinarie, whiche you knowe to be five
hundred, and I would give them a space of xxx. yardes:
on the side of these likewise on the left hande, I
would place the menne of armes, and I would thei should
have a space of a Cxii. yardes: after these, the
light horsemen, to whom I would appoinct as moche
ground to stande in, as the menne of armes have:
the ordinarie veliti, I would leave about their owne
battailes, who should stand in those spaces, whiche
I appoincte betwene thone battaile and thother:
whom should be as their ministers, if sometyme I thought
not good to place them under the extraordinarie Pikes:
in dooyng or not doyng whereof, I would proceade, accordyng
as should tourne best to my purpose. The generall
hedde of all the maine battaile, I would place in
thesame space, that were betwene the first and the
seconde order of the battailes, or els in the hedde,
and in thesame space, that is betwene the laste battaile
of the firste five, and the extraordinarie Pikes,
accordyng as beste should serve my purpose, with thirtie
or fourtie chosen men about hym, that knewe by prudence,
how to execute a commission, and by force, to withstande
a violence, and thei to be also betwen the Drumme
and the Ansigne: this is thorder, with the whiche
I would dispose a maine battaile, whiche should bee
the disposyng of halfe the armie, and it should take
in breadth three hundred fourscore and twoo yardes,
and in length as moche as above is saied, not accomptyng
the space, that thesame parte of the extraordinarie
Pikes will take, whiche muste make a defence for the
unarmed, whiche will bee aboute lxxv. yardes:
the other maine battaile, I would dispose on the righte
side, after the same maner juste, as I have disposed
that on the lefte, leavyng betwene the one main battaile,
and thother, a space of xxii. yardes: in the hedde
of whiche space, I would set some little carriages
of artillerie, behynde the whiche, should stande the
generall capitaine of all the armie, and should have
about hym with the Trumpet, and with the Capitaine
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standerde, twoo hundred menne at least, chosen to
be on foote the moste parte, emongest whiche there
should be tenne or more, mete to execute all commaundementes,
and should bee in soche wise a horsebacke, and armed,
that thei mighte bee on horsebacke, and on foote, accordyng
as neede should require. The artillerie of the
armie, suffiseth ten Cannons, for the winning of Townes,
whose shotte shoulde not passe fiftie pounde:
the whiche in the fielde should serve mee more for
defence of the campe, then for to fight the battaile:
The other artillerie, should bee rather of ten, then
of fifteene pounde the shotte: this I would place
afore on the front of all the armie, if sometime the
countrie should not stande in such wise, that I mighte
place it by the flancke in a sure place, where it
mighte not of the enemie be in daunger: this fashion
of an armie thus ordered, may in fighting, use the
order of the Falangi, and the order of the Romane
Legions: for that in the fronte, bee Pikes, all
the men bee set in the rankes, after such sorte, that
incountering with the enemie, and withstanding him,
maye after the use of the Falangi, restore the firste
ranckes, with those behinde: on the other parte,
if they be charged so sore, that they be constrayned
to breake the orders, and to retire themselves, they
maye enter into the voide places of the seconde battailes,
which they have behinde them, and unite their selves
with them, and making a new force, withstande the enemie,
and overcome him: and when this sufficeth not,
they may in the verie same maner, retire them selves
the seconde time, and the third fight: so that
in this order, concerning to fight, there is to renue
them selves, both according to the Greeke maner, and
according to the Romane: concerning the strength
of the armie, there cannot be ordayned a more stronger:
for as much, as the one and the other borne therof,
is exceedingly well replenished, both with heades,
and weapons, nor there remayneth weake, other then
the part behinde of the unarmed, and the same also,
hath the flanckes impaled with the extraordinarie
Pikes: nor the enemie can not of anye parte assaulte
it, where he shall not finde it well appointed, and
the hinder parte can not be assaulted: Because
there can not bee an enemie, that hath so much puissaunce,
whome equallye maye assault thee on everye side:
for that hee having so great a power, thou oughtest
not then to matche thy selfe in the fielde with him:
but when he were three times more then thou, and as
well appointed as thou, hee doth weaken him selfe
in assaulting thee in divers places, one part that
thou breakest, will cause all the reste go to naughte:
concerning horses, although he chaunce to have more
then thine, thou needest not feare: for that the
orders of the Pikes, which impale thee, defende thee
from all violence of them, although thy horses were
repulced. The heades besides this, be disposed
in such place, that they may easyly commaunde, and
obeye: the spaces that bee between the one battaile,
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and the other, and betweene the one order, and the
other, not onely serve to be able to receyve the one
the other, but also to give place to the messengers,
whiche should go and come by order of the Capitayne.
And as I tolde you firste, howe the Romanes had for
an armie, aboute foure and twentie thousande men,
even so this oughte to bee: and as the other souldiours
tooke ensample of the Legions, for the maner of fighting,
and the fashion of the armie, so those souldiours,
whiche you shoulde joyne to oure twoo mayne battailes,
oughte to take the forme and order of them: whereof
having put you an ensample, it is an easye matter
to imitate it, for that increasing, either twoo other
mayne battailes unto the armie, or as many other souldiours,
as they bee, there is no other to bee done, then to
double the orders, and where was put tenne battailes
on the lefte parte, to put twentie, either ingrossing,
or distending the orders, according as the place,
or the enemie shoulde compell thee.
LUIGI. Surelye sir I imagine in suche wise of
this armie, that mee thinkes I nowe see it, and I
burne with a desire to see it incounter, and I woulde
for nothing in the worlde, that you shoulde become
Fabius Maximus intendyng to kepe the enemie at a baie,
and to deferre the daie of battaile: bicause
I would saie worse of you, then the Romain people
saied of hym.
[Sidenote: The descripcion of a battaile that
is a faightyng.]
FABRICIO. Doubt not: Doe you not heare the
artillerie? Ours have alredie shotte, but little
hurte the enemie: and thextraordinarie Veliti,
issuyng out of their places together with the light
horsemen, moste speadely, and with moste merveilous
furie, and greateste crie that maie be, thei assaulte
the enemie: whose artillerie hath discharged ones,
and hath passed over the heddes of our footemen, without
doyng them any hurt, and bicause it cannot shoote
the seconde tyme, the Veliti, and our horsemen, have
nowe gotten it, and the enemies for to defende it,
are come fore warde, so that neither our ordinaunce,
nor thenemies, can any more doe their office.
Se with how moche vertue, strengthe and agilitie our
men faighteth, and with how moche knowledge through
the exercise, whiche hath made them to abide, and
by the confidence, that thei have in the armie, the
whiche, see, how with the pace therof, and with the
men of armes on the sides, it marcheth in good order,
to give the charge on the adversarie: See our
artillerie, whiche to give theim place, and to leave
them the space free, is retired by thesame space, from
whens the Veliti issued: See how the capitaine
incourageth them, sheweth them the victorie certain:
See how the Veliti and light horsemen bee inlarged,
and retourned on the flanckes of tharmie, to seke and
view, if thei maie by the flanck, doe any injurie
to the adversaries: behold how the armies be
affronted. Se with how moche valiauntnesse thei
have withstode the violence of thenemies, and with
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how moche silence, and how the capitain commaundeth
the menne of armes, that thei sustain, and not charge,
and that thei breake not from the order of the footemen:
see how our light horsemen be gone, to give the charge
on a band of the enemies Harkebutters, whiche would
have hurt our men by flancke, and how the enemies
horse have succoured them, so that tourned betwene
the one and the other horse, thei cannot shoote, but
are faine to retire behinde their owne battaile:
see with what furie our Pikes doe also affront, and
how the footemen be now so nere together the one to
the other, that the Pikes can no more be occupied:
so that according to the knowlege learned of us, our
pikes do retire a little and a little betwen the targaettes.
Se how in this while a great bande of men of armes
of the enemies, have charged our men of armes on the
lefte side, and how ours, accordyng to knowlege, bee
retired under the extraordinarie Pikes, and with the
help of those, giving again a freshe charge, have
repulced the adversaries, and slain a good part of
them: in so moche, that thordinarie pikes of
the first battailes, be hidden betwene the raies of
the Targaettes, thei havyng lefte the faight to the
Targaet men: whom you maie see, with how moche
vertue, securitie, and leasure, thei kill the enemie:
see you not how moche by faightyng, the orders be
thrust together? That thei can scarse welde their
sweardes? Behold with how moche furie the enemies
move: bicause beyng armed with the pike, and with
the swerd unprofitable (the one for beyng to long,
the other for findyng thenemie to well armed) in part
thei fall hurt or dedde, in parte thei flie. See,
thei flie on the righte corner, thei flie also on
the lefte: behold, the victorie is ours.
Have not we wonne a field moste happely? But with
more happinesse it should bee wonne, if it were graunted
me to put it in acte. And see, how there neded
not the helpe of the seconde, nor of the third order,
for our first fronte hath sufficed to overcome theim:
in this part, I have no other to saie unto you, then
to resolve if any doubt be growen you.
[Sidenote: Questions concerning the shotyng of
ordinaunce.]
LUIGI. You have with so moche furie wonne this
fielde that I so moche mervaile and am so astonied,
that I beleve that I am not able to expresse, if any
doubt remain in my mynde: yet trustyng in your
prudence, I will be so bolde to tell thesame that I
understande. Tell me firste, why made you not
your ordinaunce to shoote more then ones? And
why straighte waie you made them to retire into tharmie,
nor after made no mension of them? Me thought
also, that you leveled the artillerie of the enemie
high, and appoincted it after your own devise:
the whiche might very well bee, yet when it should
happen, as I beleve it chaunseth often, that thei
strike the rankes, what reamedie have you? And
seyng that I have begun of the artillerie, I will
finishe all this question, to the intente I nede not
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to reason therof any more. I have heard many
dispraise the armours, and the orders of the aunciente
armies, arguyng, how now a daies, thei can doe little,
but rather should bee altogether unprofitable, havyng
respecte to the furie of the artillerie: bicause,
this breaketh the orders, and passeth the armours in
soche wise, that it semeth unto them a foolishenesse
to make an order, whiche cannot bee kepte, and to
take pain to beare a harneis, that cannot defende a
man.
[Sidenote: An aunswere to the questions that
were demaunded, concernyng the shoting of ordinaunce;
The best remedie to avoide the hurte that the enemie
in the fielde maie doe with his ordinaunce; A policie
against bowes and dartes; Nothyng causeth greater
confusion in an armie, than to hinder mennes fightes;
Nothing more blindeth the sight of men in an armie,
then the smoke of ordinaunce; A policie to trouble
the enemies sight; The shotte of greate ordinaunce
in the fielde, is not moche to bee feared of fotemenne;
Bicause menne of armes stand closer together then
light horsmen, thei ought to remaine behinde the armie
till the enemies ordinaunce have done shootyng; The
artillerie is no let, why the auncient orders of warfar
ought not to be used in these daies.]
FABRICIO. This question of yours (bicause it
hath many heddes) hath neede of a long aunswere.
It is true, that I made not thartillery to shoote
more than ones, and also of thesame ones, I stoode
in doubte: the occasion was, for asmoche as it
importeth more, for one to take hede not to be striken,
then it importeth to strike the enemie. You have
to understande, that to purpose that a pece of ordinaunce
hurte you not, it is necessarie either to stande where
it cannot reche you, or to get behinde a wall, or
behinde a banke: other thing there is not that
can witholde it: and it is nedefull also, that
the one and the other be moste strong. Those
capitaines whiche come to faight a field, cannot stand
behind a wal, or behind bankes, nor where thei maie
not be reached: therfore it is mete for them,
seyng thei cannot finde a waie to defende them, to
finde some mean, by the whiche thei maie be least
hurte: nor thei cannot finde any other waie, then
to prevente it quickly: the waie to prevent it,
is to go to finde it out of hande, and hastely, not
at leasure and in a heape: for that through spede,
the blowe is not suffered to bee redoubled, and by
the thinnesse, lesse nomber of menne maie be hurt.
This, a bande of menne ordered, cannot dooe; bicause
if thesame marche hastely, it goweth out of order:
if it go scattered, the enemie shall have no paine
to breake it, for that it breaketh by it self:
and therfore, I ordered the armie after soche sorte,
that it might dooe the one thyng and the other:
for as moche as havyng set in the corners thereof,
a thousande Veliti, I appoincted that after that our
ordinaunce had shotte, thei should issue out together
with the light horsemen, to get the enemies artillerie:
Page 96
and therfore, I made not my ordinance to shoote again,
to the intente, to give no tyme to the enemie to shoote:
Bicause space could not be given to me, and taken
from other men, and for thesame occasion, where I made
my ordinaunce not to shoote the seconde tyme, was
for that I would not have suffered the enemie to have
shot at al, if I had could: seyng that to mynde
that the enemies artillerie be unprofitable, there
is no other remedie, but to assaulte it spedely:
for as moche as if the enemies forsake it, thou takeste
it, if thei will defende it, it is requisite that
thei leave it behind, so that being possessed of enemies,
and of frendes, it cannot shoote. I would beleve,
that with out insamples these reasons should suffice
you, yet beyng able to shewe olde ensamples, to prove
my saiynges true, I will. Ventidio commyng to
faight a field with the Parthians, whose strength
for the moste part, consisted in bowes and arrowes,
he suffered theim almoste to come harde to his campe,
before he drewe out his armie, the whiche onely he
did, to be able quickly to prevent them: and
not to give them space to shoote. Cesar when he
was in Fraunce, maketh mencion, that in faighting
a battaile with the enemies, he was with so moche
furie assaulted of them, that his menne had no time
to whorle their Dartes, accordyng to the custome of
the Romaines: wherfore it is seen, that to intende,
that a thyng that shooteth farre of, beyng in the
field, doe not hurte thee, there is no other remedy,
then with as moche celeritie as maie bee, to prevente
it. An other cause moved me to procede, without
shotyng the ordinaunce, whereat peradventure you will
laugh: yet I judge not that it is to be dispraised.
Ther is nothyng that causeth greater confusion in an
armie, then to hinder mennes fightes: whereby
many moste puisaunte armies have been broken, by meanes
their fighte hath been letted, either with duste,
or with the Sunne: yet there is nothyng, that
more letteth the sight then the smoke that the artillerie
maketh in shotyng: therfore, I would thinke that
it wer more wisedome, to suffer the enemie to blinde
hymself, then to purpose (thou being blind) to go to
finde hym: for this cause, either I would not
shote, or (for that this should not be proved, considering
the reputacion that the artillerie hath) I would place
it on the corners of the armie, so that shootyng,
it should not with the smoke thereof, blinde the front
of thesame, whiche is the importaunce of my men.
And to prove that it is a profitable thyng, to let
the sight of the enemie, there maie be brought for
insample Epaminondas, whom to blind the enemies armie,
whiche came to faight with hym, he caused his light
horsemen, to run before the fronte of the enemies,
to raise up the duste, and to lette their sight, whereby
he gotte the victorie. And where it semeth unto
you, that I have guided the shot of the artillerie,
after my owne devise, making it to passe over the heddes
of my men, I answer you, that most often tymes, and
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without comparison, the greate ordinaunce misse the
footemen, moche soner than hitte theim: for that
the footemen are so lowe, and those so difficult to
shoote; that every little that thou raisest theim,
thei passe over the heddes of men: and if thei
be leveled never so little to lowe, thei strike in
the yearth, and the blowe cometh not to theim:
also the unevenesse of the grounde saveth them, for
that every little hillocke, or high place that is,
betwene the men and thordinance, letteth the shot therof.
And concernyng horsmen, and in especially men of armes,
bicause thei ought to stand more close together, then
the light horsemen, and for that thei are moche higher,
maie the better be stroken, thei maie, untill the
artillerie have shotte, be kepte in the taile of the
armie. True it is, that the Harkebutters doe
moche more hurt, and the field peces, then the greate
ordinance, for the whiche, the greatest remedy is,
to come to hande strokes quickly: and if in the
firste assaulte, there be slaine some, alwaies there
shall bee slaine: but a good capitaine, and a
good armie, ought not to make a coumpte of a hurte,
that is particulare, but of a generall, and to imitate
the Suizzers, whom never eschue to faight, beyng made
afraied of the artillerie: but rather punishe
with death those, whiche for feare thereof, either
should go out of the ranke, or should make with his
body any signe of feare. I made them (so sone
as thei had shotte) to bee retired into the armie,
that thei might leave the waie free for the battaile:
I made no more mencion of theim, as of a thyng unprofitable,
the faight beyng begun. You have also saied, that
consideryng the violence of this instrument, many judge
the armours, and the auncient orders to be to no purpose,
and it semeth by this your talke, that men now a daies,
have founde orders and armours, whiche are able to
defend them against the artillerie: if you knowe
this, I would bee glad that you would teache it me:
for that hetherto, I never sawe any, nor I beleve
that there can any be founde: so that I would
understande of soche men, for what cause the souldiours
on foote in these daies, weare the breastplate, or
the corselet of steele, and thei on horsebacke go
all armed: bicause seyng that thei blame the aunciente
armyng of men as unprofitable, considryng the artillery,
thei ought to despise also this? I would understande
moreover, for what occasion the Suizzers, like unto
the auncient orders, make a battaile close together
of sixe, or eight thousande menne, and for what occasion
all other have imitated theim, this order bearyng
the verie same perill, concernyng the artillerie,
that those other should beare, whiche should imitate
the antiquitie. I beleve thei should not knowe
what to answere: but if you should aske soche
Souldiours, as had some judgement, thei would aunswere
first, that thei go armed, for that though thesame
armoure defende theim not from the artillerie:
it defendeth them from crossebowes, from Pikes, from
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sweardes, from stones, and from all other hurt, that
commeth from the enemies, thei would answere also,
that thei went close together, like the Suizzers,
to be able more easely to overthrow the footemen, to
be able to withstand better the horse and to give more
difficultie to the enemie to breake them: so
that it is seen, that the souldiours have to fear,
many other thynges besides the ordinance: from
which thynges, with the armours, and with the orders,
thei are defended: whereof foloweth, that the
better that an armie is armed, and the closer that
it hath the orders, and stronger, so moche the surer
it is: so that he that is of thesame opinion,
that you saie, it behoveth either that he bee of smalle
wisedome, or that in this thyng, he hath studied verie
little: for as moche as if we see, that so little
a parte of the aunciente maner of armyng, whiche is
used now a daies, that is the pike, and so little a
parte of those orders, as are the maine battailes of
the Suizzers, dooe us so moche good, and cause our
armies to bee so strong, why ought not we to beleve,
that the other armours, and thother orders whiche are
lefte, be profitable? Seyng that if we have no
regard to the artillerie, in puttyng our selves close
together, as the Suizzers, what other orders maie
make us more to feare thesame? For as moche as
no order can cause us so moche to feare thesame, as
those, whiche bryng men together. Besides this,
if the artillerie of the enemies should not make me
afraied, in besiegyng a Toune, where it hurteth me
with more safegarde, beyng defended of a wall, I beyng
not able to prevente it, but onely with tyme, with
my artillerie to lette it, after soche sorte that it
maie double the blowe as it liste, why should I feare
thesame in the field, where I maie quickly prevent
it? So that I conclude thus, that the artillerie,
according to my opinion, doeth not let, that the aunciente
maners cannot be used, and to shewe the auncient vertue:
and if I had not talked alreadie with you of this
instrument, I would of thesame, declare unto you more
at length: but I will remit my self to that,
whiche then I saied.
LUIGI. Wee maie now understande verie well, how
moche you have aboute the artillerie discoursed:
and in conclusion, my thinkes you have shewed, that
the preventyng it quickly, is the greatest remedie,
that maie be had for thesame, beyng in the fielde,
and havyng an armie againste you. Upon the whiche
there groweth in me a doubte: bicause me thinkes,
that the enemie might place his ordinaunce in soche
wise, in his armie, that it should hurt you, and should
be after soche sort garded of the footemen, that it
could not be prevented. You have (if you remember
your self well) in the orderyng of your armie to faight,
made distaunces of three yardes, betwene the one battaile
and the other, makyng those distaunces fiftene, whiche
is from the battailes, to thextraordinarie pikes:
if thenemie, shuld order his armie like unto yours,
and should putte the artillerie a good waie within
those spaces, I beleve that from thens, it should
hurte you with their moste greate safegard: bicause
menne can not enter into the force of their enemies
to prevent it.
Page 99
[Sidenote: A generall rule againste soche thynges
as cannot bee withstoode.]
FABRICIO. You doubt moste prudently, and I will
devise with my self, either to resolve you the doubte,
or shewe you the remedie: I have tolde you, that
continually these battailes, either through goyng,
or thorowe faightyng, are movyng, and alwaies naturally,
thei come to drawe harde together, so that if you
make the distaunces of a small breadth, where you
set the artillerie, in a little tyme thei be shootte
up, after soche sort, that the artillerie cannot any
more shoote: if you make theim large, to avoide
this perill, you incurre into a greater, where you
through those distances, not onely give commoditie
to the enemie, to take from you the artillerie, but
to breake you: but you have to understande, that
it is impossible to keepe the artillerie betwene the
bandes, and in especially those whiche go on carriages:
For that the artillerie goeth one waie, and shooteth
an other waie: So that havyng to go and to shoote,
it is necessary, before thei shote, that thei tourne,
and for to tourne theim, thei will have so moche space,
that fiftie cartes of artillerie, would disorder any
armie: therfore, it is mete to kepe them out
of the bandes, where thei may be overcome in the maner,
as a little afore we have shewed: but admit thei
might be kept, and that there might be found a waie
betwen bothe, and of soche condicion, that the presyng
together of men should not hinder the artillerie, and
were not so open that it should give waie to the enemie,
I saie, that it is remedied moste easely, with makyng
distances in thy armie against it, whiche maie give
free passage to the shot of those, and so the violence
thereof shall come to be vain, the which maie be doen
moste easely: for asmoche, as the enemie mindyng
to have his artillerie stand safe, it behoveth that
he put them behinde, in the furthest part of the distances,
so that the shot of the same, he purposyng that thei
hurt not his owne men, ought to passe by right line,
and by that very same alwaies: and therefore
with givyng theim place, easely thei maie bee avoided:
for that this is a generall rule, that to those thynges,
whiche cannot be withstoode, there must bee given
waie, as the antiquitie made to the Eliphantes, and
to the carres full of hookes. I beleve, ye, I
am more then certaine, that it semeth unto you, that
I have ordered and wonne a battaile after my own maner:
notwithstanding, I answeer unto you this, when so
moche as I have saied hetherto, should not suffice,
that it should be impossible, that an armie thus ordered,
and armed, should not overcome at the first incounter,
any other armie that should bee ordained, as thei
order the armies now adaies, whom most often tymes,
make not but one front, havyng no targaettes, and are
in soche wise unarmed, that thei cannot defende themselves
from the enemie at hand, and thei order theim after
soche sorte, that if thei set their battailes by flanck,
Page 100
the one to the other, thei make the armie thinne:
if thei put the one behind the other, havyng no waie
to receive the one the other, thei doe it confusedly,
and apt to be easly troubled: and although thei
give three names to their armies, and devide them into
thre companies, vaward, battaile, and rereward, notwithstandyng
it serveth to no other purpose, then to marche, and
to distinguis the lodgynges: but in the daie
of battaile, thei binde them all to the first brunte,
and to the first fortune.
LUIGI. I have noted also in the faightyng of
your fielde, how your horsemen were repulced of the
enemies horsemen: for whiche cause thei retired
to the extraordinaire Pikes: whereby grewe, that
with the aide of theim, thei withstode, and drave
the enemies backe? I beleve that the Pikes maie
withstande the horses, as you saie, but in a grosse
and thicke maine battaile, as the Suizzers make:
but you in your army, have for the hedde five rankes
of Pikes, and for the flancke seven, so that I cannot
tell how thei maie bee able to withstande them.
[Sidenote: A Battaile how greate so ever it bee,
cannot atones occupy above v. rankes of Pikes.]
FABRICIO. Yet I have told you, how sixe rankes
of pikes wer occupied at ones, in the Macedonicall
Falangi, albeit you ought to understande, that a maine
battaile of Suizzers, if it were made of a thousande
rankes, it cannot occupie more then fower, or at the
most five: bicause the Pikes be sixe yardes and
three quarters longe, one yarde and halfe a quarter,
is occupied of the handes, wherefore to the firste
ranke, there remaineth free five yardes and a half,
and a halfe quarter of Pike: the seconde ranke
besides that whiche is occupied with the hande, consumeth
a yarde and half a quarter in the space, whiche remaineth
betwene the one ranke and thother: so that there
is not left of pike profitable, more then fower yardes
and a halfe: to the thirde ranke, by this verie
same reason, there remaineth three yardes and a quarter
and a halfe: to the fowerth, twoo yardes and
a quarter: to the fift one yard and halfe a quarter:
the other rankes, for to hurte, be unprofitable, but
thei serve to restore these firste rankes, as we have
declared, and to bee a fortificacion to those v.
Then if five of their rankes can withstande the horse,
why cannot five of ours withstande theim? to the whiche
also there lacketh not rankes behinde, that doeth
sustain and make them the very same staie, although
thei have no pikes as the other. And when the
rankes of thextraordinarie pikes, which are placed
on the flanckes, should seme unto you thinne, thei
maie bee brought into a quadrante, and put on the
flancke nere the twoo battailes, whiche I set in the
laste companie of the armie: From the whiche
place, thei maie easely altogether succour the fronte,
and the backe of the armie, and minister helpe to
the horses, accordyng as nede shall require.
LUIGI. Would you alwaies use this forme of order,
when you would pitche a fielde.
Page 101
[Sidenote: An advertiement concernyng the pitchying
of a field.]
FABRICIO. No in no wise: for that you ought
to varie the facion of the armie, according to the
qualitie of the situacion, and the condicion and quantitie
of the enemie, as before this reasonyng dooe ende,
shall bee shewed certaine insamples: but this
forme is given unto you, not so moche as moste strongeste
of all, where in deede it is verie strong, as to the
intente that thereby you maie take a rule, and an order
to learne to knowe the waies to ordeine the other:
for as moche, as every science hath his generalitie,
upon the whiche a good part of it is grounded.
One thing onely I advise you, that you never order
an armie, after soche sorte, that those that faight
afore, cannot bee sucoured of theim, whiche be set
behind: bicause he that committeth this errour,
maketh the greateste parte of his armie to bee unprofitable,
and if it incounter any strength, it cannot overcome.
LUIGI. There is growen in me, upon this parte
a doubte. I have seen that in the placyng of
the battailes, you make the fronte of five on a side,
the middeste of three, and the last partes of twoo,
and I beleve, that it were better to ordain them contrariwise:
for that I thinke, that an armie should with more
difficultie bee broken, when he that should charge
upon it, the more that he should entre into the-same,
so moche the stronger he should finde it: and
the order devised of you, me thinkes maketh, that
the more it is entered into, so moche the weaker it
is founde.
[Sidenote: How the front of the armie ought to
bee made; How the middell part of the armie ought
to be ordered.]
FABRICIO. If you should remember how to the Triarii,
whom were the thirde order of the Romain Legions,
there were not assigned more then sixe hundred men,
you would doubt lesse, havyng understode how thei were
placed in the laste companie: For that you should
see, how I moved of this insample, have placed in
the last companie twoo battailes, whiche are nine
hundred men, so that I come rather (folowyng the insample
of the Romaine people) to erre, for havyng taken to
many, then to fewe: and although this insample
should suffice, I will tell you the reason, the which
is this. The first fronte of the armie, is made
perfectly whole and thicke, bicause it must withstande
the brunt of the enemies, and it hath not to receive
in it any of their felowes: and for this, it is
fitte that it bee full of menne: bicause a fewe
menne, should make it weake, either thinnesse, or
for lacke of sufficiente nomber: but the seconde
companie, for as moche as it must first receive their
frendes, to sustain the enemie, it is mete that it
have greate spaces, and for this it behoveth, that
it be of lesse nomber then the first: for that
if it wer of greater nomber, or equall, it should
bee conveniente, either not to leave the distaunces,
the whiche should be disorder, or leavyng theim, to
passe the boundes of thoseafore, the whiche should
Page 102
make the facion of the armie unperfecte: and
it is not true that you saie, that the enemie, the
more that he entereth into the maine battaile, so moche
the weaker he findeth it: for that the enemie,
can never faight with the seconde order, except the
first be joined with thesame: so that he cometh
to finde the middest of the maine battaile more stronger,
and not more weaker, havyng to faight with the first,
and with the seconde order altogether: the verie
same happeneth, when the enemie should come to the
thirde companie: for that there, not with twoo
battailes, whiche is founde freshe, but with all the
maine battaile he must faight: and for that this
last part hath to receive moste men, the spaces therof
is requisite to be greatest, and that whiche receiveth
them, to be the leste nomber.
[Sidenote: The orderyng of the hinder part of
tharmy.]
LUIGI. It pleaseth me thesame that you have told:
but answere me also this: if the five first battailes
doe retire betwene the three seconde battailes, and
after the eight betwene the twoo thirde, it semeth
not possible, that the eight beyng brought together,
and then the tenne together, maie bee received when
thei bee eight, or when thei be tenne in the verie
same space, whiche received the five.
[Sidenote: The retire of the Pikes, to place
the Targaet men.]
FABRICIO. The first thyng that I aunswere is,
that it is not the verie same space: For that
the five have fower spaces in the middeste, whiche
retiryng betwene the thre, or betwene the twoo, thei
occupie: then there remaineth thesame space,
that is betwene the one maine battaile and other and
thesame that is, betwene the battailes, and the extraordinarie
Pikes, al the whiche spaces makes largenesse:
besides this, it is to bee considered, that the battailes
kepe other maner of spaces, when thei bee in the orders
without beyng altered, then when thei be altered:
for that in the alteracion: either thei throng
together, or thei inlarge the orders: thei inlarge
theim, when thei feare so moche, that thei fall to
fliyng, thei thrust them together, when thei feare
in soche wise, that thei seke to save them selves,
not with runnyng a waie, but with defence: So
that in this case, thei should come to be destingueshed,
and not to be inlarged. Moreover, the five rankes
of the Pikes, that are before, so sone as thei have
begun the faighte, thei ought betwene their battailes
to retire, into the taile of the armie, for to give
place to the Targaet men, that thei maie faighte:
and thei goyng into the taile of the armie, maie dooe
soche service as the capitain should judge, were good
to occupie theim aboute, where in the forward, the
faight beyng mingled, thei should otherwise bee altogether
unprofitable. And for this the spaces ordained,
come to bee for the remnaunte of the menne, wide inough
to receive them: yet when these spaces should
not suffice, the flankes on the sides be men, and
not walles, whom givyng place, and inlargyng them
selves, maie make the space to containe so moche, that
it maie bee sufficient to receive theim.
Page 103
[Sidenote: How the pikes that are placed on the
flankes of the armie ought to governe them selves
when the rest of the armie is driven to retire.]
LUIGI. The rankes of the extraordinarie Pikes,
whiche you place on the flanckes of the armie, when
the first battailes retire into the second, will you
have them to stande still, and remain with twoo homes
to the armie? Or will you that thei also retire
together, with the battailes? The whiche when
thei should do, I see not how thei can, havyng no
battailes behinde with distaunces that maie receive
them.
[Sidenote: Thexercise of the army in generall;
The nomber that is mete to be written in the Ansigne
of every band of men; The degrees of honours in an
armie, whiche soche a man ought to rise by, as should
bee made a generall capitain.]
FABRICIO. If the enemie overcome theim not, when
he inforceth the battailes to retire, thei maie stande
still in their order, and hurte the enemie on the
flanck, after that the firste battailes retired:
but if he should also overcome theim, as semeth reason,
beyng so puisaunte, that he is able to repulce the
other, thei also ought to retire: whiche thei
maie dooe excellently well, although thei have not
behinde, any to receive them: bicause from the
middest thei maie redouble by right line, entring
the one ranke into the other, in the maner whereof
wee reasoned, when it was spoken of the order of redoublyng:
True it is, that to mynde redoublyng to retire backe,
it behoveth to take an other waie, then thesame that
I shewed you: for that I told you, that the second
ranke, ought to enter into the first, the fowerth
into the thirde, and so foorth: in this case,
thei ought not to begin before, but behinde, so that
redoublyng the rankes, thei maie come to retire backewarde
not to tourne forward: but to aunswere to all
thesame, that upon this foughten field by me shewed,
might of you bee replied. I saie unto you again,
that I have ordained you this armie, and shewed this
foughten field for two causes, thone, for to declare
unto you how it is ordered, the other to shewe you
how it is exercised: thorder, I beleve you understande
moste well: and concernyng the exersice, I saie
unto you, that thei ought to be put together in this
forme, as often times as maie be: for as moche
as the heddes learne therby, to kepe their battailes
in these orders: for that to particulare souldiours,
it appertaineth to keepe well the orders of every
battaile, to the heddes of the battailes, it appertaineth
to keepe theim well in every order of the armie, and
that thei knowe how to obeie, at the commaundement
of the generall capitain: therefore, it is conveniente
that thei knowe, how to joyne the one battaile with
thother, that thei maie knowe how to take their place
atones: and for this cause it is mete that thansigne
of every battaile, have written in some evident part,
the nomber therof: as well for to be able to
commaunde them, as also for that the capitain, and
Page 104
the souldiours by thesame nomber, maie more easely
knowe theim againe: also the maine battailes,
ought to be nombred, and to have the nomber in their
principal Ansigne: Therefore it is requisite,
to knowe of what nomber the maine battaile shall be,
that is placed on the left, or on the right horne
of what nombers the battailes bee, that are set in
the fronte, and in the middeste, and so foorthe of
the other. The antiquitie would also, that these
nombers should bee steppes to degrees, of honors of
the armies: as for insample, the first degree,
is the Peticapitain, the seconde, the hedde of fiftie
ordinarie Veliti, the thirde, the Centurion, the fowerth,
the hedde of the first battaile, the fifte, of the
second, the sixt, of the thirde, and so forthe, even
to the tenth battaile, the whiche must be honoured
in the seconde place, nexte the generall capitaine
of a maine battaile: nor any ought to come to
thesame hedde, if first, he have not risen up by all
these degrees. And bicause besides these heddes,
there be the three Conestables of the extraordinarie
Pikes, and twoo of the extraordinarie Veliti, I would
that thei should be in the same degree of the Conestable
of the first battaile: nor I would not care,
that there were sixe men of like degree, to thintent,
that every one of them might strive, who should doe
beste, for to be promised to be hedde of the seconde
battaile. Then every one of these heddes, knowyng
in what place his battaile ought to be sette in, of
necessitie it must folowe, that at a sounde of the
Trompette, so sone as the hedde standarde shall bee
erected, all the armie shall be in their places:
and this is the first exercise, whereunto an armie
ought to bee accustomed, that is to set theim quickly
together: and to doe this, it is requisite every
daie, and divers times in one daie, to set them in
order, and to disorder them.
LUIGI. What armes would you that thansignes of
all the armie, shoul’d have beside the nomber?
[Sidenote: The armes that oughte to bee in the
standarde, and in the ansignes of an armie; The second
and thirde exercise of an armie; The fowerth exercise
of an armie; The soundes of the instrumentes of musicke,
that the antiquitie used in their armies; What is signified
by the sounde of the Trompet.]
FABRICIO. The standarde of the generall Capitaine
oughte to have the armes of the Prince of the armie,
all the other, maie have the verie same armes, and
to varie with the fieldes, or to varie with the armes,
as should seme beste to the Lorde of the armie:
Bicause this importeth little, so that the effect
growe, that thei be knowen the one from the other.
But let us passe to the other exercise: the which
is to make them to move, and with a convenient pace
to marche, and to se, that marehyng thei kepe the
orders. The third exercise is, that thei learne
to handle themselves in thesame maner, whiche thei
ought after to handle theimselves in the daie of battaile,
to cause the artillerie to shoote, and to bee drawen
Page 105
out of the waie, to make the extraordinarie Veliti
to issue out, after a likenes of an assault, to retire
theim: To make that the firste battailes, as
though thei wer sore charged, retire into the spaces
of the second: and after, all into the thirde,
and from thens every one to retourne to his place:
and in soche wise to use theim in this exercise, that
to every manne, all thyng maie be knowen, and familiar:
the which with practise, and with familiaritie, is
brought to passe moste quickly. The fowerth exercise
is, that thei learne to knowe by meane of the sounde,
and of the Ansigne, the commaundemente of their capitaine:
for as moche as that, whiche shall be to them pronounced
by voice, thei without other commaundemente, maie
understande: and bicause the importaunce of this
commaundement, ought to growe of the sounde, I shall
tell you what soundes the antiquitie used. Of
the Lacedemonians, accordyng as Tucidido affirmeth,
in their armies were used Flutes: for that thei
judged, that this armonie, was moste mete to make their
armie to procede with gravetie, and with furie:
the Carthaginens beyng moved by this verie same reason,
in the first assaulte, used the violone. Aliatte
kyng of the Lidians, used in the warre the violone,
and the Flutes: but Alexander Magnus, and the
Romaines, used hornes, and Trumpettes, as thei, that
thought by vertue of soche instrumentes, to bee able
to incourage more the myndes of Souldiours, and make
theim to faight the more lustely: but as we have
in armyng the armie, taken of the Greke maner, and
of the Romaine, so in distrihutyng the soundes, we
will keepe the customes of the one, and of the other
nacion: therefore, nere the generall capitain,
I would make the Trompettes to stand, as a sounde
not onely apt to inflame the armie, but apte to bee
heard in all the whole tumoult more, then any other
sounde: all the other soundes, whiche should
bee aboute the Conestables, and the heddes of maine
battailes I would, that thei should bee smalle Drummes,
and Flutes, sounded not as thei sounde theim now but
as thei use to sounde theim at feastes. The capitaine
then with the Trompet, should shewe when thei must
stande still, and go forward, or tourne backward, when
the artillerie must shoote, when the extraordinarie
Veliti must move, and with the varietie or distinccion
of soche soundes, to shewe unto the armie all those
mocions, whiche generally maie bee shewed, the whiche
Trompettes, should bee after followed of the Drummes,
and in this exercise, bicause it importeth moche,
it behoveth moche to exercise the armie. Concernyng
the horsemen, there would be used likewise Trompettes,
but of a lesse sounde, and of a divers voice from those
of the Capitaine. This is as moche as is come
into my remembraunce, aboute the order of the armie,
and of the exercise of thesame.
LUIGI. I praie you let it not be grevous unto
you to declare unto me an other thyng, that is, for
what cause you made the light horsmen, and the extraordinarie
Veliti, to goe with cries, rumours, and furie, when
thei gave the charge? And after in the incountering
of the rest of tharmie, you shewed, that the thing
folowed with a moste greate scilence? And for
that I understande not the occasion of this varietie,
I would desire that you would declare it unto me.
Page 106
[Sidenote: The cries, and rumours, wher with
the firste charge is given unto the enemies, and the
silence that ought to bee used after, when the faight
is ones begunne.]
FABRICIO. The opinion of auncient capitaines,
hath been divers about the commyng to handes, whether
thei ought with rumour to go a pace, or with scilence
to go faire and softely: this laste waie, serveth
to kepe the order more sure, and to understande better
the commaundementes of the Capitaine: the firste,
serveth to incourage more the mindes of men: and
for that I beleve, that respecte ought to bee had to
the one, and to the other of these twoo thynges, I
made the one goe with rumour, and thother with scilence:
nor me thinkes not in any wise, that the continuall
rumours bee to purpose: bicause thei lette the
commaundementes, the whiche is a thyng moste pernicious:
nor it standeth not with reason, that the Romaines
used, except at the firste assaulte to make rumour:
for that in their histories, is seen many tymes to
have happened, that through the wordes, and comfortinges
of the capitain the souldiours that ranne awaie, were
made to stande to it, and in sundrie wise by his commaundemente,
to have varied the orders, the whiche should not have
followed, if the rumoures had been louder then his
voyce.
THE FOWERTH BOOKE
LUIGI. Seng that under my governement, a field
hath been wonne so honourably, I suppose that it is
good, that I tempt not fortune any more, knowyng how
variable, and unstable she is: and therefore,
I desire to give up my governement, and that Zanobi
do execute now this office of demaundyng, mindyng
to followe the order, whiche concerneth the youngeste:
and I knowe he will not refuse this honoure, or as
we would saie, this labour, as well for to doe me
pleasure, as also for beyng naturally of more stomach
than I: nor it shall not make hym afraied, to
have to enter into these travailes, where he maie bee
as well overcome, as able to conquere.
ZANOBI. I am readie to do what soever shall please
you to appoinete me, although that I desire more willingly
to heare: for as moche as hetherto, your questions
have satisfied me more, then those should have pleased
me, whiche in harkenyng to your reasonyng, hath chaunced
to come into my remembraunce. But sir, I beleve
that it is good, that you lese no tyme, and that you
have pacience, if with these our Ceremonies we trouble
you.
FABRICIO. You doe me rather pleasure, for that
this variacion of demaunders, maketh me to knowe the
sundrie wittes and sunderie appetites of yours:
But remaineth there any thyng, whiche seemeth unto
you good, to bee joyned to the matter, that alreadie
hath been reasoned of?
ZANOBI. Twoo thinges I desire, before you passe
to an other parte: the one is, to have you to
shewe, if in orderyng armies, there needeth to bee
used any other facion: the other, what respectes
a capitaine ought to have, before he conducte his
men to the faight, and in thesame an accidente risyng
or growyng, what reamedie maie be had.
Page 107
[Sidenote: To deffende moche the fronte of an
armie, is most perillous; What is beste for a capitaine
to dooe, where his power is, moche lesse then thenemies
power; A general rule; The higher grounde ought to
be chosen; An advertisement not to place an armie
wher the enemie maie se what the same doeth; Respectes
for the Sonne and Winde; The variyng of order and
place maie cause the conquered to become victorius;
A policie in the ordering of men and pitchyng of a
fielde; How to compasse about the enemies power; How
a capitaine maie faight and bee as it were sure, not
to be overcome; How to trouble the orders of the enemie;
What a capitaine oughte to dooe when he hath not so
many horsmen as the enemie; A greate aide for horsemen;
The policies used betwene Aniball and Scipio.]
FABRICIO. I will inforce my self to satisfie
you, I will not answere now distinctly to your questions:
for that whileste I shall aunswere to one, many tymes
it will come to passe, that I muste aunswere to an
other. I have tolde you, how I have shewed you
a facion of an armie, to the intent, that accordyng
to thesame, there maie bee given all those facions,
that the enemie, and the situacion requireth:
For as moche as in this case, bothe accordyng to the
power thereof, and accordyng to the enemie, it proceadeth:
but note this, that there is not a more perillous
facion, then to deffende moche the front of tharmie,
if then thou have not a most puisant, and moste great
hoste: otherwise, thou oughtest to make it rather
grosse, and of small largenesse, then of moche largenes
and thin: for when thou hast fewe men in comparison
to thenemie, thou oughtest to seke other remedies,
as is to ordain thine army in soche a place, wher
thou maiest be fortefied, either through rivers, or
by meanes of fennes, after soch sort, that thou canst
not bee compassed aboute, or to inclose thy self on
the flanckes with diches, as Cesar did in Fraunce.
You have to take in this cace, this generall rule,
to inlarge your self, or to draw in your self with
the front, according to your nomber, and thesame of
the enemie. For thenemies being of lesse nomber,
thou oughtest to seke large places, havyng in especially
thy men well instructed: to the intent thou maiest,
not onely compasse aboute the enemie, but to deffende
thy orders: for that in places rough and difficulte,
beyng not able to prevaile of thy orders, thou commeste
not to have any advauntage, hereby grewe, that the
Romaines almoste alwaies, sought the open fieldes,
and advoided the straightes. To the contrarie,
as I have said, thou oughtest to doe, if thou hast
fewe menne, or ill instructed: for that then
thou oughteste to seeke places, either where the little
nomber maye be saved, and where the small experience
dooe not hurte thee: Thou oughtest also to chuse
the higher grounde, to be able more easily to infest
them: notwithstandyng, this advertisment ought
to be had, not to ordaine thy armie, where the enemie
maie spie what thou doest and in place nere to the
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rootes of the same, where the enemies armie maie come:
For that in this case, havyng respecte unto the artillerie,
the higher place shall gette thee disadvauntage:
Bicause that alwaies and commodiously, thou mightest
of the enemies artillerie bee hurte, without beyng
able to make any remedy, and thou couldest not commodiously
hurte thesame, beyng hindered by thine owne men.
Also, he that prepareth an armie to faight a battaile,
ought to have respecte, bothe to the Sunne, and to
the Winde, that the one and the other, doe not hurte
the fronte, for that the one and the other, will let
thee the sight, the one with the beames, and the other
with the duste: and moreover, the Winde hindereth
the weapons, whiche are stroken at the enemie, and
maketh their blowes more feable: and concerning
the Sunne, it sufficeth not to have care, that at
the firste it shine not in the face, but it is requisite
to consider, that increasyng the daie, it hurte thee
not: and for this, it should bee requsite in orderyng
the men, to have it all on the backe, to the entente
it should have to passe moche tyme, to come to lye
on the fronte. This waie was observed of Aniball
at Canne, and of Mario against the Cimbrians.
If thou happen to be moche inferiour of horses, ordaine
thine armie emongeste Vines, and trees, and like impedimentes,
as in our time the Spaniardes did, when thei overthrewe
the Frenchmenne at Cirignuola. And it hath been
seen many times, with all one Souldiours, variyng
onely the order, and the place, that thei have become
of losers victorers: as it happened to the Carthageners,
whom havyng been overcome of Marcus Regolus divers
tymes, were after by the counsaill of Santippo a Lacedemonian,
victorious: whom made them to go doune into the
plaine, where by vertue of the horses, and of Eliphantes,
thei were able to overcome the Romaines. It semes
unto me, accordyng to the auncient insamples that almoste
all the excellente Capitaines, when thei have knowen,
that the enemie hath made strong one side of his battaile,
thei have not set against it, the moste strongest
parte, but the moste weakest, and thother moste strongest
thei have set against the most weakest: after
in the beginning the faighte, thei have commaunded
to their strongest parte, that onely thei sustaine
the enemie, and not to preace upon hym, and to the
weaker, that thei suffer them selves to be overcome,
and to retire into the hindermoste bandes of the armie.
This breadeth twoo greate disorders to the enemie:
the firste, that he findeth his strongest parte compassed
about, the second is, that semyng unto him to have
the victorie, seldome tymes it happeneth, that thei
disorder not theim selves, whereof groweth his sodain
losse. Cornelius Scipio beyng in Spain, againste
Asdruball of Carthage, and understanding how to Asdruball
it was knowen, that he in the orderyng the armie,
placed his Legions in the middest, the whiche was
the strongest parte of his armie, and for this how
Asdruball with like order ought to procede: after
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when he came to faighte the battaile, he chaunged
order, and put his Legions on the hornes of the armie,
and in the middest, placed all his weakeste men:
then commyng to the handes, in a sodain those men
placed in the middeste, he made to marche softly,
and the hornes of the armie, with celeritie to make
forwarde, so that onely the hornes of bothe the armies
fought, and the bandes in the middest, through beyng
distaunt the one from the other, joyned not together,
and thus the strongest parte of Scipio, came to faight
with the weakest of Asdruball, and overcame hym.
The whiche waie was then profitable, but now havyng
respect to the artillerie, it cannot be used:
bicause the same space, whiche should remain in the
middest, betwene the one armie and the other, should
give tyme to thesame to shoote: The whiche is
moste pernicious, as above is saied: Therefore
it is requisite to laie this waie aside, and to use,
as a little afore we saied, makyng all the armie to
incounter, and the weakest parte to give place.
When a capitaine perceiveth, that he hath a greater
armie then his enemie, mindyng to compasse hym aboute,
before he be aware let hym ordaine his fronte equall,
to thesame of his adversaries, after, so sone as the
faight is begun, let hym make the fronte by a little
and little to retire, and the flanckes to deffende,
and alwaies it shall happen, that the enemie shal
find hymself, before he be aware compassed about.
When a capitain will faight, as it wer sure not to
be broken, let hym ordaine his armie in place, where
he hath refuge nere, and safe, either betwene Fennes,
or betwene hilles, or by some strong citee: for
that in this case, he cannot bee followed of the enemie,
where the enemie maie be pursued of him: this
poincte was used of Aniball, when fortune began to
become his adversarie, and that he doubted of the valiauntnesse
of Marcus Marcello. Some to trouble the orders
of the enemie, have commaunded those that were light
armed, to begin the faight, and that beyng begunne,
to retire betwene the orders: and when the armies
were after buckled together, and that the fronte of
either of them were occupied in faightyng, thei have
made theim to issue out by the flanckes of the battaile,
and thesame have troubled and broken. If any perceive
hymself to bee inferiour of horse, he maie besides
the waies that are alredie shewed, place behinde his
horsemen a battaile of Pikes, and in faightyng take
order, that thei give waie to the Pikes, and he shall
remain alwaies superiour. Many have accustomed
to use certain fotemenne lighte armed, to faighte
emong horsemen, the whiche hath been to the chivalrie
moste greate helpe. Of all those, which have prepared
armies to the field, be moste praised Aniball and
Scipio, when thei fought in Africk: and for that
Aniball had his armie made of Carthaginers, and of
straungers of divers nacions, he placed in the first
fronte thereof lxxx. Elephantes, after he placed
the straungers, behinde whom he sette his Carthaginers,
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in the hindermoste place, he putte the Italians, in
whom he trusted little: the whiche thing he ordained
so, for that the straungers havyng before theim the
enemie, and behinde beyng inclosed of his men, could
not flie: so that being constrained to faight
thei should overcome, or wearie the Romaines, supposyng
after with his freshe and valiaunte men, to be then
able easely to overcome the Romaines, beeyng wearied.
Against this order, Scipio set the Astati, the Prencipi,
and the Triarii, in the accustomed maner, to bee able
to receive the one the other, and to rescue the one
the other: he made the fronte of the armie, full
of voide spaces, and bicause it should not be perceived
but rather should seme united, he filled them ful
of veliti, to whom he commaunded, that so sone as
the Eliphantes came, thei should avoide, and by the
ordinarie spaces, should enter betwene the Legins,
and leave open the waie to the Eliphauntes, and so
it came to passe, that it made vaine the violence
of theim, so that commyng to handes, he was superiour.
ZANOBI. You have made me to remember, in alledging
me this battaile, how Scipio in faighting, made not
the Astati to retire into thorders of the Prencipi,
but he devided theim, and made theim to retire in the
hornes of the armie, to thintent thei might give place
to the Prencipi, when he would force forwarde:
therfore I would you should tell me, what occasion
moved hym, not to observe the accustomed order.
[Sidenote: Cartes full of hookes made to destroie
the enemies; The remedy that was used against Cartes
full of hookes; The straunge maner that Silla used
in orderyng his army against Archelaus; How to trouble
in the faighte the armie of the enemies; A policie
of Caius Sulpitius, to make his enemies afraied; A
policie of Marius againste the Duchmenne; A policie
of greate importaunce, while a battaile is a faightyng;
How horsemen maie bee disordered; How the turke gave
the Sophie an overthrowe; How the Spaniardes overcame
the armie of Amilcare; How to traine the enemie, to
his destruccion; A policie of Tullo Hostilio and Lucius
Silla in dessemlyng of a mischaunce; Sertorius slue
a man for telling him of the death of one of his capitaines;
Howe certaine captaines have staied their men that
hath been running awaie; Attillius constrained his
men that ran awaie to tourne again and to faight; How
Philip king of Macedonia made his men afraied to run
awaie; Victorie ought with all celeritie to bee folowed;
What a capitaine ought to dooe, when he should chaunce
to receive an overthrowe; How Martius overcame the
armie of the Carthaginers; A policie of Titus Dimius
to hide a losse, whiche he had received in a faight;
A general rule; Aniball; Scipio; Asdruball; A Capitaine
ought not to faight without advantage, excepte he
be constrained; How advauntage maie bee taken of the
enemies; Furie withstode, converteth into vilenesse;
What maner of men a capitaine ought to have about
him continually, to consult withall; The condicions
of the capitain of the enemies, and of those that are
about hym is moste requisite to bee knowen; A timerous
army is not to be conducted to faight; How to avoide
the faightyng of a fielde.]
Page 111
FABRICIO. I will tell you. Aniball had putte
all the strengthe of his armie, in the seconde bande:
wherefore Scipio for to set againste thesame like
strengthe, gathered the Prencipi and the Triarii together:
So that the distaunces of the Prencipi, beyng occupied
of the Triarii, there was no place to bee able to
receive the Astati: and therefore he made the
Astati to devide, and to go in the hornes of the armie,
and he drewe them not betwene the Prencipi. But
note, that this waie of openyng the first bande, for
to give place to the seconde, cannot bee used, but
when a man is superiour to his enemie: for that
then there is commoditie to bee able to dooe it, as
Scipio was able: but beyng under, and repulced,
it cannot be doen, but with thy manifest ruine:
and therefore it is convenient to have behinde, orders
that maie receive thee, but let us tourne to our reasonyng.
The auncient Asiaticans, emongest other thynges devised
of them to hurt the enemies, used carres. The
whiche had on the sides certaine hookes, so that not
onely thei served to open with their violence the
bandes, but also to kill with the hookes the adversaries:
against the violence of those, in thre maners thei
provided, either thei sustained theim with the thickenesse
of the raies, or thei received theim betwene the bandes,
as the Eliphantes were received, or els thei made
with arte some strong resistence: As Silla a
Romaine made againste Archelaus, whom had many of these
cartes, whiche thei called hooked, who for to sustaine
theim, drave many stakes into the grounde, behinde
his first bandes of men, whereby the cartes beyng
stopped, lost their violence. And the newe maner
that Silla used against hym in orderyng the armie,
is to bee noted: for that he put the Veliti,
and the horse, behinde, and all the heavie armed afore,
leavyng many distaunces to be able to sende before
those behinde, when necessite required: whereby
the fight beyng begun, with the helpe of the horsemen,
to the whiche he gave the waie, he got the victorie.
To intende to trouble in the faight the enemies armie,
it is conveniente to make some thyng to growe, that
maie make theim afraied, either with showyng of newe
helpe that commeth, or with showyng thynges, whiche
maie represente a terrour unto theim: after soche
sorte, that the enemies begiled of that sight, maie
be afraied, and being made afraied, thei maie easely
bee overcome: the whiche waies Minutio Rufo used,
and Accilio Glabrione Consulls of Rome. Caius
Sulpitius also set a greate many of sackes upon Mules,
and other beastes unprofitable for the warre, but in
soche wise ordained, that thei semed men of armes,
and he commaunded, that thei should appere upon a
hill, while he were a faightyng with the Frenchemen,
whereby grewe his victorie. The verie same did
Marius, when he foughte against the Duchemen.
Then the fained assaultes availyng moche, whilest
the faight continueth, it is conveniente, that the
very assaultes in deede, dooe helpe moche: inespecially
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if at unwares in the middest of the faight, the enemie
might bee assaulted behinde, or on the side:
the whiche hardely maie be doen, if the countrie helpe
thee not: for that when it is open, parte of
thy men cannot bee hid, as is mete to bee doen in
like enterprises: but in woddie or hille places,
and for this apt for ambusshes parte of thy men maie
be well hidden, to be able in a sodain, and contrary
to thenemies opinion to assaut him, whiche thyng alwaies
shall be occasion to give thee the victorie. It
hath been sometyme of greate importaunce, whilest
the faighte continueth, to sowe voices, whiche doe
pronounce the capitaine of thenemies to be dedde, or
to have overcome on the other side of the armie:
the whiche many times to them that have used it, hath
given the victorie. The chivalrie of the enemies
maie bee easely troubled, either with sightes, or with
rumours, not used: as Creso did, whom put Camelles
againste the horses of the adversaries, and Pirrus
sette againste the Romaine horsemen Eliphantes, the
sighte of whiche troubled and disordered them.
In our time, the Turke discomfited the Sophi in Persia,
and the Soldane in Surria with no other, then with
the noise of Harkabuses, the whiche in soche wise,
with their straunge rumours, disturbed the horses
of those, that the Turke mighte easely overcome them:
The Spaniardes to overcome the armie of Amilcare,
put in the firste fronte Cartes full of towe drawen
of oxen, and comming to handes, thei kindeled fire
to thesame, wherfore the oxen to flie from the fire,
thrust into the armie of Amilcar, and opened it.
Thei are wonte (as we have saied) to begile the enemie
in the faight, drawyng him into their ambusshes, where
the Countrie is commodious for the same purpose, but
where it were open and large, many have used to make
diches, and after have covered them lightly with bowes
and yearth, and lefte certain spaces whole, to be
able betnene those to retire: after, so sone
as the faight hath been begunne, retiryng by those,
and the enemie folowing them, hath fallen in the pittes.
If in the faight there happen thee, any accident that
maie feare thy souldiours, it is a moste prudente
thyng, to knowe how to desemble it, and to pervert
it to good, as Tullo Hostilio did, and Lucius Silla:
whom seyng while thei fought, how a parte of his men
wer gone to the enemies side, and how thesame thing
had verie moche made afraied his men, he made straighte
waie throughout all the armie to be understoode, how
all thing proceded, accordyng to his order: the
whiche not onely did not trouble the armie, but it
increased in them so moche stomack, that he remained
victorious. It happened also to Silla, that havyng
sente certaine souldiours to doe some businesse, and
thei beyng slain he saied, to the intent his armie
should not be made afraied thereby, that he had with
crafte sent theim into the handes of the enemies,
for that he had found them nothyng faithfull.
Sertorius faightyng a battaile in Spaine, slue one,
Page 113
whom signified unto hym the death of one of his capitaines,
for feare that tellyng the very same to other, he
should make theim afraied. It is a moste difficult
thyng, an armie beyng now moved to flie, to staie it,
and make it to faight. And you have to make this
distinccion: either that it is all moved, and
then to be impossible to tourne it, or there is moved
a parte thereof, and then there is some remedie.
Many Romain capitaines, with making afore those whiche
fled, have caused them to staie, making them ashamed
of running awaie, as Lucius Silla did, where alredy
parte of his Legions beyng tourned to flight, driven
awaie by the men of Mithridates, he made afore them
with a swearde in his hande criyng: if any aske
you, where you left your capitaine, saie, we have
left hym in Boecia, where he faighteth. Attillius
a consull set againste that ran awaie, them that ranne
not awaie, and made them to understande, that if thei
would not tourne, thei should be slaine of their frendes,
and of their enemies. Philip of Macedonia understanding
how his men feared the Scithian Souldiours, placed
behinde his armie, certaine of his moste trustie horsemen,
and gave commission to theim, that thei should kill
whom so ever fledde: wherfore, his men mindyng
rather to die faightyng, then fliyng, overcame.
Many Romaines, not so moche to staie a flight, as
for to give occasion to their men, to make greater
force, have whileste thei have foughte, taken an Ansigne
out of their owne mennes handes, and throwen it emongeste
the enemies, and appoincted rewardes to hym that could
get it again. I doe not beleve that it is out
of purpose, to joyne to this reasonyng those thynges,
whiche chaunce after the faight, in especially beyng
brief thinges, and not to be left behinde, and to
this reasonyng conformable inough. Therefore I
saie, how the fielde is loste, or els wonne:
when it is wonne, the victorie ought with all celeritie
to be folowed, and in this case to imitate Cesar, and
not Aniball, whom staiyng after that he had discomfited
the Romaines at Canne, loste the Empire of Rome:
The other never rested after the victorie, but folowed
the enemie beyng broken, with greater violence and
furie, then when he assalted hym whole: but when
a capitaine dooeth loese, he ought to see, if of the
losse there maie growe any utilite unto hym, inespecially
if there remain any residue of tharmie. The commoditie
maie growe of the small advertisment of the enemie,
whom moste often times after the victorie, becometh
negligent, and giveth thee occasion to oppresse hym,
as Marcius a Romaine oppressed the armie of the Carthaginers,
whom having slain the twoo Scipions, and broken their
armie, not estemyng thesame remnaunt of menne, whiche
with Marcius remained a live, were of hym assaulted
and overthrowen: for that it is seen, that there
is no thing so moche to bee brought to passe, as thesame,
whiche the enemie thinketh, that thou canst not attempte:
bicause for the moste parte, men bee hurte moste, where
Page 114
thei doubt leaste: therefore a capitain ought
when he cannot doe this, to devise at least with diligence,
that the losse bee lesse hurtfull, to dooe this, it
is necessarie for thee to use meanes, that the enemie
maie not easely folowe thee, or to give him occasion
to make delaie: in the first case, some after
thei have been sure to lese, have taken order with
their heddes, that in divers partes, and by divers
waies thei should flie, havyng appoincted wher thei
should after assemble together: the which made,
that thenemie (fearing to devide the armie) was faine
to let go safe either all, or the greatest part of
them. In the seconde case, many have cast before
the enemie, their dearest thinges, to the entent that
he tariyng about the spoile, might give them more laisure
to flie. Titus Dimius used no small policie to
hide the losse, whiche he had received in the faight,
for asmoche as havyng fought untill night, with great
losse of his menne, he made in the night to be buried,
the greatest part of them, wherefore in the mornyng,
the enemies seyng so many slaine of theirs, and so
fewe of the Romaines, belevyng that thei had the disavauntage,
ran awaie. I trust I have thus confusedly, as
I saied, satisfied in good part your demaunde:
in dede about the facions of the armies, there resteth
me to tell you, how some tyme, by some Capitaines,
it hath been used to make theim with the fronte, like
unto a wedge, judgyng to bee able by soche meane,
more easely to open the enemies armie. Against
this facion, thei have used to make a facion like unto
a paire of sheres, to be able betwene thesame voide
place, to receive that wedge, and to compasse it about,
and to faight with it on every side: whereupon
I will that you take this generall rule, that the greatest
remedie that is used againste a devise of the enemie,
is to dooe willingly thesame, whiche he hath devised
that thou shalt dooe perforce: bicause that doyng
it willingly, thou doest it with order, and with thy
advauntage, and his disadvauntage, if thou shouldest
doe it beyng inforced, it should be thy undoyng:
For the provyng whereof, I care not to reherse unto
you, certain thynges alredy tolde. The adversary
maketh the wedge to open thy bandes: if thou
gowest with them open, thou disorderest hym, and he
disordereth not thee. Aniball set the Elephantes
in the fronte of his armie, to open with theim the
armie of Scipio. Scipio went with it open, and
it was the occasion of his victorie, and of the ruine
of hym. Asdruball placed his strongest men in
the middest of the fronte of his armie, to overthrowe
Scipios menne: Scipio commaunded, that by them
selves thei should retire and he broke theim:
So that like devises when thei are foreseen, bee the
causes of the victorie of him, against whom thei be
prepared. There remaineth me also, if I remember
my self well, to tell you what respectes a Capitaine
ought to have, before he leade his men to faight:
upon whiche I have to tell you firste, how a capitaine
Page 115
ought never to faight a battaile, except he have advauntage,
or be constrained. The vantage groweth of the
situacion, of the order, of havyng more, or better
menne: the necessitie groweth when thou seest
how that not faightyng, thou muste in any wise lose,
as should bee for lackyng of money, and for this, thy
armie to bee ready all maner of waies to resolve,
where famishemente is ready to assaulte thee, where
the enemie looketh to bee ingrosed with newe men:
in these cases, thou oughtest alwaies to faight, although
with thy disadvauntage: for that it is moche
better to attempte fortune, where she maie favour
thee, then not attemptyng, to see thy certaine ruine:
and it is as grevous a faulte in this case, in a capitain
not to faight, as to have had occasion to overcome,
and not to have either knowen it through ignoraunce,
or lefte it through vilenesse. The advauntages
some tymes the enemie giveth thee, and some tymes
thy prudence: Many in passyng Rivers have been
broken of their enemie, that hath been aware thereof,
whom hath taried, till the one halfe hath been of the
one side, and the other halfe on the other, and then
hath assaulted them: as Cesar did to the Suizzers,
where he destroied the fowerth parte of theim, through
beyng halfe over a river. Some tyme thy enemie
is founde wearie, for havyng folowed thee to undescritely,
so that findyng thy self freshe and lustie, thou oughtest
not to let passe soche an occasion: besides this,
if the enemie offer unto thee in the mornyng betymes
to faight, thou maiest a good while deferre to issue
out of thy lodgyng, and when he hath stoode long in
armour, and that he hath loste that same firste heate,
with the whiche he came, thou maiest then faight with
him. This waie Scipio and Metellus used in Spaine:
the one against Asdruball, the other against Sertorius.
If the enemie be deminished of power, either for havyng
devided the armie, as the Scipions in Spain, or for
some other occasion, thou oughteste to prove chaunce.
The greateste parte of prudent capitaines, rather
receive the violence of the enemies, then go with
violence to assalte them: for that the furie is
easely withstoode of sure and steddie menne, and the
furie beyng sustained, converteth lightly into vilenesse:
Thus Fabius did againste the Sannites, and against
the Galles, and was victorious and his felowe Decius
remained slain. Some fearing the power of their
enemies, have begun the faight a little before night,
to the intent that their men chaunsyng to bee overcome,
might then by the helpe of the darkenesse thereof,
save theim selves. Some havyng knowen, how the
enemies armie beyng taken of certaine supersticion,
not to faight in soche a tyme, have chosen thesame
tyme to faighte, and overcome: The whiche Cesar
observed in Fraunce, againste Arionistus, and Vespasian
in Surrie, againste the Jewes. The greatest and
moste importaunte advertismente, that a capitaine
ought to have, is to have aboute hym faithfull menne,
that are wise and moste expert in the warre, with
Page 116
whom he must continually consulte and reason of his
men, and of those of the enemies, whiche is the greater
nomber, whiche is beste armed, or beste on horsebacke,
or best exercised, whiche be moste apte to suffer
necessitie, in whom he trusteth moste, either in the
footemen, or in the horsemen: after thei ought
to consider the place where thei be, and whether it
be more to the purpose for thenemie, then for him:
which of theim hath victualles moste commodious:
whether it be good to deferre the battaile, or to faight
it: what good might bee given hym, or taken awaie
by tyme: for that many tymes, souldiours seyng
the warre to be delaied, are greved, and beyng wearie,
in the pain and in the tediousnesse therof, wil forsake
thee. It importeth above all thyng, to knowe
the capitain of the enemies, and whom he hath aboute
hym, whether he be rashe, or politike, whether he be
fearfull, or hardie: to see how thou maiest truste
upon the aidyng souldiours. And above all thyng
thou oughtest to take hede, not to conducte the armie
to faight when it feareth, or when in any wise it
mistrusteth of the victorie: for that the greatest
signe to lose, is thei beleve not to be able to winne:
and therfore in this case, thou oughtest to avoide
the faightyng of the fielde, either with doyng as
Fabius Maximus, whom incampyng in strong places, gave
no courage to Aniball, to goe to finde hym, or when
thou shouldest thinke, that the enemie also in strong
places, would come to finde thee, to departe out of
the fielde, and to devide the menne into thy tounes
to thentent that tediousnesse of winnyng them, maie
wearie hym.
ZANOBI. Cannot the faightyng of the battaile
be otherwise avoided, then in devidyng the armie in
sunderie partes and placyng the men in tounes?
[Sidenote: Fabius Maximus.]
FABRICIO. I beleve that ones alreadie, with some
of you I have reasoned, how that he, that is in the
field, cannot avoide to faight the battaile, when
he hath an enemie, which will faight with hym in any
wise, and he hath not, but one remedie, and that is,
to place him self with his armie distant fiftie miles
at leaste, from his adversarie, to be able betymes
to avoide him, when he should go to finde hym.
For Fabius Maximus never avoided to faight the battaile
with Aniball, but he would have it with his advauntage:
and Aniball did not presume to bee able to overcome
hym, goyng to finde hym in the places where he incamped:
where if he had presupposed, to have been able to
have overcome, it had been conveniente for Fabius,
to have fought the battaile with hym, or to have avoided.
[Sidenote: Philip king of Macedonia, overcome
by the Romaines; How Cingentorige avoided the faightyng
of the fielde with Cesar; The ignorance of the Venecians;
What is to be doen wher soldiours desire to faight,
contrary to their capitaines minde; How to incourage
souldiers; An advertisment to make the soldiour most
obstinately to faight.]
Page 117
Philip Kyng of Macedonia, thesame that was father
to Perse, commyng to warre with the Romaines, pitched
his campe upon a verie high hill, to the entent not
to faight with theim: but the Romaines wente to
find hym on thesame hill, and discomfaited hym.
Cingentorige capitain of the Frenche menne, for that
he would not faight the field with Cesar, whom contrarie
to his opinion, had passed a river, got awaie many
miles with his men. The Venecians in our tyme,
if thei would not have come to have fought with the
Frenche kyng, thei ought not to have taried till the
Frenche armie, had passed the River Addus, but to have
gotten from them as Cingentorige, where thei havyng
taried knewe not how to take in the passyng of the
men, the occasion to faight the battaile, nor to avoide
it: For that the Frenche men beyng nere unto them,
as the Venecians went out of their Campe, assaulted
theim, and discomfited theim: so it is, that
the battaile cannot bee avoided, when the enemie in
any wise will faight, nor let no man alledge Fabius,
for that so moche in thesame case, he did flie the
daie of battaile, as Aniball. It happeneth many
tymes, that thy souldiours be willyng to faight, and
thou knoweste by the nomber, and by the situacion,
or for some other occasion to have disadvauntage,
and desirest to make them chaunge from this desire:
it happeneth also, that necessitie, or occasion, constraineth
thee to faight, and that thy souldiours are evill
to be trusted, and smally disposed to faight:
where it is necessarie in thone case, to make theim
afraied, and in the other to incourage theim:
In the firste case, when perswacions suffiseth not,
there is no better waie, then to give in praie, a
part of them unto thenemie, to thintent those that
have, and those that have not fought, maie beleve
thee: and it may very wel be doen with art, thesame
which to Fabius Maximus hapned by chaunce. Tharmie
of Fabius (as you knowe) desired to faight with Aniballs
armie: the very same desire had the master of
his horses: to Fabius it semed not good, to attempte
the faight: so that through soche contrary opinions,
he was fain to devide the armie: Fabius kept his
men in the campe, the other fought, and commyng into
great perill, had been overthrowen, if Fabius had
not rescued him: by the whiche insample the maister
of the horse, together with all the armie, knewe how
it was a wise waie to obeie Fabius. Concernyng
to incourage theim to faight, it should be well doen,
to make them to disdain the enemies, shewyng how thei
speake slaunderous woordes of them, to declare to have
intelligence with them, and to have corrupted part
of them, to incampe in place, where thei maie see
the enemies, and make some light skirmishe with them,
for that the thyng that is dailie seen, with more facilitie
is despised: to shewe theim to bee unworthie,
and with an oracion for the purpose, to reprehende
them of their cowardnesse, and for to make them ashamed,
to tell theim that you will faight alone, when thei
Page 118
will not beare you companie. And you ought above
all thyng to have this advertismente, mindyng to make
the Souldiour obstinate to faight, not to permitte,
that thei maie send home any of their substaunce, or
to leave it in any place, till the warre bee ended,
that thei maie understande, that although fliyng save
their life, yet it saveth not theim their goodes,
the love whereof, is wonte no lesse then thesame, to
make men obstinate in defence.
ZANOBI. YOU have tolde, how the souldiours maie
be tourned to faight, with speakyng to theim:
doe you meane by this, that all the armie must bee
spoken unto, or to the heddes thereof?
[Sidenote: It is requisite for excellent Capitaines
to bee good orators; Alexander Magnus used openly
to perswade his armie; The effecteousnes of speking;
Souldiours ought to be accustomed to heare their Capitaine
speake; How in olde time souldiers were threatened
for their faltes; Enterprises maie the easelier be
brought to passe by meanes of religion; Sertorius;
A policie of Silla; A policie of Charles the seventh
king of Fraunce against the Englishmen; How souldiers
maiebee made to esteme little their enemies; The surest
wai to make souldiours moste obstinat to faight; By
what meanes obstinatenesse to faighte is increased.]
FABRICIO. TO perswade, or to diswade a thyng
unto fewe, is verie easie, for that if woordes suffise
not, you maie then use aucthoritie and force:
but the difficultie is, to remove from a multitude
an evill opinion, and that whiche is contrary either
to the common profite, or to thy opinion, where cannot
be used but woordes, the whiche is meete that thei
be heard of every man, mindyng to perswade them all.
Wherfore, it was requisite that the excellente Capitaines
were oratours: for that without knowyng how to
speake to al the army, with difficultie maie be wrought
any good thing: the whiche altogether in this
our tyme is laied aside. Rede the life of Alexander
Magnus, and you shall see how many tymes it was necessarie
for hym to perswade, and to speake publikly to his
armie: otherwise he should never have brought
theim, beyng become riche, and full of spoile, through
the desertes of Arabia, and into India with so moche
his disease, and trouble: for that infinite tymes
there growe thynges, wherby an armie ruinateth, when
the capitain either knoweth not, or useth not to speake
unto thesame, for that this speakyng taketh awaie
feare, in courageth the mindes, increaseth the obstinatenes
to faight, discovereth the deceiptes, promiseth rewardes,
sheweth the perilles, and the waie to avoide theim,
reprehendeth, praieth, threatened, filleth full of
hope, praise, shame, and doeth a11 those thynges,
by the whiche the humaine passions are extincte or
kendled: wherefore, that prince, or common weale,
whiche should appoincte to make a newe power, and
cause reputacion to their armie, ought to accustome
the Souldiours thereof, to heare the capitain to speake,
and the capitain to know how to speake unto them.
Page 119
In kepyng desposed the souldiours in old tyme, to
faight for their countrie, the religion availed moche,
and the othes whiche thei gave them, when thei led
theim to warfare: for as moche as in al their
faultes, thei threatned them not onely with those
punishementes, whiche might be feared of men but with
those whiche of God might be looked for: the whiche
thyng mingled with the other Religious maners, made
many tymes easie to the auncient capitaines all enterprises,
and will doe alwaies, where religion shall be feared,
and observed. Sertorius prevailed, by declaryng
that he spake with a Stagge, the whiche in Goddes
parte, promised hym the victorie. Silla saied,
he spoke with an Image, whiche he had taken out of
the Temple of Apollo. Many have tolde how God
hath appered unto them in their slepe, whom hath admonished
them to faight. In our fathers time, Charles
the seventh kyng of Fraunce, in the warre whiche he
made againste the Englishemen, saied, he counsailed
with a maide, sent from God, who was called every
where the Damosell of Fraunce, the which was occacion
of his victorie. There maie be also used meanes,
that maie make thy men to esteme little the enemie,
as Agesilao a Spartaine used, whom shewed to his souldiours,
certain Persians naked, to the intent that seyng their
delicate members, thei should not have cause to feare
them. Some have constrained their men to faight
through necessitie, takyng awaie from them all hope
of savyng theim selves, savyng in overcommyng.
The whiche is the strongest, and the beste provision
that is made, to purpose to make the souldiour obstinate
to faight: whiche obstinatenesse is increased
by the confidence, and love of the Capitaine, or of
the countrie. Confidence is caused through the
armour, the order the late victorie, and the opinion
of the Capitaine. The love of the countrie, is
caused of nature: that of the Capitain, through
vertue, more then by any other benefite: the
necessities maie be many, but that is strongest, whiche
constraineth thee; either to overcome, or to dye.
THE FIVETH BOOKE
[Sidenote: How the Romaines marched with their
armies; How the Romaines ordered their armie when
it happened to be assaulted on the waie; How the main
battailes ought to marche; The orderyng of an armie
after soche sorte, that it maie marche safelie through
the enemies countrie and be alwaies in a redines to
faight; The place in the armie wher the bowmen and
Harkabutters are appoincted; The place in the armie
wher thextraordinarie Pikes are appoincted. The
place in the armie wherthe generall capitain must
be; Where the artillerie must be placed. The
light horsmenne must be sente before to discover the
countrie and the menne of armes to come behind tharmy;
A generall rule concernyng horse; Wher the carriages
and the unarmed are placed; The waie must be made
plaine wher the armie shall marche in order; How many
miles a day an armie maie marche in battaile raie,
to bee able to incampe before sunne set; The orderyng
of the armie, when it is assaulted on the vawarde;
The orderyng of tharmie when thenemie commes to assaulte
it behinde; How the armie is ordered when it is assaulted
of any of the sides; doen when the army is assaulted
on twoo sides.]
Page 120
FABRICIO. I have shewed you, how an armi, is
ordained to faight a fielde with an other armie, which
is seen pitched against it, and have declared unto
you, howe the same is overcome, and after many circumstaunces,
I have likewise shewed you, what divers chaunces,
maie happen about thesame, so that me thinkes tyme
to shewe you now, how an armie is ordered, againste
thesame enemie, whiche otherwise is not seen, but
continually feared, that he assaulte thee: this
happeneth when an armie marcheth through the enemies
countrie, or through suspected places. Firste,
you must understande, how a Romaine armie, sent alwaies
ordinarely afore, certaine bandes of horsemen, as spies
of the waie: after followed the right horne,
after this, came all the carriages, whiche to thesame
apperteined, after this, came a Legion, after it, the
carriages therof, after that, an other legion, and
next to it, their carriages, after whiche, came the
left horne, with the carriages thereof at their backe,
and in the laste part, folowed the remnaunte of the
chivalrie: this was in effecte the maner, with
whiche ordinarily thei marched: and if it happened
that the armie were assaulted in the waie on the fronte,
or on the backe, thei made straight waie all the carriages
to bee drawen, either on the right, or on the lefte
side, accordyng as chaunsed, or as thei could beste,
havyng respecte to the situacion: and all the
men together free from their impedimentes, made hedde
on that parte, where the enemie came. If thei
were assaulted on the flancke, thei drue the carriages
towardes thesame parte that was safe, and of the other,
thei made hedde. This waie beyng well and prudently
governed, I have thought meete to imitate, sending
afore the light horsemen, as exploratours of the Countrie:
Then havyng fower maine battailes I would make them
to marche in araie, and every one with their carriages
folowyng theim. And for that there be twoo sortes
of carriages, that is partainyng to particulare souldiours,
and partainyng to the publike use of all the Campe,
I would devide the publike Carriages into fower partes,
and to every maine battaile, I would appoinct his parte,
deviding also the artillerie into fower partes, and
all the unarmed, so that every nomber of armed menne,
should equally have their impedimentes. But bicause
it happeneth some times, that thei marche through
the countrie, not onely suspected, but so daungerous,
that thou fearest every hower to be assaulted, thou
art constrained for to go more sure, to chaunge the
forme of marchyng, and to goe in soche wise prepared,
that neither the countrie menne, nor any armie, maie
hurte thee, findyng thee in any parte unprovided.
In soche case, the aunciente capitaines were wont,
to marche with the armie quadrante, whiche so thei
called this forme, not for that it was altogether quadrante,
but for that it was apte to faight of fower partes,
and thei saied, that thei wente prepared, bothe for
the waie, and for the faight: from whiche waie,
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I will not digresse, and I will ordaine my twoo maine
battailes, whiche I have taken for to make an armie
of, to this effect. Mindyng therefore, to marche
safely through the enemies Countrie, and to bee able
to aunswere hym on every side, when at unwares the
armie might chaunce to be assaulted, and intendyng
therefore, accordyng to the antiquitie, to bryng thesame
into a square, I would devise to make a quadrant,
that the rome therof should be of space on every part
Clix. yardes, in this maner. First I would put
the flanckes, distant the one flanck from the other,
Clix. yardes, and I would place five battailes for
a flancke, in a raie in length, and distant the one
from the other, twoo yardes and a quarter: the
whiche shall occupie with their spaces, every battaile
occupiyng thirtie yardes, Clix. yardes. Then betwen
the hedde and the taile of these two flanckes, I would
place the other tenne battailes, in every parte five,
orderyng them after soche sorte, that fower should
joyne to the hedde of the right flanck, and fower to
the taile of the lefte flancke, leaving betwene every
one of them, a distance of thre yardes: one should
after joyne to the hedde of the lefte flancke, and
one to the taile of the right flancke: and for
that the space that is betwene the one flancke and
the other, is Clix. yardes, and these battailes whiche
are set the one to the side of the other by breadth,
and not by length, will come to occupie with the distaunces
one hundred yardes and a halfe yarde, there shall come
betwene theim fower battailes, placed in the fronte
on the right flancke, and the one placed in thesame
on the lefte, to remaine a space of fiftie and eighte
yardes and a halfe, and the verie same space will
come to remaine in the battailes, placed in the hinder
parte: nor there shall bee no difference, saving
that the one space shall come on the parte behind
towardes the right horne, and thother shall come on
the parte afore, towardes the lefte home. In
the space of the lviii. yardes and a halfe before,
I would place all the ordinarie Veliti, in thesame
behinde, the extraordinarie, which wil come to be a
thousande for a space, and mindyng to have the space
that ought to be within the armie, to be every waie
Clix. yardes, it is mete that the five battailes,
whiche are placed in the hedde, and those whiche are
placed in the taile, occupie not any parte of the
space, whiche the flanckes keepe: and therefore
it shall be convenient, that the five battailes behinde,
doe touche with the fronte, the taile of their flanckes,
and those afore, with the taile to touche he hedde,
after soche sorte, that upon every corner of the ame
armie, there maie remaine a space, to receive an other
battaile: and for that there bee fower spaces,
I would take fower bandes of the extraordinarie Pikes,
and in every corner I would place one, and the twoo
Ansignes of the foresaied Pikes, whiche shall remain
overplus, I would sette in the middest of the rome
of this armie, in a square battaile, on the hedde
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whereof, should stande the generall capitaine, with
his menne about him. And for that these battailes
ordeined thus, marche all one waie, but faight not
all one waie, in puttyng them together, those sides
ought to be ordained to faight, whiche are not defended
of thother battailes. And therfore it ought to
be considered, that the five battailes that be in the
front, have all their other partes defended, excepte
the fronte: and therfore these ought to bee put
together in good order, and with the Pikes afore.
The five battailes whiche are behinde, have all their
sides defended, except the parte behinde, and therefore
those ought to bee put together in soche wise, that
the Pikes come behind, as in the place therof we shall
shewe. The five battailes that bee in the right
flancke, have all their sides defended, except the
right flancke. The five that be on the left flanck,
have all their partes defended, excepte the lefte flancke:
and therefore in orderyng the battailes, thei ought
to bee made, that the Pikes maie tourne on the same
flanck, that lieth open: and the Peticapitaines
to stand on the hedde, and on the taile, so that nedyng
to faight, all the armour and weapons maie be in their
due places, the waie to doe this, is declared where
we reasoned of the maner of orderyng the battailes.
The artillerie I would devide, and one parte I would
place without, on the lefte flancke, and the other
on the right. The light horsemen, I would sende
afore to discover the countrie. Of the menne
of armes, I would place part behinde, on the right
home, and parte on the lefte, distante about thirtie
yardes from the battailes: and concerning horse,
you have to take this for a general rule in every
condicion, where you ordaine an armie, that alwaies
thei ought to be put, either behinde, or on the flanckes
of thesame: he that putteth them afore, over
against the armie, it behoveth hym to doe one of these
twoo thinges, either that he put them so moche afore,
that beyng repulced, thei maie have so moche space,
that maie give them tyme, to be able to go a side
from thy footemen, and not to runne upon them, or to
order them in soche wise, with so many spaces, that
the horses by those maie enter betwene them, without
disorderyng them. Nor let no man esteme little
this remembraunce, for as moche as many capitaines,
whom havyng taken no hede thereof, have been ruinated,
and by themselves have been disordered, and broken.
The carriages and the unarmed menne are placed, in
the rome that remaineth within the armie, and in soche
sorte equally devided, that thei maie give the waie
easely, to whom so ever would go, either from the
one corner to the other, or from the one hedde, to
the other of the armie. These battailes without
the artillerie and the horse, occupie every waie from
the utter side, twoo hundred and eleven yardes and
a halfe of space: and bicause this quadrante is
made of twoo main battailes, it is convenient to distinguishe,
what part thone maine battaile maketh, and what the
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other: and for that the main battailes are called
by the nomber, and every of theim hath (as you knowe)
tenne battailes, and a generall hed, I would cause
that the first main battaile, should set the first
v. battailes therof in the front, the other five,
in the left flanck, and the capitain of the same should
stande in the left corner of the front. The seconde
maine battaile, should then put the firste five battailes
therof, in the right flanck, and the other five in
the taile, and the hedde capitain of thesame, should
stande in the right corner, whom should come to dooe
the office of the Tergiductor. The armie ordained
in this maner, ought to be made to move, and in the
marchyng, to observe all this order, and without doubte,
it is sure from all the tumultes of the countrie men.
Nor the capitain ought not to make other provision,
to the tumultuarie assaultes, then to give sometyme
Commission to some horse, or Ansigne of Veliti, that
thei set themselves in order: nor it shall never
happen that these tumultuous people, will come to
finde thee at the drawyng of the swerd, or pikes poincte:
for that men out of order, have feare of those that
be in araie: and alwaies it shall bee seen, that
with cries and rumours, thei will make a greate assaulte,
without otherwise commyng nere unto thee, like unto
barking curres aboute a Mastie. Aniball when
he came to the hurte of the Romaines into Italie, he
passed through all Fraunce, and alwaies of the Frenche
tumultes, he took small regarde. Mindyng to marche,
it is conveniente to have plainers and labourers afore,
whom maie make thee the waie plaine, whiche shall bee
garded of those horsemen, that are sent afore to viewe
the countrie: an armie in this order maie marche
tenne mile the daie, and shall have tyme inough to
incampe, and suppe before Sunne goyng doune, for that
ordinarely, an armie maie marche twentie mile:
if it happen that thou be assaulted, of an armie set
in order, this assaulte cannot growe sodainly:
for that an armie in order, commeth with his pace,
so that thou maiest have tyme inough, to set thy self
in order to faight the field, and reduce thy menne
quickly into thesame facion, or like to thesame facion
of an armie, which afore is shewed thee. For
that if thou be assaulted, on the parte afore, thou
needeste not but to cause, that the artillerie that
be on the flanckes, and the horse that be behinde,
to come before, and place theimselves in those places,
and with those distaunces, as afore is declared.
The thousande Veliti that bee before, must go out of
their place, and be devided into CCCCC. for a parte,
and go into their place, betwene the horse and the
hornes of tharmy: then in the voide place that
thei shal leave, the twoo Ansignes of the extraordinarie
Pikes muste entre, whiche I did set in the middest
of the quadrante of the armie. The thousande
Veliti, whiche I placed behinde, must departe from
thesame place, and devide them selves in the flanckes
of the battailes, to the fortificacion of those:
Page 124
and by the open place that thei shal leave, all the
carriages and unarmed menne must go out, and place
themselves on the backe of the battaile. Then
the rome in the middeste beyng voided, and every man
gone to his place: the five battailes, whiche
I placed behinde on the armie, must make forward in
the voide place, that is betwene the one and the other
flanck, and marche towardes the battailes, that stand
in the hedde, and three of theim, muste stande within
thirtie yardes of those, with equall distances, betwene
the one and the other, and the other twoo shal remain
behinde, distaunte other thirtie yardes: the
whiche facion maie bee ordained in a sodaine, and commeth
almoste to bee like, unto the firste disposicion,
whiche of tharmy afore we shewed. And though
it come straighter in the fronte, it commeth grosser
in the flanckes, whiche giveth it no lesse strength:
but bicause the five battailes, that be in the taile,
have the Pikes on the hinder parte, for the occasion
that before we have declared, it is necessarie to make
theim to come on the parte afore, mindyng to have theim
to make a backe to the front of tharmie: and
therfore it behoveth either to make them to tourne
battaile after battaile, as a whole body, or to make
them quickly to enter betwen thorders of targettes,
and conduct them afore, the whiche waie is more spedy,
and of lesse disorder, then to make them to turn al
together: and so thou oughtest to doe of all those,
whiche remain behind in every condicion of assault,
as I shal shewe you. If it appere that thenemie
come on the part behinde, the first thyng that ought
to bee dooen, is to cause that every man tourne his
face where his backe stode, and straight waie tharmie
cometh to have made of taile, hed, and of hed taile:
then al those waies ought to be kept, in orderyng
thesame fronte, as I tolde afore. If the enemie
come to incounter the right flancke, the face of thy
armie ought to bee made to tourne towardes thesame
side: after, make all those thynges in fortificacion
of thesame hedde, whiche above is saied, so that the
horsemen, the Veliti, and the artillerie, maie be
in places conformable to the hed thereof: onely
you have this difference, that in variyng the hed of
those, which are transposed, some have to go more,
and some lesse. In deede makyng hedde of the
right flancke, the Veliti ought to enter in the spaces,
that bee betwene the horne of the armie, and those
horse, whiche were nerest to the lefte flancke, in
whose place ought to enter, the twoo Ansignes of the
extraordinarie Pikes, placed in the middest: But
firste the carriages and the unarmed, shall goe out
by the open place, avoidyng the rome in the middest,
and retiryng themselves behinde the lefte flancke,
whiche shall come to bee then the taile of the armie:
the other Veliti that were placed in the taile, accordyng
to the principall orderyng of the armie, in this case,
shall not move: Bicause the same place should
not remaine open, whiche of taile shall come to be
Page 125
flancke: all other thyng ought to bee dooen,
as in orderyng of the firste hedde is saied:
this that is told about the makyng hed of the right
flanck, must be understode to be told, havyng nede
to make it of the left flanck: for that the very
same order ought to bee observed. If the enemie
should come grose, and in order to assaulte thee on
twoo sides, those twoo sides, whiche he commeth to
assaulte thee on, ought to bee made stronge with the
other twoo sides, that are not assaulted, doublyng
the orders in eche of theim, and devidyng for bothe
partes the artillerie, the Veliti, and the horse.
If he come on three or on fower sides, it is necessarie
that either thou or he lacke prudence: for that
if thou shalt bee wise, thou wilte never putte thy
self in place, that the enemie on three or fower sides,
with a greate nomber of men, and in order, maie assault
thee: for that mindyng, safely to hurte thee,
it is requisit, that he be so great, that on every
side, he maie assault thee, with as many men, as thou
haste almoste in al thy army: and if thou be
so unwise, that thou put thy self in the daunger and
force of an enemie, whom hath three tymes more menne
ordained then thou, if thou catche hurte, thou canste
blame no man but thy self: if it happen not through
thy faulte, but throughe some mischaunce, the hurt
shall be without the shame, and it shal chaunce unto
thee, as unto the Scipions in Spaine, and to Asdruball
in Italie but if the enemie have not many more men
then thou, and intende for to disorder thee, to assaulte
thee on divers sides, it shal be his foolishnesse,
and thy good fortune: for as moche as to doe
so, it is convenient, that he become so thinne in soche
wise, that then easely thou maiste overthrow one bande,
and withstande an other, and in short time ruinate
him: this maner of ordering an armie against
an enemie, whiche is not seen, but whiche is feared,
is a necessarie and a profitable thing, to accustome
thy souldiours, to put themselves together, and to
march with soche order, and in marchyng, to order
theimselves to faight, accordyng to the first hedde,
and after to retourne in the forme, that thei marched
in, then to make hedde of the taile, after, of the
flanckes, from these, to retourne into the first facion:
the whiche exercises and uses bee necessarie, mindyng
to have an armie, throughly instructed and practised:
in whiche thyng the Princes and the capitaines, ought
to take paine. Nor the discipline of warre is
no other, then to knowe how to commaunde, and to execute
these thynges. Nor an instructed armie is no
other, then an armie that is wel practised in these
orders: nor it cannot be possible, that who so
ever in this time, should use like disciplin shall
ever bee broken. And if this quadrante forme
whiche I have shewed you, is somewhat difficulte, soche
difficultnesse is necessarie, takyng it for an exercise:
for as moche as knowyng well, how to set theim selves
in order, and to maintaine theim selves in the same,
thei shall knowe after more easely, how to stand in
those, whiche should not have so moche difficultie.
Page 126
ZANOBI. I beleve as you saie, that these orders
bee verie necessarie, and I for my parte, knowe not
what to adde or take from it: true it is, that
I desire to know of you twoo thynges, the one, if when
you will make of the taile, or of the flancke hedde,
and would make them to tourne, whether this be commaunded
by the voice, or with the sounde: thother, whether
those that you sende afore, to make plain the waie,
for the armie to marche, ought to be of the verie
same souldiours of your battailes, or other vile menne
appoincted, to like exercise.
[Sidenote: Commaundementes of Capitaines being
not wel understoode, maie be the destruction of an
armie; Respect that is to be had in commaundementes
made with the sounde of the Trompet; In commaundmentes
made with the voice, what respect is to be had; Of
Pianars.]
FABRICIO. Your firste question importeth moche:
for that many tymes the commaundementes of Capitaines,
beyng not well understoode, or evill interpreted,
have disordered their armie: therfore the voices,
with the whiche thei commaunde in perilles, ought
to bee cleare, and nete. And if thou commaunde
with the sounde, it is convenient to make, that betwene
the one waie and the other, there be so moche difference,
that the one cannot be chaunged for the other:
and if thou commaundest with the voice, thou oughteste
to take heede, that thou flie the general voices,
and to use the particulares, and of the particulars,
to flie those, whiche maie be interpreted sinisterly.
Many tymes the saiyng backe, backe, hath made to ruinate
an armie; therfore this voice ought not to be used,
but in steede therof to use, retire you. If you
will make theim to tourne, for to chaunge the hedde,
either to flanck, or to backe, use never to saie tourne
you, but saie to the lefte, to the right, to the backe,
to the front: thus all the other voices ought
to be simple, and nete, as thrust on, march, stande
stronge, forwarde, retourne you: and all those
thynges, whiche maie bee dooen with the voice, thei
doe, the other is dooen with the sounde. Concernyng
those menne, that must make the waies plaine for the
armie to marche, whiche is your seconde question,
I would cause my owne souldiours to dooe this office,
as well bicause in the aunciente warfare thei did
so, as also for that there should be in the armie,
lesser nomber of unarmed men, and lesse impedimentes:
and I would choose out of every battaile, thesame nomber
that should nede, and I would make theim to take the
instrumentes, meete to plaine the grounde withall,
and their weapons to leave with those rankes, that
should bee nereste them, who should carrie them, and
the enemie commyng, thei shall have no other to doe,
then to take them again, and to retourne into their
araie.
ZANOBI. Who shall carrie thinstrumentes to make
the waie plaine withall?
FABRICIO. The Cartes that are appoincted to carrie
the like instrumentes.
ZANOBI. I doubte whether you should ever brynge
these our souldiours, to labour with Shovell or Mattocke,
after soche sorte.
Page 127
[Sidenote: The victualles that thantiquitie made
provision of, for their armies.]
FABRICIO. All these thynges shall bee reasoned
in the place thereof, but now I will let alone this
parte, and reason of the maner of the victualing of
the armie: for that me thinketh, havyng so moche
traivailed theim, it is tyme to refreshe them, and
to comfort them with meate. You have to understande,
that a Prince ought to ordaine his armie, as expedite
as is possible, and take from thesame all those thynges,
whiche maie cause any trouble or burthen unto it, and
make unto hym any enterprise difficulte. Emongest
those thynges that causeth moste difficultie, is to
be constrained to keepe the armie provided of wine,
and baked bread. The antiquitie cared not for
Wine, for that lackyng it, thei dranke water, mingeled
with a little vinegre, to give it a taste: For
whiche cause, emong the municions of victualles for
the hoste, vineger was one, and not wine. Thei
baked not the breade in Ovens, as thei use for Citees,
but thei provided the Meale, and of thesame, every
Souldiour after his owne maner, satisfied hym self,
havyng for condimente Larde and Baken, the whiche
made the breade saverie, that thei made, and maintained
theim strong, so that the provision of victualles
for the armie, was Meale, Vineger, Larde, and Bacon,
and for the horses Barley. Thei had ordinarely
heardes of greate beastes and small, whiche folowed
the armie, the whiche havyng no nede to bee carried,
caused not moche impedimente. Of this order there
grewe, that an armie in old time, marched somtymes
many daies through solitarie places, and difficulte,
without sufferyng disease of victualles: for
that thei lived of thyngs, whiche easely thei might
convey after them. To the contrarie it happeneth
in the armies, that are now a daies, whiche mindyng
not to lacke wine, and to eate baked breade in thesame
maner, as when thei are at home, whereof beyng not
able to make provision long, thei remaine often tymes
famished, or though thei be provided, it is dooen
with disease, and with moste greate coste: therfore
I would reduce my armie to this maner of living:
and I would not that thei should eate other bread,
then that, which by themselves thei should bake.
Concernyng wine, I would not prohibite the drinkyng
thereof, nor yet the commyng of it into the armie,
but I would not use indevour, nor any labour for to
have it, and in the other provisions, I would governe
my self altogether, like unto the antiquitie:
the whiche thing, if you consider well, you shall
see how moche difficultie is taken awaie, and how
moche trouble and disease, an armie and a capitaine
is avoided of, and how moche commoditie shall bee given,
to what so ever enterprise is to bee dooen.
ZANOBI. We have overcome thenemie in the field,
marched afterward upon his countrie, reason would,
that spoiles be made, tounes sacked, prisoners taken,
therefore I would knowe how the antiquitie in these
thynges, governed them selves.
Page 128
[Sidenote: The occasions why the warres made
nowe adaies, doe impoverishe the conquerors as well
as the conquered; The order that the Romaines toke,
concerning the spoile and the booties that their souldiours
gotte; An order that the antiquitie tooke, concernyng
their soldiours wages.]
FABRICIO. Beholde, I will satisfie you.
I beleve you have considered, for that once alredie
with some of you I have reasoned, howe these present
warres, impoverishe as well those lordes that overcome,
as those that leese: for that if the one leese
his estate, the other leeseth his money, and his movables:
the whiche in olde time was not, for that the conquerour
of the warre, waxed ritche. This groweth of keepyng
no compte in these daies of the spoiles, as in olde
tyme thei did, but thei leave it to the discreacion
of the souldiours. This manner maketh twoo moste
great disorders: the one, that whiche I have tolde:
the other that the souldiour becometh more covetous
to spoyle, and lesse observeth the orders: and
manie times it hath been seen, howe the covetousnesse
of the praye, hath made those to leese, whome were
victorious. Therefore the Romaines whiche were
princes of armies, provided to the one and to the
other of these inconvenienses, ordainyng that all the
spoyle should apertaine to the publicke, and that
the publicke after should bestowe it, as shoulde be
thought good: and therfore thei had in tharmie
the questours, whom were as we would say, the chamberlaines,
to whose charge all the spoyle and booties were committed:
whereof the consull was served to geve the ordinarie
pay to the souldiours, to succour the wounded, and
the sicke, and for the other businesse of the armie.
The consull might well, and he used it often, to graunte
a spoyle to soldiours: but this grauntyng, made
no disorder: for that the armie beyng broken
all the pray was put in the middest, and distributed
by hedde, accordyng to the qualitee of everie man:
the which maner thei constituted, to thintente, that
the soldiours should attend to overcome, and not to
robbe: and the Romaine Legions overcame the enemies,
and folowed them not, for that thei never departed
from their orders: onely there folowed them,
the horsemenne with those that were light armed, and
if there were any other souldiours then those of the
legions, they likewyse pursued the chase. Where
if the spoyle shoulde have ben his that gotte it,
it had not ben possible nor reasonable, to have kepte
the legions steddie, and to withstonde manie perils;
hereby grewe therefore, that the common weale inritched,
and every Consull carried with his triumphe into the
treasurie, muche treasure, whiche all was of booties
and spoiles. An other thing the antiquetie did
upon good consideration, that of the wages, whiche
they gave to every souldiour, the thirde parte they
woulde shoulde be laied up nexte to him, whome carried
the ansigne of their bande, whiche never gave it them
againe, before the warre was ended: this thei
Page 129
did, beyng moved of twoo reasons, the first was to
thintente, that the souldiour should thrive by his
wages, because the greatest parte of them beyng yonge
men, and carelesse, the more thei have, so muche the
more without neede thei spende, the other cause was,
for that knowyng, that their movabelles were nexte
to the ansigne, thei should be constrained to have
more care thereof, and with more obstinatenesse to
defende it: and this made them stronge and to
holde together: all which thynges is necessarie
to observe, purposinge to reduce the exercise of armes
unto the intier perfection therof.
ZANOBI. I beleeve that it is not possible, that
to an armie that marcheth from place to place, there
fal not perrilous accidentes, where the industerie
of the capitaine is needefull, and the worthinesse
of the souldiours, mindyng to avoyde them. Therefore
I woulde be glad, that you remembring any, would shew
them.
[Sidenote: Captaines mai incurre the daunger
of ambusshes twoo maner of wayes; How to avoide the
perill of ambusshes; Howe ambusshes have ben perceived;
Howe the Capitaine of the enemies ought to be esteemed;
Where men be in greatest perill; The description of
the countrey where an army muste marche, is most requiset
for a Capitaine to have; A most profitable thyng it
is for a capitayne to be secrete in all his affaires;
An advertisment concernyng the marchyng of an armie;
The marching of an armie ought to be ruled by the
stroke of the Drumme; The condicion of the enemie
ought to be considered.]
FABRICIO. I shall contente you with a good will,
beyng inespetially necessarie, intendyng to make of
this exercise a perfecte science. The Capitaines
ought above all other thynges, whileste thei marche
with an armie, to take heede of ambusshes, wherein
they incurre daunger twoo waies, either marchynge
thou entrest into them, or thoroughe crafte of the
enemie thou arte trained in before thou arte aware.
In the first case, mindyng to avoide suche perill,
it is necessarie to sende afore double warde, whome
may discover the countrey, and so muche the more dilligence
ought to be used, the more that the countrey is apte
for ambusshes, as be the woddie or hilly countries,
for that alwaies thei be layd either in a wodde, or
behind a hille: and as the ambusshe not forseene,
doeth ruin thee, so forseyng the same, it cannot hurte
thee. Manie tymes birdes or muche duste have
discovered the enemie: for that alwayes where
the enemie cometh to finde thee, he shall make great
duste, whiche shall signifie unto thee his comyng:
so often tymes a Capitaine seyng in the places where
he ought to passe, Doves to rise, or other of those
birdes that flie in flockes, and to tourne aboute and
not to light, hath knowen by the same the ambusshe
of the enemies to be there, and sendynge before his
men, and sertainely understandyng it, hath saved him
selfe and hurte his enemie. Concernyng the seconde
case, to be trained in, (which these our men cal to
Page 130
be drawen to the shot) thou ought to take heede, not
straight way to beleve those thinges, which are nothyng
reasonable, that thei be as they seeme: as shoulde
be, if the enemie should set afore thee a praie, thou
oughtest to beleeve that in the same is the hooke,
and that therin is hid the deceipte. If many
enemies be driven away by a fewe of thine, if a fewe
enemies assaulte manie of thine, if the enemies make
a sodeine flight, and not standynge with reason, alwaies
thou oughtest in suche cases to feare deceipte, and
oughtest never to beleeve that the enemie knoweth not
how to doe his businesse, but rather intendyng that
he may begile thee the lesse, and mindyng to stand
in lesse peril, the weaker that he is, and the lesse
craftier that the enemie is, so muche the more thou
oughtest to esteeme him: and thou muste in this
case use twoo sundrie poinctes, for that thou oughtest
to feare him in thy minde and with the order, but
with wordes, and with other outewarde demonstracion,
to seeme to dispyse him: because this laste way,
maketh that the souldiours hope the more to have the
victorie: the other maketh thee more warie, and
lesse apte to be begyled. And thou hast to understand,
that when men marche thoroughe the enemies countrey,
they ar in muche more, and greater perils, then in
fayghtyng the fielde: and therefore the Capitaine
in marchyng, ought to use double diligence: and
the first thyng that he ought to doo, is to get described,
and payncted oute all the countrie, thorough the which
he must marche, so that he maye know the places, the
number, the distances, the waies, the hilles, the
rivers, the fennes, and all the quallites of them:
and to cause this to bee knowen, it is convenient to
have with him diversly, and in sundrie maners such
men, as know the places, and to aske them with diligence,
and to se whether their talke agree, and accordyng
to the agreyng therof, to note: he oughte also
to sende afore the horsemen, and with them prudente
heddes, not so muche to discover the enemie, as to
viewe the countrey, to se whether it agree with the
description, and with the knowledge that they have
of the same. Also the guydes that are sente,
ought to be kepte with hope of rewarde, and feare
of paine. And above all thynges it ought to be
provided, that the armie knowe not to what businesse
he leadeth them: for that there is nothyng in
the warre more profitable, then to keepe secret the
thynges that is to be dooen: and to thintente
a suddeine assaulte dooe not trouble thy soldiours,
thou oughteste to see them to stande reddie with their
weapons, because the thynges that ar provided for,
offend lesse. Manie for to avoyde the confusion
of marchyng, have placed under the standerde, the
carriages, and the unarmed, and have commaunded them
to folow the same, to the intente that in marchyng
needyng to staye, or to retire, they might dooe it
more easely, which thyng as profitable, I alowe very
muche. Also in marchyng, advertismente ought to
Page 131
be had, that the one parte of the armie goe not a
sunder from the other, or that thoroughe some goyng
fast, and some softe, the armie become not slender:
the whiche thynges, be occation of dissorder:
therfore the heddes muste be placed in suche wise,
that they may maintaine the pace even, causing to
goe softe those that goe to fast, and to haste forward
the other that goe to sloe, the whiche pace can not
bee better ruled, then by the stroke of the drumme.
The waies ought to be caused to be inlarged, so that
alwaies at least a bande of iiii. hundred men may marche
in order of battaile. The custome and the qualitie
of the enemie ought to be considered, and whether
that he wil assaulte thee either in the mornyng, or
at none or in the evenynge, and whether he be more
puisante with fotemen or horsemen, and accordyng as
thou understandest, to ordeine and to provide for
thy self. But let us come to some particular accidente.
It hapneth sometime, that thou gettyng from the enemie,
because thou judgest thy selfe inferiour, and therfore
mindynge not to faight with him, and he comyng at
thy backe, thou arivest at the banke of a river, passyng
over the which, asketh time, so that the enemie is
redie to overtake thee and to fayght with thee.
Some, which chaunsing to bee in suche perill, have
inclosed their armie on the hinder parte with a diche,
and fillyng the same full of towe, and firyng it, have
then passed with the armie without beyng able to be
letted of the enemie, he beyng by the same fire that
was betwene them held backe.
[Sidenote: Annone of Carthage.]
ZANOBI. I am harde of beliefe, that this fyre
coulde stay theim, in especially because I remember
that I have harde, howe Annone of Carthage, beyng
besieged of enemies, inclosed him selfe on the same
parte, with wodde, which he did set on fire where he
purposed to make eruption. Wherfore the enemies
beyng not intentive on the same parte to looke to
him, he made his armie to passe over the same flame,
causing every man to holde his Target before his face
for to defend them from the fire, and smoke.
[Sidenote: Nabide a spartayne; Quintus Luttatius
pollecie to passe over a river; How to passe a ryver
without a bridge; A polecie of Cesar to passe a river,
where his enemie beyng on the other side therof sought
to lette hym.]
FABRICIO. You saye well: but consider you
howe I have saied, and howe Annone did: for as
muche as I saied that they made a diche, and filled
it with towe, so that he, that woulde passe over the
same, should be constrained to contende with the diche
and with fire: Annone made the fire, without
the diche, and because he intended to passe over it,
he made it not great, for that otherwise without the
diche, it shoulde have letted him. Dooe you not
knowe, that Nabide a Spartan beyng besieged in Sparta
of the Romaines, set fire on parte of his towne to
let the way to the Romaines, who alredie wer entred
in? And by meane of the same flame not onely
Page 132
hindered their way, but drave them oute: but let
us turne to our matter. Quintus Luttatius a Romaine,
havyng at his backe the Cimbri, and commyng to a river,
to thentente the enemie should give him time to passe
over, semed to geve time to them to faight with him:
and therfore he fained that he would lodge there,
and caused trenches to be made, and certaine pavilions
to be erected, and sent certayne horsemen into the
countrie for forredge: so that the Cimbrise beleevyng,
that he incamped, they also incamped, and devided
them selves into sundrie partes, to provide for victuals,
wherof Luttatius being aware, passed the river they
beyng not able to let him. Some for to passe a
river havynge no bridge, have devided it, and one
parte they have turned behynde their backes, and the
other then becomynge shalower, with ease they have
passed it: when the rivers be swift, purposyng
to have their footemen to passe safely, they place
their strongest horses on the higher side, that thei
may sustain the water, and an other parte be lowe that
may succour the men, if any of the river in passyng
should be overcome with the water: They passe
also rivers, that be verie deepe, with bridges, with
botes, and with barrelles: and therfore it is
good to have in a redinesse in an armie wherewith
to be able to make all these thynges. It fortuneth
sometime that in passyng a river, the enemie standynge
agaynst thee on the other banke, doeth let thee:
to minde to overcome this difficultie, I know not
a better insample to folow, then the same of Cesar,
whome havynge his armie on the banke of a river in
Fraunce, and his passage beynge letted of Vergintorige
a Frenche man, the whiche on the other side of the
river had his men, marched many daies a longe the
river, and the like did the enemie: wherfore Cesar
incamping in a woddie place, apte to hide men, he
tooke out of every legion three cohortes, and made
them to tarie in the same place, commaundynge theim
that so soone as he was departed, they shoulde caste
over a bridge, and should fortefie it, and he with
his other menne folowed on the waye: wherfore
Vergintorige seyng the number of the legions, thinkyng
that there was not left anie parte of theim behinde,
folowed also his way: but Cesar when he supposed
that the bridge was made, tourned backewarde, and
findynge all thinges in order, passed the river without
difficultee.
ZANOBI. Have ye any rule to know the foordes?
[Sidenote: How to know the Foordes of a river.]
FABRICIO. Yea, we have: alwaies the river,
in that parte, whiche is betwene the water, that is
stilleste, and the water that runneth fastest, there
is least depth and it is a place more meete to be looked
on, then any other where. For that alwaies in
thesame place, the river is moste shallowest.
The whiche thyng, bicause it hath been proved many
tymes, is moste true.
ZANOBI. If it chaunce that the River hath marde
the Foorde, so that the horses sincke, what reamedy
have you?
Page 133
[Sidenote: Howe to escape oute of a straight
where the same is besette with enemies; Howe Lutius
Minutius escaped out of a strayght wherin he was inclosed
of his enemies; Howe some Capitaynes have suffered
them selves to be compassed aboute of their enemies;
A polecie of Marcus Antonius; A defence for the shotte
of arrowes.]
FABRICIO. The remedie is to make hardels of roddes
whiche must be placed in the bottome of the river,
and so to passe upon those: but let us folowe
our reasonyng. If it happen that a capitain be
led with his armie, betwen two hilles, and that he
have not but twoo waies to save hymself, either that
before, or that behinde, and those beyng beset of
thenemies, he hath for remidie to doe the same, which
some have doen heretofore: that which have made
on their hinder parte a greate trenche, difficult
to passe over, and semed to the enemie, to mynde to
kepe him of, for to be able with al his power, without
neding to feare behinde, to make force that waie,
whiche before remaineth open. The whiche the
enemies belevyng, have made theim selves stronge, towardes
the open parte, and have forsaken the inclosed and
he then castyng a bridge of woode over the Trenche,
for soche an effect prepared, bothe on thesame parte,
with out any impedimente hath passed, and also delivered
hymself out of the handes of the enemie. Lucius
Minutus a Consul of Rome, was in Liguria with an armie,
and was of the enemies inclosed, betwene certaine
hilles, whereby he could not go out: therefore
he sente certaine souldiours of Numidia on horsebacke,
whiche he had in his armie (whom were evill armed,
and upon little leane horses) towardes the places that
were kepte of the enemies, whom at the first sight
made the enemies, to order theim selves together,
to defende the passage: but after that thei sawe
those men ill apoincted, and accordyng to their facion
evill horsed, regardyng theim little, enlarged the
orders of their warde, wherof so sone as the Numidians
wer a ware, givyng the spurres to their horses, and
runnyng violently upon theim, passed before thei could
provide any remedy, whom beyng passed, destroied and
spoiled the countrie after soche sorte, that thei
constrained the enemies, to leave the passage free
to the armie of Lucius. Some capitaine, whiche
hath perceived hymself to be assaulted of a greate
multitude of enemies, hath drawen together his men,
and hath given to the enemie commoditie, to compasse
hym all about, and then on thesame part, whiche he
hath perceived to be moste weake, hath made force,
and by thesame waie, hath caused to make waie, and
saved hymself.
Page 134
Marcus Antonius retiryng before the armie of the Parthians,
perceived how the enemies every daie before Sunne
risyng, when he removed, assaulted him, and all the
waie troubled hym: in so moch, that he determined
not to departe the nexte daie, before None: so
that the Parthians beleving, that he would not remove
that daie, retourned to their tentes. Whereby
Marcus Antonius might then all the reste of the daie,
marche without any disquietnesse. This self same
man for to avoide the arrowes of the Parthians, commaunded
his men, that when the Parthians came towardes them,
thei should knele, and that the second ranke of the
battailes, should cover with their Targaettes, the
heddes of the firste, the thirde, the seconde, the
fowerth the third, and so successively, that all the
armie came, to be as it were under a pentehouse, and
defended from the shotte of the enemies. This
is as moche as is come into my remembraunce, to tell
you, which maie happen unto an armie marchyng:
therefore, if you remember not any thyng els, I will
passe to an other parte.
THE SIXTHE BOOKE
ZANOBI. I beleve that it is good, seyng the reasonyng
must be chaunged, that Baptiste take his office, and
I to resigne myne, and wee shall come in this case,
to imitate the good Capitaines (accordyng as I have
nowe here understoode of the gentilman) who place
the beste souldiours, before and behinde the armie,
semyng unto theim necessarie to have before, soche
as maie lustely beginne the faight, and soche as behinde
maie lustely sustaine it. Now seyng Cosimus began
this reasonyng prudently, Baptiste prudently shall
ende it. As for Luigi and I, have in this middeste
intertained it, and as every one of us hath taken his
part willingly, so I beleve not, that Baptiste wil
refuse it.
BAPTISTE. I have let my self been governed hetherto,
so I minde to doe still. Therfore be contente
sir, to folowe your reasonyng, and if we interrupte
you with this practise of ours, have us excused.
[Sidenote: How the Grekes incamped; Howe the
Romaines incamped; The maner of the incamping of an
armie; The lodging for the generall capitaine.]
FABRICIO. You dooe me, as all readie I have saied,
a moste greate pleasure; for this your interrupting
me, taketh not awaie my fantasie, but rather refresheth
me. But mindyng to followe our matter I saie,
how that it is now tyme, that we lodge this our armie,
for that you knowe every thyng desireth reste and
saftie, bicause to reste, and not to reste safely,
is no perfecte reste: I doubte moche, whether
it hath not been desired of you, that I should firste
have lodged them, after made theim to marche, and
laste of all to faight, and we have doen the contrary:
whereunto necessitie hath brought us, for that intendyng
to shewe, how an armie in going, is reduced from the
forme of marching, to thesame maner of faightyng,
it was necessarie to have firste shewed, how thei
Page 135
ordered it to faight. But tournyng to our matter,
I saie, that minding to have the Campe sure, it is
requisite that it be strong, and in good order:
the industrie of the Capitaine, maketh it in order,
the situacion, or the arte, maketh it stronge.
The Grekes sought strong situacions, nor thei would
never place theim selves, where had not been either
cave, or bancke of a river, or multitude of trees,
or other naturall fortificacion, that might defende
theim: but the Romaines not so moche incamped
safe through the situacion, as through arte, nor thei
would never incampe in place, where thei should not
have been able to have raunged all their bandes of
menne, accordyng to their discipline. Hereby
grewe, that the Romaines might kepe alwaies one forme
of incamping, for that thei would, that the situacion
should bee ruled by them, not thei by the situacion:
the which the Grekes could not observe, for that beyng
ruled by the situacion, and variyng the situacion and
forme, it was conveniente, that also thei should varie
the maner of incampyng, and the facion of their lodgynges.
Therefore the Romaines, where the situacion lacked
strength thei supplied thesame with arte, and with
industrie. And for that I in this my declaracion,
have willed to imitate the Romaines, I will not departe
from the maner of their incamping, yet not observyng
altogether their order, but takyng thesame parte,
whiche semeth unto me, to be mete for this present
tyme. I have told you many tymes, how the Romaines
had in their consull armies, twoo Legions of Romaine
men, whiche were aboute a leven thousande footemen,
and sixe hundred horsemen, and moreover thei had an
other leven thousande footemen, sente from their frendes
in their aide: nor in their armie thei had never
more souldiers that were straungers, then Romaines,
excepte horsemenne, whom thei cared not, though thei
were more in nomber then theirs: and in all their
doynges, thei did place their Legions in the middeste,
and the aiders, on the sides: the whiche maner,
thei observed also in incampyng, as by your self you
maie rede, in those aucthoures, that write of their
actes: and therefore I purpose not to shewe you
distinctly how thei incamped, but to tell you onely
with what order, I at this presente would incampe
my armie, whereby you shall then knowe, what parte
I have taken out of the Romaine maners. You knowe,
that in stede of twoo Romaine Legions, I have taken
twoo maine battailes of footemen, of sixe thousande
footemen, and three hundred horsemen, profitable for
a maine battaile, and into what battailes, into what
weapons, into what names I have devided theim:
you knowe howe in orderyng tharmie to marche, and
to faight, I have not made mencion of other men, but
onely have shewed, how that doublyng the men, thei
neded not but to double the orders: but mindyng
at this presente, to shew you the maner of incampyng,
me thinketh good not to stande onely with twoo maine
battailes, but to bryng together a juste armie, made
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like unto the Romaines, of twoo maine battailes, and
of as many more aidyng men: the whiche I make,
to the intent that the forme of the incampyng, maie
be the more perfect, by lodgyng a perfecte armie:
whiche thyng in the other demonstracions, hath not
semed unto me so necessarie. Purposing then, to
incampe a juste armie, of xxiiii. thousande footemen,
and of twoo thousande good horsemenne, beeyng devided
into fower maine battailes, twoo of our owne menne,
and twoo of straungers, I would take this waie.
The situacion beyng founde, where I would incampe,
I would erecte the hed standarde, and aboute it, I
would marke out a quadrant, whiche should have every
side distante from it xxxvii. yardes and a half, of
whiche every one of them should lye, towardes one of
the fower regions of heaven, as Easte, Weste, Southe,
and Northe: betwene the whiche space, I would
that the capitaines lodgyng should be appoincted.
And bicause I beleve that it is wisedom, to devide
the armed from the unarmed, seyng that so, for the
moste parte the Romaines did, I would therefore seperate
the menne, that were cumbered with any thing, from
the uncombered. I would lodge all, or the greatest
parte of the armed, on the side towardes the Easte,
and the unarmed, and the cumbred, on the Weste side,
makyng Easte the hedde, and Weste the backe of the
Campe, and Southe, and Northe should be the flanckes:
and for to distinguishe the lodgynges of the armed,
I would take this waie. I would drawe a line
from the hedde standarde, and lead it towardes the
Easte, the space of CCCCC.x. yardes and a half:
I would after, make two other lines, that should place
in the middeste the same, and should bee as longe as
that, but distante eche of theim from it a leven yardes
and a quarter: in the ende whereof, I would have
the Easte gate, and the space that is betwene the
twoo uttermoste lines, should make a waie, that should
go from the gate, to the capitaines lodging, whiche
shall come to be xxii. yardes and a halfe broad, and
CCCClxxii. yardes and a halfe longe, for the xxxvii.
yardes and a halfe, the lodgyng of the Capitaine will
take up: and this shall bee called the Capitaine
waie. Then there shall be made an other waie,
from the Southe gate, to the Northe gate, and shall
passe by the hedde of the capitaine waie, and leave
the Capitaines lodgyng towardes theaste, whiche waie
shalbe ix.C.xxxvii. yardes and a halfe long (for the
length therof wilbe as moche as the breadth of all
the lodgynges) and shall likewise be xxii. yardes
and a half broad, and shalbe called the crosse waie.
Then so sone as the Capitaines lodgyng, were appoincted
out, and these twoo waies, there shall bee begun to
be appoincted out, the lodginges of our own two main
battailes, one of the whiche, I would lodge on the
right hand of the capitaines waie, and the other,
on the lefte: and therefore passing over the space,
that the breadth of the crosse waie taketh, I would
place xxxii. lodgynges, on the lefte side of the capitain
waie, and xxxii. on the right side, leavyng betwene
the xvi. and the xvii. lodgyng, a space of xxii. yardes
and a halfe, the whiche should serve for a waie overthwart,
whiche should runne overthwarte, throughout all the
lodgynges of the maine battailes as in the distributyng
of them shall bee seen.
Page 137
[Sidenote: The lodgings for the men of armes,
and their Capitaine; Note, which is breadth and whiche
length in the square campe; The lodgings for the lighte
horsemen, and their capitain; The lodgings for the
footemen of twoo ordinary main battailes; The lodgings
for the conestables; The nomber of footemen appoincted
to every lodging; The lodynges for the chiefe Capitaines
of the maine battayles and for the treasurers, marshals
and straungers; Lodginges for the horsemen, of the
extraordinarie mayne battailes; The lodgynges for the
extraordinarie Pykes and Veliti; How the Artillerie
must be placed in the Campe; Lodgynges for the unarmed
men, and the places that are apoineted for the impedimentes
of the campe.]
Of these twoo orders of lodgynges in the beginnyng
of the head, whiche shall come to joygne to the crosse
waye, I would lodge the Capitaine of the men of armes,
in the xv. lodgynges, which on everie side foloweth
next, their men of armes, where eche main battaile,
havyng a CL. men of armes, it will come to ten men
of armes for a lodgyng. The spaces of the Capitaines
lodgynges, should be in bredth xxx. and in length vii.
yardes and a halfe. And note that when so ever
I sai bredeth, it signifieth the space of the middest
from Southe to Northe, and saiyng length, that whiche
is from weste to Easte. Those of the men of armes,
shoulde be xi. yardes and a quarter in length, and
xxii. yardes and a halfe in bredeth. In the other
xv. lodgynges, that on everie syde should folowe, the
whiche should have their beginnyng on the other side
of the overthwarte way, and whiche shall have the
very same space, that those of the men of armes had,
I woulde lodge the light horsemen: wherof beynge
a hundred and fiftie, it will come to x. horsemen
for a lodgyng, and in the xvi. that remaineth, I woulde
lodge their Capitaine, gevynge him the verie same
space, that is geven to the Capitain of the men of
armes: and thus the lodginges of the horsemen
of two maine battailes, will come to place in the
middest the Capitaine way, and geve rule to the lodginges
of the footemen, as I shall declare. You have
noted how I have lodged the CCC. horsemen of everie
main battaile with their Capitaines, in xxxii. lodgynges
placed on the Captaine waie, havynge begun from the
crosse waie, and how from the xvi. to the xvii. there
remaineth a space of xxii. yardes and a halfe, to
make awaie overthwarte. Mindyng therefore to
lodge the xx. battailes, which the twoo ordinarie maine
battailes have, I woulde place the lodgyng of everie
twoo battailes, behinde the lodgynges of the horsemen,
everie one of whiche, should have in length xi. yardes
and a quarter, and in bredeth xxii. yardes and a half
as those of the horsemens, and shoulde bee joigned
on the hinder parte, that thei shoulde touche the
one the other. And in every first lodgyng on
everie side which cometh to lie on the crosse waie,
I woulde lodge the Counstable of a battaile, whiche
should come to stand even with the lodgyng of the
Page 138
Capitayne of the men of armes, and this lodgyng shall
have onely of space for bredeth xv. yardes, and for
length vii. yardes and a halfe. In the other
xv. lodgynges, that on everie side followeth after
these, even unto the overthwarte way, I would lodge
on everie part a battaile of foote men, whiche beyng
iiii. hundred and fiftie, there will come to a lodgyng
xxx. The other xv. lodgynges, I woulde place
continually on every side on those of the light horse
men, with the verie same spaces, where I woulde lodge
on everie part, an other battaile of fote men, and
in the laste lodgyng, I would place on every parte
the Conestable of the battaile, whiche will come to
joigne with the same of the Capitaine of the lighte
horsemen, with the space of vii. yardes and a halfe
for length, and xv. for bredeth: and so these
two firste orders of lodgynges, shal be halfe of horsemen,
and halfe of footemen. And for that I woulde
(as in the place therof I have tolde you) these horse
menne shoulde be all profitable, and for this havynge
no servauntes whiche in kepyng the horses, or in other
necessarie thynges might helpe them, I woulde that
these footemen, who lodge behynde the horse, should
bee bounde to helpe to provide, and to keepe theim
for their maisters: and for this to bee exempted
from the other doynges of the Campe. The whiche
maner, was observed of the Romanies. Then leavyng
after these lodgynges on everie parte, a space of xxii.
yardes and a halfe, whiche shoulde make awaye, that
shoulde be called the one, the firste waye on the
righte hande, and the other the firste waie on the
lefte hand, I woulde pitche on everie side an other
order of xxxii. double lodgynges, whiche should tourne
their hinder partes the one againste the other with
the verie same spaces, as those that I have tolde
you of, and devided after the sixtenth in the verie
same maner for to make the overthwarte waie, where
I would lodge on every side iiii. battailes of footemen,
with their constables in bothe endes. Then leavyng
on every side an other space of xxii. yardes and a
halfe, that shoulde make a waie, whiche shoulde be
called of the one side, the seconde waie on the right
hande, and on the other syde, the seconde way on the
lefte hande, I would place an other order on everie
side of xxxii. double lodgynges, with the verie same
distance and devisions, where I would lodge on everie
side, other iiii. battailes with their Constables:
and thus the horesemenne and the bandes of the twoo
ordinarie maine battailes, should come to be lodged
in three orders of lodgynges, on the one side of the
capitaine waie, and in three other orders of lodgynges
on the other side of the Capitaine waie. The twoo
aidyng maine battels (for that I cause them to be made
of the verie same nation) I woulde lodge them on everie
parte of these twoo ordinarie maine battailes, with
the very same orders of double lodgynges, pitchyng
first one order of lodgynges, where should lodge halfe
the horsemen, and half the foote men, distance xxii.
Page 139
yardes and a halfe from the other, for to make a way
whiche should be called the one, the thirde waie on
the right hande, and the other the thirde waie on the
lefte hande. And after, I woulde make on everie
side, twoo other orders of lodgynges, in the verie
same maner destinguesshed and ordeined, as those were
of the ordinarie maine battelles, which shall make
twoo other wayes, and they all should be called of
the numbre, and of the hande, where thei should be
placed: in suche wyse, that all this side of the
armie, shoulde come to be lodged in xii. orders of
double lodgynges, and in xiii. waies, reckenynge captaine
waie, and crosse waie: I would there should remayne
a space from the lodgynges to the Trenche of lxxv.
yardes rounde aboute: and if you recken al these
spaces, you shall see that from the middest of the
Capitaines lodgyng to the easte gate, there is Dx.
yardes. Now there remaineth twoo spaces, whereof
one is from the Capitaines lodgyng to the Southe gate,
the other is from thense to the Northe gate: whiche
come to be (either of them measurynge them from the
poincte in the middest) CCCC.lxxvi. yardes. Then
takyng out of everie one of these spaces xxxvii. yardes
and a halfe, whiche the Capitaynes lodgynge occupieth,
and xxxiiii. yardes everie waie for a market place,
and xxii. yardes and a halfe for way that devides
everie one of the saied spaces in the middest, and
lxxv. yardes, that is lefte on everie part betweene
the lodgynges and the Trenche, there remaineth on every
side a space for lodginges of CCC. yardes broade,
and lxxv. yardes longe, measurynge the length with
the space that the Captaines lodgynge taketh up.
Devidynge then in the middest the saied lengthe, there
woulde be made on every hande of the Capitaine xl.
lodgynges xxxvii. yardes and a halfe longe, and xv.
broade, whiche will come to be in all lxxx. lodgynges,
wherin shall be lodged the heddes of the maine battailes,
the Treasurers, the Marshalles of the fielde, and
all those that shoulde have office in the armie, leavyng
some voide for straungers that shoulde happen to come,
and for those that shall serve for good will of the
Capitaine. On the parte behinde the Capitaines
lodgynge, I would have a way from Southe to Northe
xxiii. yardes large, and shoulde be called the bed
way, whiche shall come to be placed a longe by the
lxxx. lodgynges aforesayd: for that this waie,
and the crosseway, shall come to place in the middest
betweene them bothe the Capitaines lodgynge, and the
lxxx. lodgynges that be on the sides therof.
From this bed waie, and from over agaynst the captaines
lodgyng, I would make an other waie, which shoulde
goe from thens to the weste gate, lykewyse broade
xxii. yardes and a halfe, and should aunswer in situation
and in length to the Captaine way, and should be called
the market waie. These twoo waies beynge made,
I woulde ordeine the market place, where the market
shall bee kepte, whiche I woulde place on the head
of the market way over against the capitaines lodgynge,
Page 140
and joigned to the head way, and I woulde have it to
be quadrante, and woulde assigne lxxxx. yardes and
three quarters to a square: and on the right
hande and lefte hande, of the saied market place,
I would make two orders of lodginges, where everie
order shal have eight double lodginges, which shall
take up in length, ix. yardes, and in bredeth xxii.
yardes and a halfe, so that there shall come to be
on every hande of the market place, xvi. lodgynges
that shall place the same in the middest which shall
be in al xxxii. wherin I woulde lodge those horsemen,
which shoulde remaine to the aidyng mayne battailes:
and when these should not suffise, I woulde assigne
theim some of those lodginges that placeth between
them the Capitaines lodgynge, and in especially those,
that lie towardes the Trenche. There resteth now
to lodge the Pikes, and extraordinarie Veliti, that
everie main battaile hath, which you know accordynge
to our order, how everie one hath besides the x. battailes
M. extraordinarie Pikes, and five hundreth Veliti:
so that the twoo cheefe maine battailes, have two thousande
extraordinarie Pikes, and a thousande extraordinarie
Veliti, and the ayders as many as those, so that yet
there remaineth to be lodged, vi. M. menne, whome
I woulde lodge all on the weste side, and a longe the
Trenche. Then from the ende of the hed waye, towardes
Northe, leavyng the space of lxxv. yardes from them
to the trenche, I woulde place an order of v. double
lodgynges, whiche in all shoulde take up lvi. yardes
in lengthe, and xxx. in bredeth: so that the bredeth
devided, there will come to everie lodgyng xi. yardes
and a quarter for lengthe, and for bredeth twoo and
twentie yardes and a half. And because there shall
be x. lodgynges, I will lodge three hundred men, apoinctyng
to every lodging xxx. men: leavyng then a space
of three and twentie yardes and a quarter, I woulde
place in like wise, and with like spaces an other
order of five double lodgynges, and againe an other,
till there were five orders of five double lodgynges:
which wil come to be fiftie lodgynges placed by right
line on the Northe side, every one of them distante
from the Trenche lxxv. yardes, which will lodge fifteene
hundred men. Tournyng after on the lefte hande
towardes the weste gate, I woulde pitche in all the
same tracte, whiche were from them to the saied gate,
five other orders of double lodgynges, with the verie
same spaces, and with the verie same maner: true
it is, that from the one order to the other, there
shall not be more then a xi. yardes and a quarter
of space: wherin shall be lodged also fifteene
hundred men: and thus from the Northe gate to
the weste, as the Trenche turneth, in a hundred lodginges
devided in x. rewes of five double lodgynges in a
rowe, there will be lodged all the Pikes and extraordinarie
Veliti of the cheefe maine battayles. And so
from the west gate to the Southe, as the Trenche tourneth
even in the verie same maner, in other ten rewes of
ten lodgynges in a rewe, there shall be lodged the
Page 141
pikes, and extraordinarie Veliti of the aidyng mayne
battailes. Their headdes or their counstables
may take those lodgynges, that shal seeme unto them
moste commodious, on the parte towardes the trenche.
The Artillerie, I woulde dispose throughoute all the
Campe, a longe the banke of the Trenche: and
in all the other space that shoulde remaine towardes
weste, I woulde lodge all the unarmed, and place all
the impedimentes of the Campe. And it is to be
understoode, that under this name of impedimentes
(as you know) the antiquitee mente all the same trayne,
and all those thynges, which are necessarie for an
armie, besides the souldiours: as are Carpenters,
Smithes, Masons, Ingeners, Bombardiers, althoughe that
those might be counted in the numbre of the armed,
herdemen with their herdes of motons and beeves whiche
for victuallyng of the armie, are requiset: and
moreover maisters of all sciences, together with publicke
carriages of the publicke munition, whiche pertaine
as well to victuallyng, as to armynge. Nor I
would not distinguishe these lodginges perticularly,
only I would marke out the waies which should not be
occupied of them: then the other spaces, that
betweene the waies shall remaine, whiche shall be
fower, I woulde appoincte theim generally for all
the saied impedimentes, that is one for the herdemen,
the other for artificers and craftes men, the thirde
for publicke carriages of victuals, the fowerth for
the municion of armour and weapons. The waies
whiche I woulde shoulde be lefte without ocupiyng them,
shal be the market waie, the head waye, and more over
a waie that shoulde be called the midde waye, whiche
should goe from Northe to Southe, and should passe
thoroughe the middest of the market waie, whiche from
the weste parte, shoulde serve for the same purpose
that the overthwarte way doeth on the east parte.
And besides this, a waye whiche shall goe aboute on
the hinder parte, alonge the lodgynges of the Pikes
and extraordinarie Veliti, and all these wayes shall
be twoo and tweentie vardes and a halfe broade.
And the Artilerie, I woulde place a longe the Trenche
of the Campe, rounde aboute the same.
BAPTISTE. I confesse that I understand not, nor I
beleeve that also to saye so, is any shame unto me,
this beyng not my exercise: notwithstandyng,
this order pleaseth me muche: onely I woulde that
you shoulde declare me these doubtes: The one,
whie you make the waie, and the spaces aboute so large.
The other, that troubleth me more, is these spaces,
whiche you apoincte oute for the lodgynges, howe they
ought to be used.
[Sidenote: The Campe ought to be all waies of
one facion.]
Page 142
FABRICIO. You must note, that I make all the
waies, xxii. yardes and a halfe broade, to the intente
that thorowe them, maie go a battaile of men in araie,
where if you remember wel, I tolde you how every bande
of menne, taketh in breadth betwene xviii. and xxii.
yardes of space to marche or stande in. Nowe
where the space that is betwene the trenche, and the
lodgynges, is lxxv. yardes broade, thesame is moste
necessarie, to the intent thei maie there order the
battailes, and the artillerie, bothe to conducte by
thesame the praies, and to have space to retire theim
selves with newe trenches, and newe fortificacion if
neede were: The lodginges also, stande better
so farre from the diches, beyng the more out of daunger
of fires, and other thynges, whiche the enemie, might
throwe to hurte them. Concernyng the seconde demaunde,
my intent is not that every space, of me marked out,
bee covered with a pavilion onely, but to be used,
as tourneth commodious to soch as lodge there, either
with more or with lesse Tentes, so that thei go not
out of the boundes of thesame. And for to marke
out these lodginges, there ought to bee moste cunnyng
menne, and moste excellente Architectours, whom, so
sone as the Capitaine hath chosen the place, maie knowe
how to give it the facion, and to distribute it, distinguishyng
the waies, devidyng the lodgynges with Coardes and
staves, in soche practised wise, that straight waie,
thei maie bee ordained, and devided: and to minde
that there growe no confusion, it is conveniente to
tourne the Campe, alwaies one waie, to the intente
that every manne maie knowe in what waie, in what
space he hath to finde his lodgyng: and this ought
to be observed in every tyme, in every place, and
after soche maner, that it seme a movyng Citee, the
whiche where so ever it goweth, carrieth with it the
verie same waies, the verie same habitacions, and the
verie same aspectes, that it had at the firste:
The whiche thing thei cannot observe, whom sekyng
strong situacions, must chaunge forme, accordyng to
the variacion of the grounde: but the Romaines
in the plaine, made stronge the place where thei incamped
with trenches, and with Rampires, bicause thei made
a space about the campe, and before thesame a ditche,
ordinary broad fower yardes and a halfe, and depe aboute
twoo yardes and a quarter, the which spaces, thei
increased, according as thei intended to tarie in
a place, and accordyng as thei feared the enemie.
I for my parte at this presente, would not make the
listes, if I intende not to Winter in a place:
yet I would make the Trenche and the bancke no lesse,
then the foresaied, but greater, accordyng to necessitie.
Also, consideryng the artellerie, I would intrench
upon every corner of the Campe, a halfe circle of
ground, from whens the artillerie might flancke, whom
so ever should seke to come over the Trenche.
In this practise in knowyng how to ordain a campe,
the souldiours ought also to be exercised, and to
make with them the officers expert, that are appoincted
to marke it out, and the Souldiours readie to knowe
their places: nor nothyng therein is difficulte,
as in the place thereof shall bee declared: wherefore,
I will goe forewarde at this tyme to the warde of
the campe, bicause without distribucion of the watche,
all the other pain that hath been taken, should be
vain.
Page 143
BAPTISTE. Before you passe to the watche, I desire
that you would declare unto me, when one would pitche
his campe nere the enemie, what waie is used:
for that I knowe not, how a man maie have tyme, to
be able to ordaine it without perill.
FABRICIO. You shall understande this, that no
Capitaine will lye nere the enemie, except he, that
is desposed to faight the fielde, when so ever his
adversarie will: and when a capitaine is so disposed,
there is no perill, but ordinarie: for that the
twoo partes of the armie, stande alwaies in a redinesse,
to faight the battaile, and thother maketh the lodginges.
The Romaines in this case, gave this order of fortifiyng
the Campe, unto the Triarii: and the Prencipi,
and the Astati, stoode in armes. This thei did,
for as moche as the Triarii, beyng the last to faight,
might have time inough, if the enemie came, to leave
the woorke, and to take their weapons, and to get
them into their places. Therfore, accordyng unto
the Romaines maner, you ought to cause the Campe to
be made of those battailes, whiche you will set in
the hinder parte of the armie, in the place of the
Triarii. But let us tourne to reason of the watche.
[Sidenote: Theantiquitie used no Scoutes; The
watche and warde of the Campe.]
I thinke I have not founde, emongest the antiquitie,
that for to warde the campe in the night, thei have
kepte watche without the Trenche, distaunte as thei
use now a daies, whom thei call Scoutes: the whiche
I beleve thei did, thinkyng that the armie might easely
bee deceived, through the difficultie, that is in
seeyng them againe, for that thei might bee either
corrupted, or oppressed of the enemie: So that
to truste either in parte, or altogether on them,
thei judged it perillous. And therefore, all
the strength of the watche, was with in the trenche,
whiche thei did withall diligence kepe, and with moste
greate order, punished with death, whom so ever observed
not thesame order: the whiche how it was of them
ordained, I will tell you no other wise, leaste I
should bee tedious unto you, beyng able by your self
to see it, if as yet you have not seen it: I
shall onely briefly tell that, whiche shall make for
my purpose, I wold cause to stand ordinarely every
night, the thirde parte of the armie armed, and of
thesame, the fowerth parte alwaies on foote, whom
I would make to bee destributed, throughout all the
banckes, and throughout all the places of the armie,
with double warde, placed in every quadrante of thesame:
Of whiche, parte should stande still, parte continually
should go from the one corner of the Campe, to the
other: and this order, I would observe also in
the daie, when I should have the enemie nere.
[Sidenote: Dilligence ought to be used, to knowe
who lieth oute of the Campe, and who they be that
cometh of newe; Claudius Nero; The justice that ought
to be in a campe. The fauts that the antiquitie
punisshed with Death; Where greate punishementes be,
there oughte likewise to bee great rewardes; It was
no marvel that the Romaines became mightie Princes;
A meane to punishe and execute Justice, without raising
tumultes; Manlius Capitolinus; Souldiours sworen to
kepe the discipline of warre.]
Page 144
Concernyng the givyng of the watche worde, and renuyng
thesame every evening, and to doe the other thynges,
whiche in like watches is used, bicause thei are thynges
well inough knowen, I will speake no further of them:
onely I shall remember one thyng, for that it is of
greate importaunce, and whiche causeth great saulfgarde
observyng it, and not observyng it, moche harme:
The whiche is, that there be observed greate diligence,
to knowe at night, who lodgeth not in the Campe, and
who commeth a newe: and this is an easie thing
to see who lodgeth, with thesame order that wee have
appoincted: for as moche as every lodgyng havyng
the determined nomber of menne, it is an easie matter
to see, if thei lacke, or if there be more menne:
and when thei come to be absente without lisence,
to punishe them as Fugetives, and if there bee more,
to understande what thei be, what they make there,
and of their other condicions. This diligence
maketh that the enemie cannot but with difficultie,
practise with thy capitaines, and have knowlege of
thy counsailes: which thing if of the Romaines,
had not been diligently observed, Claudius Nero could
not, havyng Aniball nere hym, depart from his Campe,
whiche he had in Lucania, and to go and to retourne
from Marca, without Aniball should have firste heard
thereof some thyng. But it suffiseth not to make
these orders good, excepte thei bee caused to bee
observed, with a greate severtie: for that there
is nothyng that would have more observacion, then
is requisite in an armie: therefore the lawes
for the maintenaunce of thesame, ought to be sharpe
and harde, and the executour therof moste harde.
The Romaines punished with death him that lacked in
the watch, he that forsoke the place that was given
hym to faight in, he that caried any thynge, hidde
out of the Campe, if any manne should saie, that he
had doen some worthy thing in the faight, and had
not doen it, if any had fought without the commaundemente
of the Capitaine, if any had for feare, caste awaie
his weapons: and when it happened, that a Cohorte,
or a whole Legion, had committed like fault, bicause
thei would not put to death all, thei yet tooke al
their names, and did put them in a bagge, and then
by lotte, thei drue oute the tenthe parte, and so
those were put to death: the whiche punishemente,
was in soche wise made, that though every man did not
feele it every man notwithstandyng feared it:
and bicause where be greate punishementes, there ought
to be also rewardes, mindyng to have menne at one instant,
to feare and to hope, thei had appoincted rewardes
to every worthie acte: as he that faighting,
saved the life of one of his Citezeins, to hym that
firste leapte upon the walle of the enemies Toune,
to hym that entered firste into the Campe of the enemies,
to hym that had in faightyng hurte, or slaine the
enemie, he that had stroken him from his horse:
and so every vertuous act, was of the Consulles knowen
and rewarded, and openly of every manne praised:
Page 145
and soche as obtained giftes, for any of these thynges,
besides the glorie and fame, whiche thei got emongest
the souldiours, after when thei returned into their
countrie, with solemne pompe, and with greate demonstracion
emong their frendes and kinsfolkes, thei shewed them.
Therefore it was no marveile, though thesame people
gotte so moche dominion, having so moche observacion
in punishemente, and rewarde towardes theim, whom either
for their well doyng, or for their ill doyng, should
deserve either praise or blame: Of whiche thynges
it were convenient, to observe the greater parte.
Nor I thinke not good to kepe secrete, one maner of
punishmente of theim observed, whiche was, that so
sone as the offendour, was before the Tribune, or
Consulle convicted, he was of the same lightely stroken
with a rodde: after the whiche strikyng, it was
lawfull for the offendour to flie, and to all the
Souldiours to kill hym: so that straight waie,
every man threwe at hym either stones, or dartes, or
with other weapons, stroke hym in soche wise, that
he went but little waie a live, and moste fewe escaped,
and to those that so escaped, it was not lawfull for
them to retourne home, but with so many incommodities,
and soche greate shame and ignomie, that it should
have ben moche better for him to have died. This
maner is seen to be almoste observed of the Suizzers,
who make the condempned to be put to death openly,
of thother souldiours, the whiche is well considered,
and excellently dooen: for that intendyng, that
one be not a defendour of an evill doer, the greateste
reamedie that is founde, is to make hym punisher of
thesame: bicause otherwise, with other respecte
he favoureth hym: where when he hymself is made
execucioner, with other desire, he desireth his punishemente,
then when the execucion commeth to an other. Therefore
mindyng, not to have one favored in his faulte of the
people, a greate remedie it is, to make that the people,
maie have hym to judge. For the greater proofe
of this, thinsample of Manlius Capitolinus might be
brought, who being accused of the Scenate, was defended
of the people, so longe as thei were not Judge, but
becommyng arbitratours in his cause, thei condempned
hym to death. This is then a waie to punishe,
without raisyng tumultes, and to make justise to be
kepte: and for as moche as to bridell armed menne,
neither the feare of the Lawes, nor of menne suffise
not, the antiquitie joined thereunto the aucthoritie
of God: and therefore with moste greate Ceremonies,
thei made their souldiours to sweare, to kepe the
discipline of warre, so that doyng contrariewise,
thei should not onely have to feare the Lawes, and
menne, but God: and thei used all diligence,
to fill them with Religion.
[Sidenote: Women and idell games, were not suffered
by the antiquitie, to bee in their armies.]
BAPTISTE. Did the Romaines permitte, that women might
bee in their armies, or that there might be used these
idell plaies, whiche thei use now a daies.
Page 146
FABRICIO. Thei prohibited the one and thother,
and this prohibicion was not moche difficulte:
For that there were so many exercises, in the whiche
thei kept every daie the souldiours, some whiles particularely,
somewhiles generally occupied that thei had no time
to thinke, either on Venus, or on plaies, nor on any
other thyng, whiche sedicious and unproffitable souldiours
doe.
BAPTISTE. I am herein satisfied, but tell me, when
the armie had to remove, what order kepte thei?
[Sidenote: Ordre in the removing the armie by
the soundes of a Trumpet.]
FABRICIO. The chief Trumpet sounded three tymes,
at the firste sound, thei toke up the Tentes, and
made the packes, at the seconde, thei laded the carriage,
at the thirde, thei removed in thesame maner aforsaied,
with the impedimentes after every parte of armed men,
placyng the Legions in the middeste: and therefore
you ought to cause after thesame sorte, an extraordinarie
maine battaile to remove: and after that, the
particulare impedimentes therof, and with those, the
fowerth part of the publike impedimentes, which should
bee all those, that were lodged in one of those partes,
whiche a little afore we declared: and therfore
it is conveniente, to have every one of them, appointed
to a maine battaile, to the entente that the armie
removyng, every one might knowe his place in marchyng:
and thus every maine battaile ought to goe awaie,
with their owne impedimentes, and with the fowerth
parte of the publike impedimentes, followyng after
in soche maner, as wee shewed that the Romaines marched.
BAPTISTE. In pitchyng the Campe, had thei other respectes,
then those you have tolde?
[Sidenote: Respectes to be had for incampyng;
How to choose a place to incampe; How to avoide diseases
from the armie; The wonderfull commoditie of exercise;
The provision of victualles that ought alwaies to
bee in a readinesse in an armie.]
FABRICIO. I tell you again, that the Romaines
when thei encamped, would be able to kepe the accustomed
fashion of their maner, the whiche to observe, thei
had no other respecte: but concernyng for other
consideracions, thei had twoo principall, the one,
to incampe theim selves in a wholesome place, the
other, to place themselves, where thenemie could not
besiege theim, nor take from them the waie to the
water, or victualles. Then for to avoide infirmitie,
thei did flie from places Fennie, or subjecte to hurtfull
windes: whiche thei knewe not so well, by the
qualitie of the situacion, as by the face of the inhabitours:
for when thei sawe theim evill coloured, or swollen,
or full of other infeccion, thei would not lodge there:
concernyng thother respecte to provide not to be besieged,
it is requisite to consider the nature of the place,
where the friendes lye, and thenemies, and of this
to make a conjecture, if thou maiest be besieged or
no: and therefore it is meete, that the Capitaine
be moste experte, in the knowlege of situacions of
Page 147
countries, and have aboute him divers men, that have
the verie same expertenes. Thei avoide also diseases,
and famishment, with causyng the armie to kepe no
misrule, for that to purpose to maintain it in health,
it is nedefull to provide, that the souldiours maie
slepe under tentes, that thei maie lodge where bee
Trees, that make shadowe, where woodde is for to dresse
their meate, that thei go not in the heate, and therefore
thei muste bee drawen out of the campe, before daie
in Summer, and in Winter, to take hede that thei marche
not in the Snowe, and in the Froste, without havyng
comoditie to make fire, and not to lack necessarie
aparel, nor to drink naughtie water: those that
fall sicke by chaunce, make them to bee cured of Phisicions:
bicause a capitain hath no reamedie, when he hath
to faight with sicknesse, and with an enemie:
but nothing is so profitable, to maintaine the armie
in health, as is the exercise: and therfore the
antiquitie every daie, made them to exercise:
wherby is seen how muche exercise availeth: for
that in the Campe, it kepeth thee in health, and in
the faight victorious. Concernyng famishemente,
it is necessarie to see, that the enemie hinder thee
not of thy victualles, but to provide where thou maieste
have it, and to see that thesame whiche thou haste,
bee not loste: and therefore it is requisite,
that thou have alwaies in provision with the armie,
sufficiente victuall for a monethe, and then removyng
into some strong place, thou muste take order with
thy nexte frendes, that daily thei maie provide for
thee, and above al thinges bestowe the victual with
diligence, givyng every daie to every manne, a reasonable
measure, and observe after soche sorte this poincte,
that it disorder thee not: bicause all other
thyng in the warre, maie with tyme be overcome, this
onely with tyme overcometh thee: nor there shall
never any enemie of thyne, who maie overcome thee
with famishemente, that will seeke to overcome thee
with iron. For that though the victory be not
so honourable, yet it is more sure and more certaine:
Then, thesame armie cannot avoide famishemente, that
is not an observer of justice, whiche licenciously
consumeth what it liste: bicause the one disorder,
maketh that the victualls commeth not unto you, the
other, that soche victuall as commeth, is unprofitably
consumed: therefore thantiquitie ordained, that
thei should spende thesame, whiche thei gave, and in
thesame tyme when thei appoincted: for that no
souldiour did eate, but when the Capitaine did eate:
The whiche how moche it is observed of the armies
nowe adaies, every manne knoweth, and worthely thei
can not bee called menne of good order and sober,
as the antiquitie, but lasivious and drunkardes.
BAPTISTE. You saied in the beginnyng of orderynge
the Campe, that you woulde not stande onely uppon
twoo maine battailes, but woulde take fower, for to
shewe how a juste armie incamped: therfore I would
you shoulde tell me twoo thynges, the one, when I
shoulde have more or lesse men, howe I ought to incampe
them, the other, what numbre of souldiours should
suffice you to faight against what so ever enemie that
were.
Page 148
[Sidenote: Howe to lodge in the Campe more or
lesse menne, then the ordinarie; The nombre of men
that an army ought to be made of, to bee able to faighte
with the puisantest enemie that is; Howe to cause men
to do soche a thing as shold bee profitable for thee,
and hurtfull to them selves; Howe to overcome menne
at unwares; How to tourne to commoditie the doynges
of soche, as use to advertise thy enemie of thy proceadynges;
How to order the campe, that the enemie shal not perceive
whether the same bee deminished, or increased; A saiyng
of Metellus; Marcus Crassus; How to understand the
secretes of thy enemie; A policie of Marius, to understande
howe he might truste the Frenchmen; What some Capitaines
have doen when their countrie have been invaded of
enemies; To make the enemie necligente in his doynges;
Silla Asdruball; The policie of Aniball, where by
he escaped out of the danger of Fabius Maximus; A
Capitayne muste devise how to devide the force of his
enemies; How to cause the enemie to have in suspect
his most trusty men; Aniball Coriolanus; Metellus
against Jugurte; A practis of the Romayne oratours,
to bryng Aniball out of Credit with Antiochus; Howe
to cause the enemie to devide his power; Howe Titus
Didius staied his enemies that wer going to incounter
a legion of men that were commyng in his ayde; Howe
some have caused the enemie to devide his force; A
policie to winne the enemies countrie before he be
aware; Howe to reforme sedicion and discorde; The
benefitte that the reputacion of the Capitaine causeth,
which is only gotten by vertue; The chiefe thyng that
a capitayne ought to doe; When paie wanteth, punishment
is not to be executed; The inconvenience of not punisshynge;
Cesar chaunsynge to fall, made the same to be supposed
to signifi good lucke; Religion taketh away fantasticall
opinions; In what cases a Capitaine ought not to faight
with his enemie if he may otherwyse choose; A policie
of Fulvius wherby he got and spoyled his enemies Campe;
A policie to disorder the enemie; A policie to overcome
the enemie; A policie; How to beguile the enemie;
Howe Mennonus trained his enemies oute of stronge
places to bee the better able to overcom them.]
FABRICIO. To the first question I answer you,
that if the armie be more or lesse, then fower or
sixe thousande souldiours, the orders of lodgynges,
may bee taken awaie or joined, so many as suffiseth:
and with this way a man may goe in more, and in lesse,
into infinite: Notwithstandynge the Romaines,
when thei joigned together twoo consull armies, thei
made twoo campes, and thei tourned the partes of the
unarmed, thone against thother. Concernyng the
second question, I say unto you, that the Romaines
ordinary armie, was about xxiiii. M. souldiours:
but when thei were driven to faight against the greatest
power that might be, the moste that thei put together,
wer L. M. With this number, thei did set against two
hundred thousand Frenchemen, whome assaulted them
after the first warre, that thei had with the Carthageners.
Page 149
With this verie same numbre, thei fought againste
Anniball. And you muste note, that the Romaines,
and the Grekes, have made warre with fewe, fortefiyng
themselves thorough order, and thorough arte:
the west, and the easte, have made it with multitude:
But the one of these nacions, doeth serve with naturall
furie: as doe the men of the west partes, the
other through the great obedience whiche those men
have to their kyng. But in Grece, and in Italy,
beyng no naturall furie, nor the naturall reverence
towardes their king, it hath been necessary for them
to learne the discipline of warre, the whiche is of
so muche force, that it hath made that a fewe, hath
been able to overcome the furie, and the naturall
obstinatenesse of manie. Therefore I saie, that
mindyng to imitate the Romaines, and the Grekes, the
number of L. M. souldiers ought not to bee passed,
but rather to take lesse: because manie make
confucion, nor suffer not the discipline to be observed,
and the orders learned, and Pirrus used to saie, that
with xv. thousande men he woulde assaile the worlde:
but let us pas to an other parte. We have made
this our armie to winne a field and shewed the travailes,
that in the same fight may happen: we have made
it to marche, and declared of what impedimentes in
marchyng it may be disturbed: and finally we have
lodged it: where not only it ought to take a
littell reste of the labours passed, but also to thinke
howe the warre ought to be ended: for that in
the lodgynges, is handeled many thynges, inespecially
thy enemies as yet remainyng in the fielde, and in
suspected townes, of whome it is good to be assured,
and those that be enemies to overcome them: therfore
it is necessarie to come to this demonstracion, and
to passe this difficultie with the same glorie, as
hitherto we have warred. Therfore comynge to
particular matters, I saie that if it shoulde happen,
that thou wouldest have manie men, or many people
to dooe a thyng, whiche were to thee profittable,
and to theim greate hurte, as should be to breake downe
the wall of their citie, or to sende into exile many
of them, it is necessarie for thee, either to beguile
them in such wise that everie one beleeve not that
it toucheth him: so that succouryng not the one
the other, thei may finde them selves al to be oppressed
without remedie, or els unto all to commaunde the
same, whiche they ought to dooe in one selfe daie,
to the intente that every man belevyng to be alone,
to whome the commaundement is made, maie thinke to
obey and not to remedie it: and so withoute tumulte
thy commaundement to be of everie man executed.
If thou shouldest suspecte the fidelitie of anie people,
and woulde assure thee, and overcome them at unawares,
for to colour thy intente more easelie, thou canst
not doe better, then to counsel with them of some
purpose of thine, desiryng their aide, and to seeme
to intende to make an other enterprise, and to have
thy minde farre from thinkyng on them: the whiche
will make, that thei shall not think on their owne
Page 150
defence, beleevyng not that thou purposest to hurte
them, and thei shal geve thee commoditie, to be able
easely to satisfie thy desire. When thou shouldest
perceive, that there were in thine armie some, that
used to advertise thy enemie of thy devises, thou
canst not doe better, myndynge to take commoditie
by their traiterous mindes, then to commen with them
of those thynges, that thou wilte not doe, and those
that thou wilt doe, to kepe secret, and to say to
doubte of thynges, that thou doubtest not, and those
of whiche thou doubtest, to hide: the which shall
make thenemie to take some enterprise in hand, beleving
to know thy devises, where by easly thou maiest beguile
and opresse hym. If thou shouldest intende (as
Claudius Nero did) to deminishe thy armie, sendynge
helpe to some freende, and that the enemie shoulde
not bee aware therof, it is necessarie not to deminishe
the lodgynges, but to maintayne the signes, and the
orders whole, makyng the verie same fires, and the
verye same wardes throughout all the campe, as wer
wont to be afore. Lykewise if with thy armie
there should joigne new men, and wouldest that the
enemie shoulde not know that thou werte ingrosed, it
is necessarie not to increase the lodgynges: Because
keepyng secrete doynges and devises, hath alwaies
been moste profitable. Wherfore Metellus beyng
with an armie in Hispayne, to one, who asked him what
he would doe the nexte daie, answered, that if his
sherte knew therof, he would bourne it. Marcus
Craussus, unto one, whome asked him, when the armie
shoulde remove, saied beleevest thou to be alone not
to here the trumpet? If thou shouldest desire
to understande the secretes of thy enemie, and to
know his orders, some have used to sende embassadours,
and with theim in servauntes aparel, moste expertest
men in warre: whom havynge taken occasion to
se the enemies armie, and to consider his strengthe
and weakenesse, it hath geven them oportunitie to overcome
him. Some have sente into exile one of their familiars,
and by meanes of the same, hath knowen the devises
of his adversarie. Also like secrettes are understoode
of the enemies when for this effecte there were taken
any prisoners. Marius whiche in the warre that
he made with the Cimbrie, for to know the faieth of
those Frenchmen, who then inhabited Lombardie, and
were in leage with the Romaine people, sent them letters
open, and sealed: and in the open he wrote, that
they shoulde not open the sealed, but at a certaine
time, and before the same time demaundyng them againe,
and finding them opened, knew thereby that their faithe
was not to be trusted. Some Capitaines, being
invaded, have not desired to goe to meete the enemie,
but have gone to assaulte his countrey, and constrained
him to retorne to defende his owne home: The whiche
manie times hath come wel to passe, for that those
soldiours beginnyng to fil them selves with booties,
and confidence to overcome, shall sone make the enemies
souldiours to wexe afraide, when they supposynge theim
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selves conquerours, shal understand to become losers:
So that to him that hath made this diversion, manie
times it hath proved well. But onely it may be
doen by him, whiche hath his countrey stronger then
that of the enemies, because when it were otherwise,
he should goe to leese. It hath been often a
profitable thyng to a capitaine, that hath been besieged
in his lodgynges by the enemie, to move an intreatie
of agreemente, and to make truse with him for certaine
daies: the which is wonte to make the enemies
more necligente in all doynges: so that avaylynge
thee of their necligence, thou maiest easely have occacion
to get thee oute of handes. By this way Silla
delivered him selfe twise from the enemies: and
with this verie same deceipte, Asdruball in Hispayne
got oute of the force of Claudious Nero, whome had
besieged him. It helpeth also to deliver a man
out of the daunger of the enemie, to do some thyng
beside the forsaied, that may keepe him at a baye:
this is dooen in two maners, either to assaulte him
with parte of thy power, so that he beyng attentive
to the same faight, may geve commoditie to the reste
of thy men to bee able to save theim selves, or to
cause to rise some newe accidente, which for the strayngenesse
of the thynge, maie make him to marvell, and for this
occasion to stande doubtefull, and still: as
you knowe howe Anniball dyd, who beynge inclosed of
Fabius Maximus, tied in the nighte small Bavens kindeled
beetweene the hornes of manie Oxen, so that Fabius
astonied at the strangenesse of the same sight, thought
not to lette him at all the passage. A Capitayne
oughte amonge all other of his affaires, with al subtiltie
to devise to devide the force of the enemie, either
with makyng him to suspecte his owne menne, in whome
he trusteth, or to give him occasion, that he maye
seperate his menne, and therby to be come more weake.
The fyrste way is dooen with keepyng saulfe the thynges
of some of those whiche he hath aboute him, as to
save in the warre their menne and their possessions,
renderynge theim their children, or other their necessaries
withoute raunsome. You know that Anniball havynge
burned all the fieldes aboute Rome, he made onely
to bee reserved saulfe those of Fabius Maximus.
You know how Coriolanus comyng with an armie to Rome,
preserved the possessions of the nobilitie, and those
of the comminaltie he bourned, and sacked. Metellus
havinge an armie againste Jugurte, all the oratours,
whiche of Jugurte were sente him, were required of
him, that they woulde geve him Jugurte prisoner, and
after to the verie same men writyng letters of the
verie same matter, wrought in suche wise, that in
shorte tyme Jugurte havyng in suspecte all his counsellours,
in diverse maners put them to death. Anniball
beynge fled to Antiochus, the Romaine oratours practised
with him so familiarly, that Antiochus beyng in suspecte
of him, trusted not anie more after to his counselles.
Concernyng to devide the enemies men, there is no more
Page 152
certainer waie, then to cause their countrie to be
assaulted to the intente that being constrained to
goe to defende the same, they maie forsake the warre.
This way Fabius used havynge agaynst his armie the
power of the Frenchemen, of the Tuscans, Umbries and
Sannites. Titus Didius havyng a few men in respecte
to those of the enemies, and lookynge for a legion
from Rome, and the enemies purposinge to goe to incounter
it, to the intente that they should not goe caused
to bee noised through all his armie, that he intended
the nexte daie to faighte the field with the enemies:
after he used means, that certaine of the prisoners,
that he had taken afore, had occasion to runne awaie.
Who declaryng the order that the Consull had taken
to faighte the nexte daie, by reason wherof the enemies
beyng afraide to deminishe their owne strength, went
not to incounter the same legion, and by this way
thei wer conducted safe. The which means serveth
not to devide the force of the enemies, but to augmente
a mans owne. Some have used to devide the enemies
force, by lettyng him to enter into their countrie,
and in profe have let him take manie townes, to the
intente that puttynge in the same garrisons, he might
thereby deminishe his power, and by this waie havynge
made him weake, have assaulted and overcomen him.
Some other mindyng to goe into one province, have
made as though they woulde have invaded an other, and
used so much diligence, that sodenly entryng into the
same, where it was not doubted that they woulde enter,
they have first wonne it, before the ennemie coulde
have time to succour it: for that thy enemie beynge
not sure, whether thou purposest to tourne backe,
to the place fyrste of thee threatned, is constrained
not to forsake the one place, to succour the other,
and so many times he defendeth neither the one nor
the other. It importeth besides the sayde thynges
to a Capitaine, if there growe sedicion or discorde
amonge the souldiours, to knowe with arte howe to
extynguishe it: The beste waie is to chastise
the headdes of the faultes, but it muste be doen in
such wise, that thou maiest first have oppressed them,
before they be able to be aware: The way is if
they be distante from thee, not onely to call the
offenders, but together with theim all the other,
to the entente that not beleevynge, that it is for
any cause to punishe them, they become not contumelius,
but geve commoditie to the execution of the punishemente:
when thei be present, thou oughtest to make thy selfe
stronge with those that be not in faulte, and by meane
of their helpe to punishe the other. When there
hapneth discorde amonge them, the beste waye is, to
bryng them to the perill, the feare whereof is wonte
alwaies to make them agree. But that, which above
all other thynge kepeth the armie in unitee, is the
reputacion of the Capitaine, the whiche onely groweth
of his vertue: because neither bloud, nor authoritie
gave it ever without vertue. And the chiefe thyng,
whiche of a Capitain is looked for to be doen, is,
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to keepe his souldiours punisshed, and paied:
for that when so ever the paie lacketh, it is conveniente
that the punisshement lacke: because thou canst
not correcte a souldiour, that robbeth, if thou doest
not paie him, nor the same mindynge to live, cannot
abstaine from robbynge: but if thou paiest him
and punisshest him not, he beecometh in everie condicion
insolente: For that thou becomest of small estimacion,
where thou chaunsest not to bee able to maintaine
the dignitie of thy degree, and not mainetainyng it,
there foloweth of necessitee tumulte, and discorde,
whiche is the ruine of an armie. Olde Capitaines
had a troubell, of the which the presente be almoste
free, whiche was to interprete to their purpose the
sinister auguries: because if there fell a thunderbolte
in an armie, if the sunne were darkened or the Moone,
if there came an erthequake, if the Capitaine either
in gettyng up, or in lightynge of his horse fell,
it was of the souldiours interpreted sinisterously:
And it ingendred in them so moche feare, that comynge
to faight the fielde, easely they should have lost
it: and therefore the aunciente Capitaines so
sone as a lyke accidente grewe, either they shewed
the cause of the same, and redused it to a naturall
cause, or they interpreted it to their purpose.
Cesar fallyng in Africa, in comyng of the sea saied,
Africa I have taken thee. Moreover manie have
declared the cause of the obscuryng of the Moone,
and of earthquakes: which thing in our time cannot
happen, as well because our men be not so supersticious,
as also for that our religion taketh away altogether
such opinions: al be it when they should chaunse,
the orders of the antiquitie ought to be imitated.
When either famishement, or other naturall necessitie,
or humaine passion, hath broughte thy enemie to an
utter desperation, and he driven of the same, cometh
to faight with thee, thou oughtest to stande within
thy campe, and as muche as lieth in thy power, to
flie the faight. So the Lacedemonians did against
the Masonians, so Cesar did against Afranio, and Petreio.
Fulvius beyng Consul, against the Cimbrians, made
his horsemen manie daies continually to assaulte the
enemies, and considered how thei issued out of their
campe for to folow them: wherfore he sette an
ambusshe behinde the Campe of the Cimbrians, and made
them to be assaulted of his horsmen, and the Cimbrians
issuyng oute of their campe for to follow them.
Fulvio gotte it, and sacked it. It hath ben of
great utilitie to a Capitaine, havyng his armie nere
to the enemies armie, to sende his menne with the enemies
ansignes to robbe, and to burne his owne countrey,
whereby the enemies beleevynge those to bee menne,
whiche are come in their aide, have also runne to
helpe to make them the pray: and for this disorderyng
them selves, hathe therby given oportunitie to the
adversary to overcome them. This waie Alexander
of Epirus used againste the Illirans and Leptenus
of Siracusa against the Carthaginers and bothe to the
Page 154
one and to the other, the devise came to passe most
happely. Manie have overcome the enemie, gevyng
him occasion to eate and to drinke oute of measure,
fayning to have feared, and leaving their Campes full
of wyne and herdes of cattell, wherof the enemie beyng
filled above all naturall use, have then assaulted
him, and with his destruction overthrowen him.
So Tamirus did against Cirus, and Tiberius Graccus
agaynst the Spaniardes. Some have poysoned the
wine, and other thynges to feede on, for to be able
more easely to overcome them. I saied a littel
afore how I founde not, that the antiquetie kepte
in the night Scoutes abroade, and supposed that they
did it for to avoide the hurte, whiche might growe
therby: because it is founde, that through no
other meane then throughe the watche man, whiche was
set in the daie to watche the enemie, hath been cause
of the ruin of him, that set him there: for that
manie times it hath hapned, that he beyng taken, hath
been made perforce to tell theim the token, whereby
they might call his felowes, who commyng to the token,
have been slaine or taken. It helpeth to beguile
the enemie sometime to varie a custome of thine, whereupon
he having grounded him self, remaineth ruinated:
as a Capitaine did once, whome usinge to cause to
be made signes to his men for comynge of the enemies
in the night with fire, and in the daie with smoke,
commaunded that withoute anie intermission, they shoulde
make smoke and fire, and after commynge upon them
the enemie, they should reste, whome beleevyng to come
without beynge seen, perceivyng no signe to be made
of beyng discovered, caused (through goeyng disordered)
more easie the victorie to his adversarie. Mennonus
a Rodian mindynge to drawe from stronge places the
enemies armie, sente one under colour of a fugitive,
the whiche affirmed, howe his armie was in discorde,
and that the greater parte of them wente awaie:
and for to make the thynge to be credited, he caused
to make in sporte, certaine tumultes amonge the lodgynges:
whereby the enemie thvnkyng thereby to be able to
discomfaighte them, assaultynge theim, were overthrowen.
[Sidenote: The enemie ought not to be brought
into extreme desperacion; How Lucullus constrained
certaine men that ran awaie from him to his enemies,
to fayght whether they wold or not.]
Besides thesaied thynges, regarde ought to be had
not to brynge the enemie into extreme desperacion:
whereunto Cesar had regarde, faightyng with the Duchemen,
who opened them the waie, seyng, howe thei beyng not
able to flie, necessitie made them strong, and would
rather take paine to followe theim, when thei fled,
then the perill to overcome them, when thei defended
them selves. Lucullus seyng, how certaine Macedonian
horsemenne, whiche were with hym, went to the enemies
parte, straight waie made to sounde to battaile, and
commaunded, that the other men should folowe hym:
whereby the enemies beleving, that Lucullus would
begin the faight, went to incounter the same Macedonians,
with soche violence, that thei were constrained to
defende themselves: and so thei became against
their willes, of fugetives, faighters. It importeth
also to knowe, how to be assured of a toune, when
thou doubteste of the fidelitie thereof, so sone as
thou haste wonne the fielde, or before, the whiche
certain old insamples maie teache thee.
Page 155
[Sidenote: A policie wher by Pompey got a towne;
How Publius Valerius assured him self of a towne;
A policie that Alexander Magnus used to be assured
of all Tracia, which Philip kynge of Spaine did practise
to be asured of England when he wente to sainct Quintens;
Examples for Capitaines to winne the hartes of the
people.]
Pompei doubtyng of the Catinensians, praied them that
thei would bee contente, to receive certaine sicke
menne, that he had in his armie, and sendyng under
the habite of sicke persones, most lustie menne, gotte
the toune. Publius Valerius, fearyng the fidelitie
of the Epidannians, caused to come, as who saieth,
a Pardon to a churche without the toune, and when
al the people wer gone for Pardon, he shutte the gates,
receivyng after none in, but those whom he trusted.
Alexander Magnus, mindyng to goe into Asia, and to
assure himself of Thracia, toke with him all the principall
of thesame Province, givyng theim provision, and he
set over the common people of Thracia, men of lowe
degree, and so he made the Princes contented with
paiyng theim, and the people quiete, havyng no heddes
that should disquiete them: But emong all the
thynges, with the whiche the Capitaines, winne the
hartes of the people, be the insamples of chastitie
and justice, as was thesame of Scipio in Spaine, when
he rendered that yong woman, moste faire of personage
to her father, and to her housebande: the whiche
made him more, then with force of armes to winne Spain.
Cesar having caused that woodde to bee paied for,
whiche he had occupied for to make the Listes, about
his armie in Fraunce, got so moche a name of justice,
that he made easier the conquest of thesame province.
I cannot tell what remaineth me, to speake more upon
these accidentes, for that concerning this matter,
there is not lefte any parte, that hath not been of
us disputed. Onely there lacketh to tell, of the
maner of winnyng, and defendyng a toune: the
whiche I am readie to doe willingly, if you be not
now wearie.
BAPTISTE. Your humanitie is so moche, that it maketh
us to followe our desires, without beyng afraied to
be reputed presumptuous, seyng that you liberally
offer thesame, whiche we should have been ashamed,
to have asked you: Therefore, we saie unto you
onely this, that to us you cannot dooe a greater,
nor a more gratefuller benefite, then to finishe this
reasonyng. But before that you passe to that other
matter, declare us a doubte, whether it bee better
to continewe the warre, as well in the Winter, as
thei use now adaies, or to make it onely in the Sommer,
and to goe home in the Winter, as the antiquitie did.
[Sidenote: Warre ought not to be made in winter;
Rough situacions, colde and watrie times, are enemies
to the oder of warre; An overthrowe caused by winter.]
Page 156
FABRICIO. See, that if the prudence of the demaunder
were not, there had remained behinde a speciall part,
that deserveth consideracion. I answere you againe,
that the antiquitie did all thynges better, and with
more prudence then wee: and if wee in other things
commit some erroure, in the affaires of warre, wee
commit all errour. There is nothing more undiscrete,
or more perrillous to a Capitayne, then to make warre
in the Winter, and muche more perrill beareth he,
that maketh it, then he that abideth it: the
reason is this. All the industrie that is used
in the discipline of warre, is used for to bee prepared
to fighte a fielde with thy enemie, because this is
the ende, whereunto a Capitayne oughte to goo or endevour
him selfe: For that the foughten field, geveth
thee the warre wonne or loste: then he that knoweth
best how to order it, and he that hath his army beste
instructed, hath moste advauntage in this, and maye
beste hope to overcome. On the other side, there
is nothing more enemie to the orders, and then the
rough situacions, or the colde watery time: for
that the rough situacions, suffereth thee not to deffende
thy bandes, according to thee discipline: the
coulde and watery times, suffereth thee not to keepe
thy men together, nor thou canst not bring them in
good order to the enemy: but it is convenient
for thee to lodge them a sunder of necessitie, and
without order, being constrayned to obeye to Castells,
to Boroughes, and to the Villages, that maye receyve
thee, in maner that all thy laboure of thee, used to
instructe the army is vaine. Nor marvayle you
not though now a daies, they warre in the Winter,
because the armies being without discipline, know not
the hurt that it dooth them, in lodging not together,
for that it is no griefe to them not to be able to
keepe those orders, and to observe that discipline,
which they have not: yet they oughte to see howe
much harme, the Camping in the Winter hath caused,
and to remember, how the Frenchmen in the yeare of
oure Lorde God, a thousande five hundred and three,
were broken at Gariliano of the Winter, and not of
the Spaniardes: For as much as I have saide,
he that assaulteth, hath more disadvauntage then he
that defendeth: because the fowle weather hurteth
him not a littell, being in the dominion of others
and minding to make warre. For that he is constrayned,
either to stande together with his men, and to sustaine
the incommoditie of water and colde, or to avoide
it to devide his power: But he that defendeth,
may chuse the place as he listeth, and tary him with
his freshe men: and he in a sodayne may set his
men in araye, and goo to find a band of the enemies
men, who cannot resiste the violence of them.
So the Frenchemen were discomfited, and so they shall
alwayes be discomfited, which will assaulte in the
Winter an enemye, whoo hath in him prudence.
Then he that will that force, that orders, that discipline
and vertue, in anye condition availe him not, let
him make warre in the fielde in the winter: and
Page 157
because that the Romaines woulde that all these thinges,
in which they bestowed so much diligence, should availe
them, fleedde no otherwise the Winter, then the highe
Alpes, and difficulte places, and whatsoever other
thing shoulde let them, for being able to shewe their
arte and their vertue. So this suffiseth to your
demaund, wherefore we wil come to intreate of the
defending and besieging of tounes, and of their situacions
and edifications.
THE SEVENTH BOOKE
[Sidenote: Tounes and Fortresses maie be strong
twoo waies; The place that now a daies is moste sought
to fortifie in; How a Toune walle ought to bee made;
The walle of a toune ought to bee high, and the diche
within, and not without; The thickenes that a Toune
walle ought to bee of, and the distaunces betwene
everie flancker, and of what breadth and deapth the
dich ought to bee; How the ordinaunce is planted, for
the defence of a toune; The nature of the batterie.]
You oughte to knowe, how that tounes and fortresses,
maie bee strong either by nature, or by industrie;
by nature, those bee strong, whiche bee compassed
aboute with rivers, or with Fennes, as Mantua is and
Ferrara, or whiche bee builded upon a Rocke, or upon
a stepe hille, as Monaco, and Sanleo: For that
those that stande upon hilles, that be not moche difficulct
to goe up, be now a daies, consideryng the artillerie
and the Caves, moste weake. And therfore moste
often times in building, thei seke now a daies a plain,
for to make it stronge with industrie. The firste
industrie is, to make the walles crooked, and full
of tournynges, and of receiptes: the whiche thyng
maketh, that thenemie cannot come nere to it, bicause
he maie be hurte, not onely on the front, but by flancke.
If the walles be made high, thei bee to moche subjecte
to the blowes of the artillerie: if thei be made
lowe, thei bee moste easie to scale. If thou
makeste the diches on the out side thereof, for to
give difficultie to the Ladders, if it happen that
the enemie fill them up (whiche a great armie maie
easely dooe) the wall remaineth taken of thenemie.
Therefore purposyng to provide to the one and thother
foresaid inconveniences, I beleve (savyng alwaies better
judgement) that the walle ought to be made highe, and
the Diche within, and not without. This is the
moste strongeste waie of edificacion, that is made,
for that it defendeth thee from the artillerie, and
from Ladders, and it giveth not facilitie to the enemie,
to fill up the diche: Then the walle ought to
be high, of that heighth as shall bee thought beste,
and no lesse thick, then two yardes and a quarter,
for to make it more difficult to ruinate. Moreover
it ought to have the toures placed, with distances
of CL. yardes betwen thone and thother: the diche
within, ought to be at leaste twoo and twentie yardes
and a halfe broad, and nine depe, and al the yearth
that is digged out, for to make the diche, muste be
Page 158
throwen towardes the Citee, and kepte up of a walle,
that muste be raised from the bottome of the diche,
and goe so high over the toune, that a man maie bee
covered behinde thesame, the whiche thing shal make
the depth of the diche the greater. In the bottome
of the diche, within every hundred and l. yardes,
there would be a slaughter house, which with the ordinaunce,
maie hurte whom so ever should goe doune into thesame:
the greate artillerie that defende the citee, are
planted behinde the walle, that shutteth the diche,
bicause for to defende the utter walle, being high,
there cannot bee occupied commodiously, other then
smalle or meane peeses. If the enemie come to
scale, the heigth of the firste walle moste easely
defendeth thee: if he come with ordinaunce, it
is convenient for hym to batter the utter walle:
but it beyng battered, for that the nature of the batterie
is, to make the walle to fall, towardes the parte
battered, the ruine of the walle commeth, finding
no diche that receiveth and hideth it, to redouble
the profunditie of thesame diche: after soche
sorte, that to passe any further, it is not possible,
findyng a ruine that with holdeth thee, a diche that
letteth thee, and the enemies ordinaunce, that from
the walle of the diche, moste safely killeth thee.
Onely there is this remedie, to fill the diche:
the whiche is moste difficulte to dooe, as well bicause
the capacitie thereof is greate, as also for the difficultie,
that is in commyng nere it, the walle beeyng strong
and concaved, betwene the whiche, by the reasons aforesaied,
with difficultie maie be entered, havyng after to
goe up a breache through a ruin, whiche giveth thee
moste greate difficultie, so that I suppose a citee
thus builded, to be altogether invinsible.
BAPTISTE. When there should bee made besides the diche
within, a diche also without, should it not bee stronger?
FABRICIO. It should be without doubt, but mindyng
to make one diche onely, myne opinion is, that it
standeth better within then without.
BAPTISTE. Would you, that water should bee in the
diches, or would you have them drie?
[Sidenote: A drie diche is moste sureste.]
FABRICIO. The opinion of men herein bee divers,
bicause the diches full of water, saveth thee from
mines under grounde, the Diches without water, maketh
more difficulte the fillyng of them: but I havyng
considered all, would make them without water, for
that thei bee more sure: For diches with water,
have been seen in the Winter to bee frosen, and to
make easie the winnyng of a citee, as it happened to
Mirandola, when Pope Julie besieged it: and for
to save me from mines, I would make it so deepe, that
he that would digge lower, should finde water.
[Sidenote: An advertisemente for the buildyng
and defending of a Toune or Fortresse; Small fortresses
cannot bee defended; A toune of war or Fortresse,
ought not to have in them any retiring places; Cesar
Borgia; The causes of the losse of the Fortresse of
Furlie, that was thought invincible; Howe the houses
that are in a toune of war or Fortresse ought to be
builded.]
Page 159
The Fortresses also, I would builde concernyng the
diches and the walles in like maner, to the intent
thei should have the like difficultie to be wonne.
One thyng I will earnestly advise hym, that defendeth
a Citee: and that is, that he make no Bulwarkes
without distaunte from the walle of thesame:
and an other to hym that buildeth the Fortresse, and
this is, that he make not any refuge place in them,
in whiche he that is within, the firste walle beyng
loste, maie retire: That whiche maketh me to
give the firste counsaile is, that no manne ought to
make any thyng, by meane wherof, he maie be driven
without remedie to lese his firste reputacion, the
whiche losyng, causeth to be estemed lesse his other
doinges, and maketh afraied them, whom have taken upon
theim his defence, and alwaies it shall chaunce him
this, whiche I saie, when there are made Bulwarkes
out of the Toune, that is to bee defended, bicause
alwaies he shall leese theim, little thynges now a
daies, beyng not able to bee defended, when thei be
subject to the furie of ordinance, in soche wise that
lesyng them, thei be beginning and cause of his ruine.
When Genua rebelled againste king Leus of Fraunce,
it made certaine Bulwarkes alofte on those hilles,
whiche bee about it, the whiche so sone as thei were
loste, whiche was sodainly, made also the citee to
be loste. Concernyng the second counsaile, I affirme
nothyng to be to a Fortresse more perilous, then to
be in thesame refuge places, to be able to retire:
Bicause the hope that menne have thereby, maketh that
thei leese the utter warde, when it is assaulted:
and that loste, maketh to bee loste after, all the
Fortresse. For insample there is freshe in remembraunce,
the losse of the Fortresse of Furly, when Catherin
the Countesse defended it againste Cesar Borgia, sonne
to Pope Alexander the vi. who had conducted thether
the armie of the king of Fraunce: thesame Fortresse,
was al full of places, to retire out of one into an
other: for that there was firste the kepe, from
the same to the Fortresse, was a diche after soche
sorte, that thei passed over it by a draw bridge:
the fortresse was devided into three partes, and every
parte was devided from the other with diches, and
with water, and by Bridges, thei passed from the one
place to the other: wherefore the Duke battered
with his artillerie, one of the partes of the fortresse,
and opened part of the walle: For whiche cause
Maister Jhon Casale, whiche was appoincted to that
Warde, thought not good to defende that breache, but
abandoned it for to retire hymself into the other
places: so that the Dukes men having entered
into that parte without incounter, in a sodaine thei
gotte it all: For that the Dukes menne became
lordes of the bridges, whiche went from one place
to an other. Thei loste then this Fortresse,
whiche was thought invinsible, through two defaultes,
the one for havyng so many retiryng places, the other,
bicause every retiryng place, was not Lorde of the
Page 160
bridge thereof. Therefore, the naughtie builded
Fortresse, and the little wisedome of them that defended
it, caused shame to the noble enterprise of the countesse,
whoe had thought to have abidden an armie, whiche
neither the kyng of Naples, nor the Duke of Milaine
would have abidden: and although his inforcementes
had no good ende, yet notwithstandyng he gotte that
honoure, whiche his valiauntnesse had deserved:
The whiche was testified of many Epigrammes, made
in those daies in his praise. Therefore, if I
should have to builde a Fortresse, I would make the
walles strong, and the diches in the maner as we have
reasoned, nor I would not make therein other, then
houses to inhabite, and those I would make weake and
lowe, after soche sorte that thei should not let him
that should stande in the middest of the Market place,
the sight of all the walle, to the intente that the
Capitain might see with the iye, where he maie succour:
and that every manne should understande, that the
walle and the diche beyng lost, the fortresse were
lost. And yet when I should make any retiryng
places, I would make the bridges devided in soche
wise, that every parte should be Lorde of the bridges
of his side, ordainyng, that thei should fall upon
postes, in the middest of the diche.
BAPTISTE. You have saied that littel thynges now a
daies can not bee defended, and it seemed unto me
to have understoode the contrarie, that the lesser
that a thyng wer, the better it might be defended.
[Sidenote: The fortifiyng of the entrance of
a Toune.]
FABRICIO. You have not understoode well, because
that place cannot be now a daies called stronge, wher
he that defendeth it, hath not space to retire with
new diches, and with new fortificacions, for that the
force of the ordinance is so much, that he that trusteth
uppon the warde of one wall and of one fortification
only, is deceived: and because the Bulwarkes
(mindyng that they passe not their ordinarie measure,
for that then they shoulde be townes and Castels)
be not made, in suche wise that men maie have space
within them to retire, thei are loste straight waie.
Therefore it is wisdom to let alone those Bulwarkes
without, and to fortifie thenterance of the toune,
and to kever the gates of the same with turnyngs after
suche sort, that men cannot goe in nor oute of the
gate by right line: and from the tournynges to
the gate, to make a diche with a bridge. Also
they fortifie the gate, with a Percullis, for to bee
abell to put therin their menne, when they be issued
out to faight, and hapnyng that the enemies pursue
them, to avoide, that in the mingelynge together,
they enter not in with them: and therfore these
be used, the which the antiquitie called Cattarratte,
the whiche beyng let fall, exclude thenemies, and
save the freendes, for that in suche a case, men can
do no good neither by bridges nor by a gate, the one
and the other beynge ocupied with prease of menne.
BAPTISTE. I have seene these Perculleses that you
speake of, made in Almayne of littell quarters of
woodde after the facion of a grate of Iron, and these
percullises of ouers, be made of plankes all massive:
I woulde desire to understande whereof groweth this
difference, and which be the strongest.
Page 161
[Sidenote: Battelments ought to be large and
thicke and the flanckers large within.]
FABRICIO. I tell you agayne, that the manners
and orders of the warre, throughe oute all the worlde,
in respecte to those of the antiquitie, be extinguesshed,
and in Italye they bee altogether loste, for if there
bee a thing somewhat stronger then the ordinarye,
it groweth of the insample of other countries.
You mighte have understoode and these other may remember,
with howe muche debilitie before, that king Charles
of Fraunce in the yere of our salvation a thousande
CCCC. xciiii. had passed into Italie, they made the
batelmentes not halfe a yarde thicke, the loopes,
and the flanckers were made with a litle opening without,
and muche within, and with manye other faultes whiche
not to be tedious I will let passe: for that
easely from thinne battelments the defence is taken
awaye, the flanckers builded in the same maner, moste
easylye are opened: Nowe of the Frenchemen is
learned to make the battelment large and thicke, and
the flanckers to bee large on the parte within, and
to drawe together in the middeste of the wall, and
then agayn to waxe wider unto the uttermost parte
without: this maketh that the ordinaunce hardlye
can take away the defence. Therfore the Frenchmen
have, manye other devises like these, the whiche because
they have not beene seene of our men, they have not
beene considered. Among whiche, is this kinde
of perculles made like unto a grate, the which is a
greate deale better then oures: for that if you
have for defence of a gate a massive parculles as
oures, letting it fall, you shutte in your menne, and
you can not though the same hurte the enemie, so that
hee with axes, and with fire, maye breake it downe
safely: but if it bee made like a grate, you
maye, it being let downe, through those holes and through
those open places, defende it with Pikes, with crosbowes,
and with all other kinde of weapons.
BAPTISTE. I have seene in Italye an other use after
the outelandishe fashion, and this is, to make the
carriage of the artillery with the spokes of the wheele
crooked towardes the Axeltree. I woulde knowe
why they make them so: seeming unto mee that
they bee stronger when they are made straighte as
those of oure wheeles.
[Sidenote: Neither the ditche, wall tillage,
nor any kinde of edificacion, ought to be within a
mile of a toune of warre.]
FABRICIO. Never beleeve that the thinges that
differ from the ordinarie wayes, be made by chaunce:
and if you shoulde beleeve that they make them so,
to shewe fayrer, you are deceaved: because where
strength is necessarie, there is made no counte of
fayrenesse: but all groweth, for that they be
muche surer and muche stronger then ours. The
reason is this: the carte when it is laden, either
goeth even, or leaning upon the righte, or upon the
lefte side: when it goeth even, the wheeles equally
sustayne the wayght, the which being equallye devided
Page 162
betweene them, doth not burden much, but leaning,
it commeth to have all the paise of the cariage on
the backe of that wheele upon the which it leaneth.
If the spokes of the same be straight they wil soone
breake: for that the wheele leaning, the spokes
come also to leane, and not to sustaine the paise
by the straightnesse of them, and so when the carte
goeth even, and when they are least burdened, they
come to bee strongest: when the Carte goeth awrye,
and that they come to have moste paise, they bee weakest.
Even the contrarie happeneth to the crooked spokes
of the Frenche Cartes, for that when the carte leaning
upon one side poincteth uppon them, because they bee
ordinary crooked, they come then to bee straight,
and to be able to sustayne strongly al the payse, where
when the carte goeth even, and that they bee crooked,
they sustayne it halfe: but let us tourne to
our citie and Fortresse. The Frenchemen use also
for more safegarde of the gates of their townes, and
for to bee able in sieges more easylye to convey and
set oute men of them, besides the sayde thinges, an
other devise, of which I have not seene yet in Italye
anye insample: and this is, where they rayse on
the oute side from the ende of the drawe bridge twoo
postes, and upon either of them they joigne a beame,
in suche wise that the one halfe of them comes over
the bridge, the other halfe with oute: then all
the same parte that commeth withoute, they joygne
together with small quarters of woodde, the whiche
they set thicke from one beame to an other like unto
a grate, and on the parte within, they fasten to the
ende of either of the beames a chaine: then when
they will shutte the bridge on the oute side, they
slacke the chaines, and let downe all the same parte
like unto a grate, the whiche comming downe, shuttethe
the bridge, and when they will open it, they drawe
the chaines, and the same commeth to rise up, and they
maye raise it up so much that a man may passe under
it, and not a horse, and so much that there maye passe
horse and man, and shutte it againe at ones, for that
it falleth and riseth as a window of a battelment.
This devise is more sure than the Parculles, because
hardely it maye be of the enemye lette in such wise,
that it fall not downe, falling not by a righte line
as the Parculles, which easely may be underpropped.
Therfore they which will make a citie oughte to cause
to be ordained all the saide things: and moreover
aboute the walle, there woulde not bee suffered any
grounde to be tilled, within a myle thereof, nor any
wall made, but shoulde be all champaine, where should
be neither ditch nor banck, neither tree nor house,
which might let the fighte, and make defence for the
enemie that incampeth.
[Sidenote: Noote; The provision that is meete
to be made for the defence of a toune.]
Page 163
And noote, that a Towne, whiche hathe the ditches
withoute, with the banckes higher then the grounde,
is moste weake: for as muche as they make defence
to the enemye which assaulteth thee, and letteth him
not hurte thee, because easely they may be opened,
and geve place to his artillerye: but let us
passe into the Towne. I will not loose so muche
time in shewing you howe that besides the foresayde
thinges, it is requisite to have provision of victualles,
and wherewith to fight, for that they be thinges that
everye man underdeth, and without them, all other
provision is vaine: and generally twoo thinges
oughte to be done, to provide and to take the commoditie
from the enemie that he availe not by the things of
thy countrey: therfore the straw, the beastes,
the graine, whiche thou canste not receive into house,
ought to be destroied. Also he that defendeth
a Towne, oughte to provide that nothing bee done tumultuouslye
and disordinatelye, and to take suche order, that
in all accidentes everye man maye knowe what he hath
to doo.
[Sidenote: What incoragethe the enemy most that
besiegeth a toune; What he that besiegeth and he that
defendeth oughte to doo; Advertisementes for a besieged
towne; Howe the Romaines vitaled Casalino besieged
of Aniball; A policie for the besieged.]
The order that oughte to be taken is thus, that the
women, the olde folkes, the children, and the impotent,
be made to keepe within doores, that the Towne maye
be left free, to yong and lustie men, whom being armed,
must be destributed for the defence of the same, appointing
part of them to the wall, parte to the gates, parte
to the principall places of the Citie, for to remedie
those inconveniences, that might growe within:
an other parte must not be bound to any place, but
be ready to succour all, neede requiring: and
the thing beeing ordained thus, with difficultie tumulte
can growe, whiche maye disorder thee. Also I will
that you note this, in the besieging and defending
of a Citie, that nothing geveth so muche hoope to
the adversarye to be able to winne a towne, as when
he knoweth that the same is not accustomed to see the
enemie: for that many times for feare onely without
other experience of force, cities have bene loste:
Therefore a man oughte, when he assaulteth a like
Citie, to make all his ostentacions terrible.
On the other parte he that is assaulted, oughte to
appoincte to the same parte, whiche the enemie fighteth
againste, strong men and suche as opinion makethe
not afraide, but weapons onely: for that if the
first proofe turne vaine, it increaseth boldenesse
to the besieged, and then the enemie is constrained
to overcome them within, with vertue and reputacion.
The instrumentes wherwith the antiquitie defended townes,
where manie: as balistes, onagris, scorpions,
Arcubalistes, Fustibals, Slinges: and also those
were manie with which thei gave assaultes. As
Arrieti, Towers, Musculi Plutei, Viney, Falci, testudeni,
in steede of which thynges be now a daies the ordinance,
Page 164
the whiche serve him that bessegeth, and him that
defendeth: and therfore I will speake no forther
of theim: But let us retourne to our reasonyng
and let us come to particular offences. They
ought to have care not to be taken by famine, and
not to be overcome through assaultes: concernyng
famin, it hath ben tolde, that it is requiset before
the siege come, to be well provided of vitualles.
But when a towne throughe longe siege, lacketh victuals,
some times hath ben seen used certaine extraordinarie
waies to be provided of their friendes, whome woulde
save them: inespeciall if through the middest
of the besieged Citie there runne a river, as the Romaines
vittelled their castell called Casalino besieged of
Anibal, whom being not able by the river to sende
them other victual then Nuttes, wherof castyng in
the same great quantitie, the which carried of the
river, without beyng abel to be letted, fedde longe
time the Casalinians. Some besieged, for to shew
unto the enemie, that they have graine more then inough
and for to make him to dispaire, that he cannot, by
famin overcome theim, have caste breade oute of the
gates, or geven a Bullocke graine to eate, and after
have suffered the same to be taken, to the intent
that kilde and founde full of graine, might shewe that
aboundance, whiche they had not. On the other
parte excellent Capitaines have used sundrie waies
to werie the enemie.
[Sidenote: A policie of Fabius in besieging of
a toune; A policie of Dionisius in besiegynge of a
toune.]
Fabius suffered them whome he besieged, to sowe their
fieldes, to the entente that thei should lacke the
same corne, whiche they sowed.
Dionisius beynge in Campe at Regio, fained to minde
to make an agreement with them, and duryng the practise
therof he caused him selfe to be provided of their
victuales, and then when he had by this mean got from
them their graine, he kepte them straight and famished
them.
[Sidenote: Howe Alexander wanne Leucadia.]
Alexander Magnus mindyng to winne Leucadia overcame
all the Castels aboute it, and by that means drivyng
into the same citie a great multitude of their owne
countrie men, famished them.
[Sidenote: The besieged ought to take heed of
the first brunte; The remedie that townes men have,
when the enemies ar entred into the towne; How to
make the townes men yeelde.]
Concernynge the assaultes, there hath been tolde that
chiefely thei ought to beware of the firste bronte,
with whiche the Romaines gotte often times manie townes,
assaultyng them sodainly, and on every side:
and thei called it Aggredi urbem corona.
As Scipio did, when he wanne newe Carthage in Hispayne:
the which brunte if of a towne it be withstoode, with
difficultie after will bee overcome: and yet thoughe
it should happen that the enemie were entred into
the citie, by overcomynge the wall, yet the townes
men have some remedie, so thei forsake it not:
for as much as manie armies through entring into a
Page 165
toune, have ben repulced or slaine: the remedie
is, that the townes men doe keepe them selves in highe
places, and from the houses, and from the towers to
faight with them: the whiche thynge, they that
have entered into the citie, have devised to overcome
in twoo manners: the one with openyng the gates
of the citie, and to make the waie for the townes men,
that thei might safely flie: the other with sendynge
foorthe a proclamacion, that signifieth, that none
shall be hurte but the armed, and to them that caste
their weapons on the grounde, pardon shall be graunted:
the whiche thynge hath made easie the victorie of
manie cities.
[Sidenote: How townes or cities are easelie wonne;
How duke Valentine got the citie of Urbine; The besieged
ought to take heede of the deciptes and policies of
the enemie; How Domitio Calvino wan a towne.]
Besides this, the Citees are easie to bee wonne, if
thou come upon them unawares: whiche is dooen
beyng with thy armie farre of, after soche sort, that
it be not beleved, either that thou wilte assaulte
theim, or that thou canst dooe it, without commyng
openly, bicause of the distance of the place:
wherefore, if thou secretely and spedely assaulte theim,
almoste alwaies it shall followe, that thou shalte
gette the victorie. I reason unwillingly of the
thynges succeded in our tyme, for that to me and to
mine, it should be a burthen, and to reason of other,
I cannot tel what to saie: notwithstanding, I
cannot to this purpose but declare, the insample of
Cesar Borgia, called duke Valentine, who beyng at Nocera
with his menne, under colour of goyng to besiege Camerino,
tourned towardes the state of Urbin, and gotte a state
in a daie, and without any paine, the whiche an other
with moche time and cost, should scante have gotten.
It is conveniente also to those, that be besieged,
to take heede of the deceiptes, and of the policies
of the enemie, and therefore the besieged ought not
to truste to any thyng, whiche thei see the enemie
dooe continually, but let theim beleve alwaies, that
it is under deceipte, and that he can to their hurte
varie it. Domitio Calvino besiegyng a toune,
used for a custome to compasse aboute every daie,
with a good parte of his menne, the wall of the same:
whereby the Tounes menne, belevyng that he did it
for exercise, slacked the Ward: whereof Domicius
beyng aware, assaulted and overcame them.
[Sidenote: A policie to get a towne.]
Certaine Capitaines understandyng, that there should
come aide to the besieged, have apareled their Souldiours,
under the Ansigne of those, that should come, and
beyng let in, have gotte the Toune.
[Sidenote: How Simon of Athens wan a towne; A
policie to get a towne; How Scipio gotte certaine
castels in Afrike.]
Page 166
Simon of Athens set fire in a night on a Temple, whiche
was out of the toune, wherefore, the tounes menne
goyng to succour it, lefte the toune in praie to the
enemie. Some have slaine those, whiche from the
besieged Castle, have gone a foragyng, and have appareled
their souldiours, with the apparell of the forragers,
whom after have gotte the toune. The aunciente
Capitaines, have also used divers waies, to destroie
the Garison of the Toune, whiche thei have sought
to take. Scipio beyng in Africa, and desiring
to gette certaine Castles, in whiche were putte the
Garrisons of Carthage, he made many tymes, as though
he would assaulte theim, albeit, he fained after,
not onely to abstaine, but to goe awaie from them
for feare: the whiche Aniball belevyng to bee
true, for to pursue hym with greater force, and for
to bee able more easely to oppresse him, drewe out
all the garrisons of theim: The whiche Scipio
knowyng, sente Massinissa his Capitaine to overcome
them.
[Sidenote: Howe Pirrus wan the chiefe Citie of
Sclavonie; A policie to get a towne; How the beseiged
are made to yelde; Howe to get a towne by treason;
A policie of Aniball for the betraiyng of a Castell;
How the besieged maie be begiled; How Formion overcame
the Calcidensians; What the besieged muste take heede
of; Liberalitie maketh enemies frendes; The diligence
that the besieged ought to use in their watche and
ward.]
Pirrus makyng warre in Sclavonie, to the chiefe citee
of the same countrie, where were brought many menne
in Garrison, fained to dispaire to bee able to winne
it, and tourning to other places, made that the same
for to succour them, emptied it self of the warde,
and became easie to bee wonne. Many have corrupted
the water, and have tourned the rivers an other waie
to take Tounes. Also the besieged, are easely
made to yelde them selves, makyng theim afraied, with
signifiyng unto them a victorie gotten, or with new
aides, whiche come in their disfavour. The old
Capitaines have sought to gette Tounes by treason,
corruptyng some within, but thei have used divers
meanes. Sum have sente a manne of theirs, whiche
under the name of a fugetive, might take aucthoritie
and truste with the enemies, who after have used it
to their profite. Some by this meanes, have understode
the maner of the watche, and by meanes of the same
knowledge, have taken the Toune. Some with a Carte,
or with Beames under some colour, have letted the
gate, that it could not bee shutte, and with this
waie, made the entrie easie to the enemie. Aniball
perswaded one, to give him a castle of the Romaines,
and that he should fain to go a huntyng in the night,
makyng as though he could not goe by daie, for feare
of the enemies, and tournyng after with the Venison,
should put in with hym certaine of his menne, and so
killyng the watchmen, should give hym the gate.
Also the besieged are beguiled, with drawyng them
out of the Toune, and goyng awaie from them, faining
to flie when thei assault thee. And many (emong
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whom was Anibal) have for no other intente, let their
Campe to be taken, but to have occasion to get betwene
theim and home, and to take their Toune. Also,
thei are beguiled with fainyng to departe from them,
as Formion of Athens did, who havyng spoiled the countrie
of the Calcidensians, received after their ambassadours,
fillyng their Citee with faire promises, and hope of
safetie, under the which as simple menne, thei were
a little after of Formione oppressed. The besieged
ought to beware of the men, whiche thei have in suspecte
emong them: but some times thei are wont, as well
to assure them selves with deserte, as with punishemente.
Marcellus knoweyng how Lucius Bancius a Nolane, was
tourned to favour Aniball so moche humanitie and liberalitie,
he used towardes him, that of an enemie, he made him
moste frendely. The besieged ought to use more
diligence in the warde, when the enemie is gone from
theim, then when he is at hande. And thei ought
to warde those places, whiche thei thinke, that maie
bee hurt least: for that many tounes have been
loste, when thenemie assaulteth it on thesame part,
where thei beleve not possible to be assaulted.
And this deceipt groweth of twoo causes, either for
the place being strong, and to beleve, that it is
invinsible, or through craft beyng used of the enemie,
in assaltyng theim on one side with fained alaroms,
and on the other without noise, and with verie assaltes
in deede: and therefore the besieged, ought to
have greate advertisment, and above all thynges at
all times, and in especially in the night to make
good watche to bee kepte on the walles, and not onely
to appoincte menne, but Dogges, and soche fiearse
Mastives, and lively, the whiche by their sente maie
descrie the enemie, and with barkyng discover him:
and not Dogges onely, but Geese have ben seen to have
saved a citee, as it happened to Roome, when the Frenchemen
besieged the Capitoll.
[Sidenote: An order of Alcibiades for the dew
keping of watch and warde.]
Alcibiades for to see, whether the warde watched,
Athense beeyng besieged of the Spartaines, ordained
that when in the night, he should lifte up a light,
all the ward should lift up likewise, constitutyng
punishmente to hym that observed it not.
[Sidenote: The secrete conveighyng of Letters;
The defence against a breach; How the antiquitie got
tounes by muining under grounde.]
Isicrates of Athens killed a watchman, which slept,
saiyng that he lefte him as he found him. Those
that have been besieged, have used divers meanes,
to sende advise to their frendes: and mindyng
not to send their message by mouth, thei have written
letters in Cifers, and hidden them in sundrie wise:
the Cifers be according, as pleaseth him that ordaineth
them, the maner of hidyng them is divers. Some
have written within the scaberde of a sweard:
Other have put the Letters in an unbaked lofe, and
after have baked the same, and given it for meate to
hym that caried theim. Certaine have hidden them,
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in the secreteste place of their bodies: other
have hidden them in the collor of a Dogge, that is
familiare with hym, whiche carrieth theim: Some
have written in a letter ordinarie thinges, and after
betwene thone line and thother, have also written
with water, that wetyng it or warming it after, the
letters should appere. This waie hath been moste
politikely observed in our time: where some myndyng
to signifie to their freendes inhabityng within a
towne, thinges to be kept secret, and mindynge not
to truste any person, have sente common matters written,
accordyng to the common use and enterlined it, as
I have saied above, and the same have made to be hanged
on the gates of the Temples, the whiche by countersignes
beyng knowen of those, unto whome they have been sente,
were taken of and redde: the whiche way is moste
politique, bicause he that carrieth them maie bee
beguiled, and there shall happen hym no perill.
There be moste infinite other waies, whiche every
manne maie by himself rede and finde: but with
more facilitie, the besieged maie bee written unto,
then the besieged to their frendes without, for that
soche letters cannot be sent, but by one, under colour
of a fugetive, that commeth out of a toune: the
whiche is a daungerous and perilous thing, when thenemie
is any whit craftie: But those that sende in,
he that is sente, maie under many colours, goe into
the Campe that besiegeth, and from thens takyng conveniente
occasion, maie leape into the toune: but lette
us come to speake of the present winnyng of tounes.
I saie that if it happen, that thou bee besieged in
thy citee, whiche is not ordained with diches within,
as a little before we shewed, to mynde that thenemie
shall not enter through the breach of the walle, whiche
the artillerie maketh: bicause there is no remedie
to lette thesame from makyng of a breache, it is therefore
necessarie for thee, whileste the ordinance battereth,
to caste a diche within the wall which is battered,
and that it be in bredth at leaste twoo and twentie
yardes and a halfe, and to throwe all thesame that
is digged towardes the toun, whiche maie make banke,
and the diche more deper: and it is convenient
for thee, to sollicitate this worke in soche wise,
that when the walle falleth, the Diche maie be digged
at least, fower or five yardes in depth: the whiche
diche is necessarie, while it is a digging, to shutte
it on every side with a slaughter house: and
when the wall is so strong, that it giveth thee time
to make the diche, and the slaughter houses, that battered
parte, commeth to be moche stronger, then the rest
of the citee: for that soche fortificacion, cometh
to have the forme, of the diches which we devised
within: but when the walle is weake, and that
it giveth thee not tyme, to make like fortificacions,
then strengthe and valiauntnesse muste bee shewed,
settyng againste the enemies armed menne, with all
thy force. This maner of fortificacion was observed
of the Pisans, when you besieged theim, and thei might
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doe it, bicause thei had strong walles, whiche gave
them time, the yearth beyng softe and moste meete to
raise up banckes, and to make fortificacions:
where if thei had lacked this commoditie, thei should
have loste the toune. Therefore it shall bee
alwaies prudently doen, to provide afore hand, makyng
diches within the citee, and through out all the circuite
thereof, as a little before wee devised: for
that in this case, the enemie maie safely be taried
for at laisure, the fortificacions beyng redy made.
The antiquitie many tymes gotte tounes, with muinyng
under ground in twoo maners, either thei made a waie
under grounde secretely, whiche risse in the toune,
and by thesame entered, in whiche maner the Romaines
toke the citee of Veienti, or with the muinyng, thei
overthrewe a walle, and made it ruinate: this
laste waie is now a daies moste stronge, and maketh,
that the citees placed high, be most weake, bicause
thei maie better bee under muined: and puttyng
after in a Cave of this Gunne pouder, whiche in a momente
kindelyng, not onely ruinateth a wall, but it openeth
the hilles, and utterly dissolveth the strength of
them.
[Sidenote: The reamedie against Caves or undermuinynges;
What care the besieged ought to have; What maketh
a citee or campe difficulte to bee defended; By what
meanes thei that besiege ar made afraied; Honour got
by constancie.]
The remedie for this, is to builde in the plain, and
to make the diche that compasseth thy citee, so deepe,
that the enemie maie not digge lower then thesame,
where he shall not finde water, whiche onely is enemie
to the caves: for if thou be in a toune, which
thou defendest on a high ground, thou canst not remedie
it otherwise, then to make within thy walles many
deepe Welles, the whiche be as drouners to thesame
Caves, that the enemie is able to ordain against thee.
An other remedie there is, to make a cave againste
it, when thou shouldeste bee aware where he muineth,
the whiche waie easely hindereth hym, but difficultly
it is foreseen, beyng besieged of a craftie enemie.
He that is besieged, ought above al thinges to have
care, not to bee oppressed in the tyme of reste:
as is after a battaile fought, after the watche made,
whiche is in the Mornyng at breake of daie, and in
the Evenyng betwen daie and night, and above al, at
meale times: in whiche tyme many tounes have
been wonne, and armies have been of them within ruinated:
therefore it is requisite with diligence on all partes,
to stande alwaies garded, and in a good part armed.
I will not lacke to tell you, how that, whiche maketh
a citee or a campe difficult to be defended, is to
be driven to kepe sundred all the force, that thou
haste in theim, for that the enemie beyng able to
assaulte thee at his pleasure altogether, it is conveniente
for thee on every side, to garde every place, and so
he assaulteth thee with all his force, and thou with
parte of thine defendest thee. Also, the besieged
maie bee overcome altogether, he without cannot bee,
Page 170
but repulced: wherefore many, whom have been
besieged, either in a Campe, or in a Toune, although
thei have been inferiour of power, have issued out
with their men at a sodaine, and have overcome the
enemie. This Marcellus of Nola did: this
did Cesar in Fraunce, where his Campe beeyng assaulted
of a moste great nomber of Frenchmen, and seeyng hymself
not able to defende it, beyng constrained to devide
his force into many partes, and not to bee able standyng
within the Listes, with violence to repulce thenemie:
he opened the campe on thone side, and turning towardes
thesame parte with all his power, made so moche violence
against them, and with moche valiantnes, that he vanquisshed
and overcame them. The constancie also of the
besieged, causeth many tymes displeasure, and maketh
afraied them that doe besiege. Pompei beyng against
Cesar, and Cesars armie beeyng in greate distresse
through famine, there was brought of his bredde to
Pompei, whom seyng it made of grasse, commaunded, that
it should not bee shewed unto his armie, least it
shoulde make them afraide, seyng what enemies they
had against theim. Nothyng caused so muche honour
to the Romaines in the warre of Aniball, as their
constancie: for as muche as in what so ever envious,
and adverse fortune thei were troubled, they never
demaunded peace, thei never made anie signe of feare,
but rather when Aniball was aboute Rome, thei solde
those fieldes, where he had pitched his campe, dearer
then ordinarie in other times shoulde have been solde:
and they stoode in so much obstinacie in their enterprises,
that for to defende Rome, thei would not raise their
campe from Capua, the whiche in the verie same time
that Roome was besieged, the Romaines did besiege.
I knowe that I have tolde you of manie thynges, the
whiche by your selfe you might have understoode, and
considered, notwithstandyng I have doen it (as to
daie also I have tolde you) for to be abell to shewe
you better by meane therof, the qualitie of this armie,
and also for to satisfie those, if there be anie,
whome have not had the same commoditie to understand
them as you. Nor me thinkes that there resteth
other to tell you, then certaine generall rules, the
whiche you shal have moste familiar, which be these.
[Sidenote: Generall rules of warre.]
The same that helpeth the enemie, hurteth thee:
and the same that helpeth thee, hurteth the enemie.
He that shall be in the warre moste vigilant to observe
the devises of the enemie, and shall take moste payne
to exercise his armie, shall incurre least perilles
and maie hope moste of the victorie.
Never conducte thy men to faight the field, if first
them hast not confirmed their mindes and knowest them
to be without feare, and to be in good order:
for thou oughteste never to enterprise any dangerous
thyng with thy souldiours, but when thou seest, that
they hope to overcome.
It is better to conquere the enemie with faminne,
then with yron: in the victorie of which, fortune
maie doe much more then valiantnesse.
Page 171
No purpose is better then that, whiche is hidde from
the enemie untill thou have executed it.
To know in the warre how to understande occasion,
and to take it, helpeth more then anie other thynge.
Nature breedeth few stronge menne, the industrie and
the exercise maketh manie.
Discipline maie doe more in warre, then furie.
When anie departe from the enemies side for to come
to serve thee, when thei be faithfull, thei shalbe
unto thee alwaies great gaines: for that the
power of thadversaries are more deminisshed with the
losse of them, that runne awaie, then of those that
be slaine, although that the name of a fugetive be
to new frendes suspected, to olde odius.
Better it is in pitchyng the fielde, to reserve behynde
the first front aide inoughe, then to make the fronte
bigger to disperse the souldiours.
He is difficultely overcome, whiche can know his owne
power and the same of the enemie.
The valiantenesse of the souldiours availeth more
then the multitude.
Some times the situacion helpeth more then the valiantenesse.
New and sudden thynges, make armies afrayde.
Slowe and accustomed thinges, be littell regarded
of them. Therfore make thy armie to practise
and to know with small faightes a new enemie, before
thou come to faight the fielde with him.
He that with disorder foloweth the enemie after that
he is broken, will doe no other, then to become of
a conquerour a loser.
He that prepareth not necessarie victualles to live
upon, is overcome without yron.
He that trusteth more in horsemen then in footemen,
more in footemen then in horsemen, must accommodate
him selfe with the situacion.
When thou wilte see if in the daie there be comen
anie spie into the Campe, cause everie man to goe
to his lodgynge.
Chaunge purpose, when thou perceivest that the enemie
hath forseene it.
[Sidenote: How to consulte.]
Consulte with many of those thinges, which thou oughtest
to dooe: the same that thou wilt after dooe,
conferre with fewe.
Souldiours when thei abide at home, are mainteined
with feare and punishemente, after when thei ar led
to the warre with hope and with rewarde.
Good Capitaines come never to faight the fielde, excepte
necessitie constraine theim, and occasion call them.
Cause that thenemies know not, how thou wilte order
thy armie to faight, and in what so ever maner that
thou ordainest it, make that the firste bande may
be received of the seconde and of the thirde.
In the faight never occupie a battell to any other
thyng, then to the same, for whiche thou haste apoineted
it, if thou wilt make no disorder.
The sodene accidentes, with difficultie are reamedied:
those that are thought upon, with facilitie.
[Sidenote: What thynges are the strength of the
warre.]
Men, yron, money, and bread, be the strengthe of the
warre, but of these fower, the first twoo be moste
necessarie: because men and yron, finde money
and breade: but breade and money fynde not men
and yron.
Page 172
The unarmed riche man, is a bootie to the poore souldiour.
Accustome thy souldiours to dispise delicate livyng
and lacivius aparell.
This is as muche as hapneth me generally to remember
you, and I know that there might have ben saied manie
other thynges in all this my reasonynge: as should
be, howe and in howe manie kinde of waies the antiquitie
ordered their bandes, how thei appareled them, and
how in manie other thynges they exercised them, and
to have joygned hereunto manie other particulars,
the whiche I have not judged necessarie to shew, as
wel for that you your self may se them, as also for
that my intente hath not been to shew juste how the
olde servis of warre was apoincted, but howe in these
daies a servis of warre might be ordained, whiche
should have more vertue then the same that is used.
Wherfore I have not thought good of the auncient thynges
to reason other, then that, which I have judged to
suche introduction necessarie. I know also that
I might have delated more upon the service on horsebacke,
and after have reasoned of the warre on the Sea:
for as muche as he that destinguissheth the servis
of warre, saieth, how there is an armie on the sea,
and of the lande, on foote, and on horsebacke.
Of that on the sea, I will not presume to speake,
for that I have no knowledge therof: but I will
let the Genoues, and the Venecians speake therof, whome
with like studies have heretofore doen great thinges.
Also of horses, I wil speake no other, then as afore
I have saied, this parte beynge (as I have declared)
least corrupted. Besides this, the footemen being
wel ordained, which is the puissance of the armie,
good horses of necessitie will come to be made.
[Sidenote: Provisions that maie bee made to fill
a Realme full of good horse; The knowledge that a
capitaine oughte to have.]
Onely I counsel him that would ordayne the exercise
of armes in his owne countrey, and desireth to fill
the same with good horses, that he make two provisions:
the one is, that he destribute Mares of a good race
throughe his dominion, and accustome his menne to make
choise of coltes, as you in this countrie make of
Calves and Mules: the other is, that to thentente
the excepted might finde a byer, I woulde prohibet
that no man should kepe a Mule excepte he woulde keepe
a horse: so that he that woulde kepe but one
beaste to ride on, shoulde be constrained to keepe
a horse: and moreover that no man should weare
fine cloathe except he which doeth keepe a horse:
this order I under stande hath beene devised of certaine
princes in our time, whome in short space have therby,
brought into their countrey an excellente numbre of
good horses. Aboute the other thynges, as much
as might be looked for concernynge horse, I remit
to as much as I have saied to daie, and to that whiche
they use. Peradventure also you woulde desire
to understand what condicions a Capitaine ought to
have: wherof I shal satisfie you moste breeflie:
Page 173
for that I cannot tell how to chose anie other man
then the same, who shoulde know howe to doe all those
thynges whiche this daie hath ben reasoned of by us:
the which also should not suffise, when he should not
knowe howe to devise of him selfe: for that no
man without invencion, was ever excellent in anie
science: and if invencion causeth honour in other
thynges, in this above all, it maketh a man honorable:
for everie invention is seen, although it were but
simple, to be of writers celebrated: as it is
seen, where Alexander Magnus is praised, who for to
remove his Campe moste secretely, gave not warnyng
with the Trumpette, but with a hatte upon a Launce.
And was praised also for havyng taken order that his
souldiours in buckelynge with the enemies, shoulde
kneele with the lefte legge, to bee able more strongly
to withstande their violence: the whiche havyng
geven him the victorie, it got him also so muche praise,
that all the Images, whiche were erected in his honour,
stoode after the same facion. But because it is
tyme to finishe this reasonyng, I wil turne againe
to my first purpose, and partly I shall avoide the
same reproche, wherin they use to condempne in this
towne, such as knoweth not when to make an ende.
[Sidenote: The auctor retorneth to his first
purpose and maketh a littel discorse to make an ende
of his reasonyng.]
If you remembre Cosimus you tolde me, that I beyng
of one side an exalter of the antiquitie, and a dispraiser
of those, which in waightie matters imitated them
not, and of the other side, I havynge not in the affaires
of war, wherin I have taken paine, imitated them, you
coulde not perceive the occasion: wherunto I
answered, how that men which wil doo any thing, muste
firste prepare to knowe how to doe it, for to be able,
after to use it, when occasion permitteth: whether
I doe know how to bryng the servis of warre to the
auncient manners or no, I will be judged by you, whiche
have hearde me upon this matter longe dispute wherby
you may know, how much time I have consumed in these
studies: and also I beleeve that you maie imagen,
how much desire is in me to brynge it to effecte:
the whiche whether I have been able to have doen, or
that ever occasion hath been geven me, most easely
you maie conjecture: yet for to make you more
certaine and for my better justificacion, I will also
aledge the occasions: and as much as I have promised,
I will partely performe, to shew you the difficultie
and the facelitie, whiche bee at this presente in
suche imitacions.
[Sidenote: A prince may easelie brynge to intiere
perfection the servis of warre; Two sortes of Capitaines
worthie to bee praysed.]
Page 174
Therfore I saie, how that no deede that is doen now
a daies emong men, is more easie to be reduced unto
the aunciente maners, then the service of Warre:
but by them onely that be Princes of so moche state,
who can at least gather together of their owne subjectes,
xv. or twentie thousande yong menne: otherwise,
no thyng is more difficulte, then this, to them whiche
have not soche commoditie: and for that you maie
the better understande this parte, you have to knowe,
howe that there bee of twoo condicions, Capitaines
to bee praised: The one are those, that with
an armie ordained through the naturalle discipline
thereof, have dooen greate thynges: as were the
greater parte of the Romaine Citezeins, and suche
as have ledde armies, the which have had no other paine,
then to maintaine them good, and to se them guided
safely: the other are they, whiche not onely
have had to overcome the enemie, but before they come
to the same, have been constrained to make good and
well ordered their armie: who without doubte
deserve muche more praise, then those have deserved,
which with olde armies, and good, have valiantely wrought.
Of these, such wer Pelopida, and Epaminonda, Tullus
Hostillius, Phillip of Macedony father of Alexander,
Cirus kyng of the Percians, Graccus a Romaine:
they all were driven first to make their armies good,
and after to faighte with them: they all coulde
doe it, as well throughe their prudence, as also for
havynge subjectes whome thei might in like exercises
instruct: nor it shuld never have ben otherwise
possible, that anie of theim, though they had ben
never so good and ful of al excellencie, should have
been able in a straunge countrey, full of men corrupted,
not used to anie honest obedience, to have brought
to passe anie laudable worke. It suffiseth not
then in Italie, to know how to governe an army made,
but first it is necessarie to know how to make it
and after to know how to commaunde it: and to
do these things it is requisit they bee those princes,
whome havyng much dominion, and subjectes inoughe,
maie have commoditie to doe it: of whiche I can
not bee, who never commaunded, nor cannot commaunde,
but to armies of straungers, and to men bounde to
other, and not to me: in whiche if it be possible,
or no, to introduce anie of those thynges that this
daie of me hath ben reasoned, I will leave it to your
judgement.
Albeit when coulde I make one of these souldiours
which now a daies practise, to weare more armur then
the ordinarie, and besides the armur, to beare their
owne meate for two or three daies, with a mattocke:
When coulde I make theim to digge, or keepe theim
every daie manie howers armed, in fained exercises,
for to bee able after in the verie thyng in deede
to prevaile? When woulde thei abstaine from plaie,
from laciviousnesse, from swearynge, from the insolence,
whiche everie daie they committe? when would they
be reduced into so muche dissepline, into so much
obedience and reverence, that a tree full of appels
Page 175
in the middest of their Campe, shoulde be founde there
and lefte untouched? As is redde, that in the
auncient armies manie times hapned. What thynge
maye I promis them, by meane wherof thei may have me
in reverence to love, or to feare, when the warre
beyng ended, they have not anie more to doe with me?
wher of maie I make them ashamed, whiche be borne and
brought up without shame? whie shoulde thei be ruled
by me who knowe me not? By what God or by what
sainctes may I make them to sweare? By those
that thei worship, or by those that they blaspheme?
Who they worship I knowe not anie: but I knowe
well they blaspheme all. How shoulde I beleeve
that thei will keepe their promise to them, whome everie
hower they dispise? How can they, that dispise
God, reverence men? Then what good fashion shoulde
that be, whiche might be impressed in this matter?
And if you should aledge unto me that Suyzzers and
Spaniardes bee good souldiours, I woulde confesse
unto you, how they be farre better then the Italians:
but if you note my reasonynge, and the maner of procedyng
of bothe, you shall see, howe they lacke many thynges
to joygne to the perfection of the antiquetie.
And how the Suyzzers be made good of one of their
naturall uses caused of that, whiche to daie I tolde
you: those other are made good by mean of a necessitie:
for that servyng in a straunge countrie, and seemyng
unto them to be constrained either to die, or to overcome,
thei perceivynge to have no place to flie, doe become
good: but it is a goodnesse in manie partes fawtie:
for that in the same there is no other good, but that
they bee accustomed to tarie the enemie at the Pike
and sweardes poincte: nor that, which thei lacke,
no man should be meete to teache them, and so much
the lesse, he that coulde not speake their language.
[Sidenote: The Auctor excuseth the people of
Italie to the great reproche of their prynces for
their ignorance in the affaires of warre.]
But let us turne to the Italians, who for havynge
not had wise Princes, have not taken anie good order:
and for havyng not had the same necessitie, whiche
the Spaniardes have hadde, they have not taken it of
theim selves, so that they remaine the shame of the
worlde: and the people be not to blame, but onely
their princes, who have ben chastised, and for their
ignorance have ben justely punisshed, leesinge moste
shamefully their states, without shewing anie vertuous
ensample. And if you will see whether this that
I say be trew: consider how manie warres have
ben in Italie since the departure of kyng Charles to
this day, where the war beyng wonte to make men warlyke
and of reputacion, these the greater and fierser that
they have been, so muche the more they have made the
reputacion of the members and of the headdes therof
to bee loste. This proveth that it groweth, that
the accustomed orders were not nor bee not good, and
of the newe orders, there is not anie whiche have
knowen how to take them. Nor never beleeve that
Page 176
reputacion will be gotten, by the Italians weapons,
but by the same waie that I have shewed, and by means
of theim, that have great states in Italie: for
that this forme maie be impressed in simple rude men,
of their owne, and not in malicious, ill brought up,
and straungers. Nor there shall never bee founde
anie good mason, whiche will beleeve to be able to
make a faire image of a peece of Marbell ill hewed,
but verye well of a rude peece.
[Sidenote: A discription of the folishenesse
of the Italian princes; Cesar and Alexander, were
the formoste in battell; The Venecians and the duke
of Ferare began to have reduced the warfare to the
Aunciente maners; He that despiseth the servis of
warre, despiseth his own welthe.]
Our Italian Princes beleved, before thei tasted the
blowes of the outlandishe warre, that it should suffice
a Prince to knowe by writynges, how to make a subtell
answere, to write a goodly letter, to shewe in saiynges,
and in woordes, witte and promptenesse, to knowe how
to canvas a fraude, to decke theim selves with precious
stones and gold, to slepe and to eate with greater
glorie then other: To keepe many lascivious persones
aboute them, to governe theim selves with their subjectes,
covetuously and proudely: To rotte in idlenesse,
to give the degrees of the exercise of warre, for
good will, to despise if any should have shewed them
any laudable waie, minding that their wordes should
bee aunswers of oracles: nor the sely wretches
were not aware, that thei prepared theim selves to
bee a praie, to whom so ever should assaulte theim.
Hereby grewe then in the thousande fower hundred nintie
and fower yere, the greate feares, the sodain flightes,
and the marveilous losses: and so three most
mightie states which were in Italie, have been divers
times sacked and destroied. But that which is
worse, is where those that remaine, continue in the
verie same erroure, and live in the verie same disorder,
and consider not, that those, who in old time would
kepe their states, caused to be dooen these thynges,
which of me hath been reasoned, and that their studies
wer, to prepare the body to diseases, and the minde
not to feare perilles. Whereby grewe that Cesar,
Alexander, and all those menne and excellente Princes
in old tyme, were the formoste emongest the faighters,
goyng armed on foote: and if thei loste their
state, thei would loose their life, so that thei lived
and died vertuously. And if in theim, or in parte
of theim, there might bee condempned to muche ambicion
to reason of: yet there shall never bee founde,
that in theim is condempned any tendernesse or any
thynge that maketh menne delicate and feable:
the whiche thyng, if of these Princes were redde and
beleved, it should be impossible, that thei should
not change their forme of living, and their provinces
not to chaunge fortune. And for that you in the
beginnyng of this our reasonyng, lamented your ordinaunces,
I saie unto you, that if you had ordained it, as I
Page 177
afore have reasoned, and it had given of it self no
good experience, you might with reason have been greved
therewith: but if it bee not so ordained, and
exercised, as I have saied, it maie be greeved with
you, who have made a counterfaite thereof, and no perfecte
figure. The Venecians also, and the Duke of Ferare,
beganne it, and followed it not, the whiche hath been
through their faulte, not through their menne.
And therfore I assure you, that who so ever of those,
whiche at this daie have states in Italie, shall enter
firste into this waie, shall be firste, before any
other, Lorde of this Province, and it shall happen
to his state, as to the kyngdome of the Macedonians,
the which commyng under Philip, who had learned the
maner of settyng armies in order of Epaminondas a
Thebane, became with this order, and with these exercises
(whileste the reste of Grece stoode in idlenesse, and
attended to risite comedes) so puisant, that he was
able in few yeres to possesse it all, and to leave
soche foundacion to his sonne, that he was able to
make hymself, prince of all the world. He then
that despiseth these studies, if he be a Prince, despiseth
his Princedome: if he bee a Citezein, his Citee.
Wherefore, I lamente me of nature, the whiche either
ought not to have made me a knower of this, or it ought
to have given me power, to have been able to have
executed it: For now beyng olde, I cannot hope
to have any occasion, to bee able so to dooe:
In consideracion whereof, I have been liberall with
you, who beeyng grave yong menne, maie (when the thynges
saied of me shall please you) at due tymes in favour
of your Princes, helpe theim and counsaile them, wherein
I would have you not to bee afraied, or mistrustfull,
bicause this Province seemes to bee altogether given,
to raise up againe the thynges dedde, as is seen by
the perfeccion that poesie, paintyng, and writing,
is now brought unto: Albeit, as moche as is looked
for of me, beyng strooken in yeres, I do mistruste.
Where surely, if Fortune had heretofore graunted me
so moche state, as suffiseth for a like enterprise,
I would not have doubted, but in moste shorte tyme,
to have shewed to the worlde, how moche the aunciente
orders availe: and without peradventure, either
I would have increased it with glory, or loste it
without shame.
* * * *
*
The ende of the seventh and laste booke of the arte
of warre, of Nicholas Machiavell, Citezein and Secretarie
of Florence, translated out of Italian into Englishe:
By Peter Whitehorne, felow of Graise Inne.
NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL,
CITEZEIN AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,
TO THE READERS
To thentente that such as rede this booke maie without
difficultie understande the order of the battailes,
or bandes of men, and of the armies, and lodgynges
in the Campe, accordynge as they in the discription
of theim are apoincted, I thinke it necessarie to shewe
you the figure of everie one of them: wherefore
it is requiset firste, to declare unto you, by what
poinctes and letters, the footemen, the horsemen,
and everie other particuler membre are set foorthe.
Page 178
KNOW THERFORE THAT
.} Signifieth {Targetmen.
’} {Pikemen.
c} {a Capitaine of ten men.
v} {Veliti ordinarie. (Those men that shoot with
harcabuses or bowes)
r} {Veliti extraordinari.
C} {a Centurion or captaine of a hundred men.
k} {a Constable or a captaine of a band of fower hundred
and fiftie men.
H} {The hed captain of a maine battel.
G} {The general Captaine of the whole armie.
t} {The Trompet.
d} {The Drum.
b} {The Ansigne.
s} {The Standerde.
m} {Men of Armes.
l} {Light horsemen.
A} {Artillerie or ordinance.
In the first figure nexte folowyng, is discribed the
forme of an ordinarie battaile or bande of fower hundred
and fiftie men, and in what maner it is redoubled
by flanke. And also how with the verie same order
of lxxx. rankes, by chaungyng onely to the hinder parte
the five rankes of Pikes which were the formost of
everie Centurie, thei maye likewise in bringyng them
in battaile raie, come to bee placed behinde:
whiche may be doen, when in marchyng, the enemies
should come to assaulte them at their backes:
accordynge as the orderyng therof is before declared.
Fol. 87.
In the seconde figure, is shewed how a battaile or
bande of men is ordered, whiche in marchyng should
be driven to faight on the flanke: accordyng
as in the booke is declared. Fol. 87.
In the thirde figure, is shewed how a battaile or
bande of men, is ordered with two hornes, fol. 88,
and after is shewed how the same maie be made with
a voide place in the middest: accordynge as the
orderyng therof, in the booke moste plainely is declared,
fol. 89.
In the fowerth figure, is shewed the forme or facion
of an armie apoincted to faight the battaile with
the enemies: and for the better understandynge
thereof, the verie same is plainlier set foorthe in
the figure next unto it, wherby the other two figures
next folowyng maie the easier be understoode:
accordynge as in the booke is expressed. Fol.
105.
In the fifte figure, is shewed the forme of a fower
square armie: as in the booke is discribed.
Fol. 152.
In the sixte figure, is shewed howe an Armie is brought
from a fower square facion, to the ordinarie forme,
to faight a fielde: accordyng as afore is declared.
Fol. 156.
In the seventh figure, is discribed the maner of incamping:
according as the same in the booke is declared.
Fol. 174.
THE FIRSTE FIGURE
This is the maner of ordering of CCCC. men, into lxxx.
rankes, five to a ranke, to bring them into a iiii
square battaile with the Pikes on the front, as after
foloweth.
Page 179
C c’’’’ c’’’’
c’’’’ c’’’’
c’’’’ c.... c.... c....
c.... c.... c.... c.... c.... c.... c.... c....
c.... c.... c.... c....
C
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... .....
C
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... .....
C
’’’’c ’’’’c
’’’’c ’’’’c
’’’’c ....c ....c ....c
....c ....c ....c ....c ....c ....c ....c ....c
....c ....c ....c ....c
This is the foresaied lxxx. rankes of iiii. C.
men brought into a fower square battaile with the
Pikes on the fronte. And the fiftie Veliti on
the sides and on the backe.
C C vc’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’cv
vc’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’cv
vc’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’cv
vc’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’cv
vc’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’cv
vc........dkb.......cv vc..................cv vc..................cv
vc..................cv vc..................cv vc..................cv
vc..................cv vc..................cv vc..................cv
vc..................cv vc..................cv vc..................cv
vc..................cv vc..................cv vc..................cv
C v v v v v v v v v v C
THE SECONDE FIGURE
This is the maner of ordering of CCCC. men, into lxxx.
rankes, five to a ranke, to bring them into a iiii
square battaile with the Pikes on the side, as after
foloweth.
C ccccc ‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
‘’’’’ ‘’’’’
ccccc
C
ccccc ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ccccc
C
ccccc ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ccccc
C
ccccc ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .....
..... ..... ..... ccccc
This is the foresaied lxxx. rankes of iiii. C.
men brought into a fower square battaile with the
Pikes on the side.
CvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvC cccccccccccccccccccc
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
...............’’’’’
v...............’’’’’
cccccccccccccccccccc
CvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvC
THE THYRDE FIGURE
These are the nombers of rankes appoincted to make
the horned battaile of, and the square battaile with
the voide space in the middest, as after foloweth.
Page 180
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’ ...............
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’ ...............
cccccccccccccccccccc.....C...............C
......................... ...............
......................... ...............
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
Ccccccccccccccccccccc.....C
.........................
.........................
...............
...............
...............
...............
...............d
...............k
...............b
...............
...............
...............
...............
.........................
.........................
Ccccccccccccccccccccc.....C
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
............... .........................
............... .........................
...............Ccccccccccccccccccccc.....C
............... ‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
............... ‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
Ccccccccccccccccccccc.....C
.........................
.........................
....... ........
....... ........
....... ........
....... d ........
....... k ........
....... b ........
....... ........
....... ........
....... ........
....... ........
.........................
.........................
Ccccccccccccccccccccc.....C
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
‘’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’
THE FOURTH FIGURE
A A A A A A llm mCrCCC
Cu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uCA llm mrrr,,, vu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uvA
llm mrrrdkb vdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bv lltksdkb,,,
vc..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv t G llm mrrr,,,
vc..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv lll ktm mrrr,,,
vc..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv .... lsm mCr(,,,
Cu..uCCu..uCCu..uCCu..uCCu..uC llm m ,,, llm
m ,,, ..... llm m ,,,
dHb llm m ,,, ..... ,,, ,,,
,,, ,,, Cu..uC Cu..uC Cu..uC ,,, vu,,uv
vu,,uv vu,,uv ,,, vdk bv vdk bv
vdk bv CdkbC vu..uv vu..uv vu..uv
,, vu..uv vu..uv vu..uv ,,, vu..uv
vu..uv vu..uv ,,, Cu..uC Cu..uC
Cu..uC ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,,
Cu,,uC Cu,,uC ,,, vu,,uv
vu,,uv ,,, vdk bv vdk
bv ,,, vu..uv vu..uv dkb vu..uv
vu..uv ,,, vu..uv
vu..uv C C Cu..uC Cu..uC
The cariages and the unarmed.
Page 181
A A A A A A A Cu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uCCu,,uC
C CCrCm mll A vu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uvvu,,uv ,,,rrrm
mll m vdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bv dkbrrrm mll
s vu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv ,,,dkbm mll llvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv
,,,rrrtksll ..vu.. vvu..uvvu..uvvu..uvvu..uv ,,,rrrm
mtk Cu..uCCu..uC ..uCCu..uCCu..uC ,,,rrrm msl
,,, m mll ,,, m mll dHb ,,, m mll
.... ,,, m mll ,,, ,,, ,,, Cu,,uC
Cu,,uC Cu,,uC ,,, vu,,uv uv,,uv
uv,,uv ,,, vdk bv vdk bv vdk bv ,,,
vu..uv vu..uv vu..uv CdkbC vu..uv
vu..uv vu..uv ,,, vu..uv vu..uv vu..uv
,,, Cu..uC Cu..uC Cu..uC ,,, ,,, ,,,
,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, Cu,,uC Cu,,uC
,,, vu,,uv uv,,uv ,,, vdk bv
vdk bv ,,, vu..uv
vu..uv ,,, vu..uv vu..uv
dkb vu..uv vu..uv ,,, Cu..uC
Cu..uC C C
THE FIFT FIGURE
A ) ,,,, C) ,,,, C) ,,,, C),,,,C),,,,))v) vCvC),,,,C)
,,,, C A
u ,,,, uu ,,,, uu ,,,, uu,,,,uu,,,,uvvvvvvvvu,,,,uu
,,,, u
u ,,,, uu dkb uu dkb uu dkbuu dkbuvvvvvvvvu
dkbuu ,,,, u
u dkb uu .... uu .... uu....uu....u)vv
vvvCu....uu dkb u A
A u ,,,, uu .... uu .... uu....uu....uvvvvvvvvu....uu
,,,, u
u ,,,, uu .... uu .... uu....uu....uvvvvvvvvu....uu
,,,, u A
) ,,,, C) .... C) .... C)....C)....C)v)
vCvC)....)) ,,,, C
A ) uuuC
) uuu C
,,,,....
....,,,, A
,,,,.... ....
....,,,,
,,dkb... dHb
..dkb,,
A ,,,,.... ....
....,,,,
,,,,....
....,,,, A
) n n nC
) n n nC
A ) u u uC
) u u uC
,,,,....
....,,,,
,,,,.... ...III..
....,,,, A
,, dkb.. .. mm ..
.. dkb,,
A ,,,,.... .. tGs..
....,,,,
,,,,.... ........
....,,,,
) n n nC
) n n nC A
) u u uC ),,,,C),,,,C
) u u uC
A ,,,,.... u,,,,uu,,,,u
....,,,,
,,,,.... u,,,,uu,,,,u
....,,,, A
,, dkb.. u dkbuu dkbu
.. dkb,,
,,,,.... u,,,,uu,,,,u
....,,,,
,,,,.... u,,,,uu,,,,u
....,,,,
A ) n n nC ),,,,C),,,,C
) n n nC
#/
Page 182
/#
A ) u u uC
) u u uC A
,,,,....
....,,,,
,,,,....
....,,,,
,, dkb..
.. dkb,,
A ,,,,....
....,,,, A
,,,,....
....,,,,
) n n nC
) n n nC
) u u uC
) u u uC
A ,,,,....
....,,,, A
,,,,....
.... ....,,,,
,, dkb..
d Hb .. dkb,,
,,,,....
.... .. dkb,,
A ,,,,....
....,,,, A
) n n nC
) n n nC
) ,,,, C)....C ) r) rC rC )....C)....C)....C)....C)
,,,, C
u ,,,, uu....urrrrrrrrrrrru....uu....uu....uu....uu
,,,, C
A u ,,,, uu....urr dkb dkb ru....uu....uu....uu....uu
,,,, u A
u dkb uu dkbu rrrrrrrrrrru dkbnu dkbuu
dkbuu dkbuu dkb u
u ,,,, uu,,,,urr dkb dkb ru,,,,uu,,,,uu,,,,uu,,,,uu
,,,, u
u ,,,, uu,,,,u rrrrrrrrrrru,,,,uu,,,,uu,,,,uu,,,,uu
,,,, u
A ) ,,,, C),,,,C ) r) rC rC ),,,,u),,,,C),,,,C),,,,C)
,,,, C A
mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm mmmtksmmm
mmmtksmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm mmmm mmmm
mmmm mmmm
A A A A A
mmmmmmmm CvC)u, ,uC)u, ,uC)u, ,uC)u,,uC)u,
mmmmmmmm vvvru, ,urru, ,urru, ,urru,,urru,,
mmmmmmmm vvvrudkburrudkburrd k brrdk brrudk
mmmtksmmmvvvru. .urru. .urru. .urru..urru..
mmmmmmmm vvvru. .ruur. .urru. .urru..urru..
mmmmmmmm vvv)u. .uC)u. .uC)u. .uC)u..uCCu .
mmmmmmmm vvv),,,,,C
dkbr,,,...r .... .lll
vvvr,dkb..r dHb . .m
vvvr,,,...r .... ...t
vvvr,,,...r ....
vvv),,,...C
vvv),,,...C
vvvr,,,...r )u, ,uC )u,,
)vCr,dkb .r ru. ,ur ru,,
r,,,...r rudkbur ru,d
r,,,...r ru. .ur ru..
r,,,...r ru. .ur ru..
),,,...C )u. .uC )u.
),,,...C
r,,,...r
r,dkb..r
r,,,...r
r,,,...r
),,,...C
),,,...C
r,,,...r )u. .uC
r,dkb..r ru, ,ur
r,,,...r rudkbur
r,,,...r ru. .ur
),,, ..C ru. .ur
),,,...C )u. .uC
r,,,...r )u. .uC
r,,dkb.r
r,,,...r
r,,,...r
),,, ..C
),,,,,,C
r,,,,,,r
r, dkb,r
r,,,,,,r
r,,,,,,r
),,,,,,C
Page 183
A A A A A
,uC)u, ,uC)u, ,uC)u, ,uC)u, ,uC)v) mmmmmmmm
,urru, ,urru, ,urru, ,urru, ,urvvv mmmmmmmm
b,rr,dkb,rr,dkb,rr,dkb,rr dkb rvvv mmmmmmmm
.urru. .urru. .urru. .urru. .urvvvmmmtkfmmm
.urru. .urru. .urru. .urru. .urvvv mmmmmmmm
.uC)u. .uC)u. .uC)u. .uCCu. .u)vvv mmmmmmmm
)...,,Cvvv mmmmmmmm
.ll.. .... r...,,,rdkb
.m. dHb r.dkb, rvvv
Gs.. .... r...,,,rvvv
.... r...,,,rvvv
)... ,,Cvvv
,uC )u. .uC )... ,,Cvvv
,ur ru, ,ur r...,,,rvvv
kb,r r,dkb,r r.dkb, rC )
,ur ru. .ur r...,,,r
,ur ru. .ur r...,,,r
,uC )u. .u) )... ,,C
)... ,,C
r...,,,r
r.dkb, r
r...,,,r
r...,,,r
)...,,,C
)...,,,C
)u, ,uC r...,, r
ru, ,ur r.dkb, r
r,dkb,r r...,,,r
ru. .ur r...,,,r
ru. .ur )... ,,C
)u. .uC )... ,,C
r...,,,r
r.dkb, r
r...,,,r
r...,,,r
)... ,,C
),,, ,,C
r,,,,,,r
r,dkb, r
r,,,,,,r
r,,,,,,r
),,, ,,C
NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL’S
PRINCE
TRANSLATED
OUT OF ITALIAN INTO ENGLISH BY
E.D.
WITH SOME ANIMADVERSIONS
NOTING AND TAXING
HIS ERRORS
1640
TO THE MOST
NOBLE AND ILLUSTRIOUS,
JAMES Duke of Lenox, Earle of March, Baron of Setrington,
Darnly,
Terbanten, and Methuen, Lord Great Chamberlain and
Admiral of Scotland,
Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, and
one of his Majesties
most honourable Privy Counsel in both kingdomes.
Poysons are not all of that malignant and noxious
quality, that as destructives of Nature, they are
utterly to be abhord; but we find many, nay most of
them have their medicinal uses. This book carries
its poyson and malice in it; yet mee thinks the judicious
peruser may honestly make use of it in the actions
of his life, with advantage. The Lamprey, they
say, hath a venemous string runs all along the back
of it; take that out, and it is serv’d in for
a choyce dish to dainty palates; Epictetus the Philosopher,
sayes, Every thing hath two handles, as the fire brand,
it may be taken up at one end in the bare hand without
hurt: the other being laid hold on, will cleave
to the very flesh, and the smart of it will pierce
even to the heart. Sin hath the condition of the
fiery end; the touch of it is wounding with griefe
unto the soule: nay it is worse; one sin goes
not alone but hath many consequences. Your Grace
may find the truth of this in your perusal of this
Author: your judgement shall easily direct you
in finding out the good uses of him: I have pointed
at his chiefest errors with my best endeavors, and
have devoted them to your Graces service: which
if you shall accept and protect, I shall remain
Your Graces humble and devoted servant,
Page 184
EDWARD DACRES.
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
Questionless some men will blame me for making this
Author speak in our vulgar tongue. For his Maximes
and Tenents are condemnd of all, as pernicious to
all Christian States, and hurtfull to all humane Societies.
Herein I shall answer for my self with the Comoedian,
Placere studeo bonis quam plurimis, et minime multos
laedere: I endeavor to give content to the
most I can of those that are well disposed, and no
scandal to any. I grant, I find him blamed and
condemned: I do no less my self. Reader,
either do thou read him without a prejudicate opinion,
and out of thy own judgement taxe his errors; or at
least, if thou canst stoop so low, make use of my pains
to help thee; I will promise thee this reward for
thy labor: if thou consider well the actions
of the world, thou shalt find him much practised by
those that condemn him; who willingly would walk as
theeves do with close lanternes in the night, that
they being undescried, and yet seeing all, might surprise
the unwary in the dark. Surely this book will
infect no man: out of the wicked treasure of
a mans own wicked heart, he drawes his malice and
mischief. From the same flower the Bee sucks honey,
from whence the Spider hath his poyson. And he
that means well, shall be here warnd, where the deceitfull
man learnes to set his snares. A judge who hath
often used to examine theeves, becomes the more expert
to sift out their tricks. If mischief come hereupon,
blame not me, nor blame my Author: lay the saddle
on the right horse: but Hony soit qui mal y
pense: let shame light on him that hatcht
the mischief.
THE PRINCE
NICHOLAS MACHIAVELLI,
to the Magnificent LAURENCE sonne to PETER OF MEDICIS
health.
They that desire to ingratiate themselves with a Prince,
commonly use to offer themselves to his view, with
things of that nature as such persons take most pleasure
and delight in: whereupon we see they are many
times presented with Horses and Armes, cloth of gold,
pretious stones, and such like ornaments, worthy of
their greatness. Having then a mind to offer
up my self to your Magnificence, with some testimony
of my service to you, I found nothing in my whole
inventory, that I think better of, or more esteeme,
than the knowlege of great mens actions, which I have
learned by a long experience of modern affairs, and
a continual reading of those of the ancients.
Which, now that I have with great diligence long workt
it out, and throughly sifted, I commend to your Magnificence.
And, however I may well think this work unworthy of
your view; yet such is your humanity, that I doubt
not but it shall find acceptance, considering, that
for my part I am not able to tender a greater gift,
than to present you with the means, whereby in a very
short time you may be able to understand all that,
Page 185
which I, in the space of many years, and with many
sufferances and dangers, have made proof and gaind
the knowledge of. And this work I have not set
forth either with elegancy of discourse or stile,
nor with any other ornament whereby to captivate the
reader, as others use, because I would not have it
gain its esteem from elsewhere than from the truth
of the matter, and the gravity of the subject.
Nor can this be thought presumption, if a man of humble
and low condition venture to dilate and discourse
upon the governments of Princes; for even as they
that with their pensils designe out countreys, get
themselves into the plains below to consider the nature
of the mountains, and other high places above; and
again to consider the plains below, they get up to
the tops of the mountains; in like manner to understand
the nature of the people, it is fit to be a Prince;
and to know well the dispositions of Princes, sutes
best with the understanding of a subject. Your
Magnificence then may be pleased, to receive this
small present, with the same mind that I send it; which
if you shall throughly peruse and consider, you shall
perceive therein that I exceedingly wish, that you
may attain to that greatness, which your own fortune,
and your excellent endowments promise you: and
if your Magnificence from the very point of your Highness
shall sometime cast your eyes upon these inferior
places, you shall see how undeservedly I undergoe
an extream and continual despight of Fortune.
THE TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS
CHAP. 1.
How many sorts of Principalities there are, and how
many wayes they are attained to, 263
CHAP. 2.
Of hereditary Principalities, 264
CHAP. 3.
Of mixt Principalities, 265
CHAP. 4.
Wherefore Darius his Kingdome, taken by Alexander,
rebelled not against his successors after Alexanders
death, 273
CHAP. 5.
In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be
governed, which before they were conquered, lived
under their own laws, 276
CHAP. 6.
Of new Principalities that are conquered by ones own
armes and valor, 277
CHAP. 7.
Of new Principalities gotten by fortune and other
mens forces, 281
CHAP. 8.
Concerning those who by wicked means have attaind
to a Principality, 289
CHAP. 9.
Of the Civil Principality, 293
CHAP. 10.
In what manner the forces of all Principalities ought
to be measured, 297
CHAP. 11.
Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities, 299
CHAP. 12.
How many sorts of Military discipline there be; and
touching mercenary soldiers, 302
CHAP. 13.
Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixt and natives, 307
CHAP. 14.
What belongs to the Prince touching military discipline,
310
Page 186
CHAP. 15.
Of those things in respect whereof men, and especially
Princes are prais’d or disprais’d, 313
CHAP. 16.
Of Liberality and Miserableness, 315
CHAP. 17.
Of Cruelty and Clemency, and whether it is better
to be belov’d or feared, 318
CHAP. 18.
In what manner Princes ought to keep their word, 321
CHAP. 19.
That Princes should take a care not to incur contempt
or hatred, 325
CHAP. 20.
Whether the Citadels and many other things, which
Princes make use of, are profitable or dammageable,
335
CHAP. 21.
How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain reputation,
339
CHAP. 22.
Touching Princes Secretaries, 343
CHAP. 23.
That Flatterers are to be avoyded, 344
CHAP. 24.
Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their States,
347
CHAP. 25.
How great power Fortune hath in humane affairs, and
what means there is to resist it, 349
CHAP. 26.
An exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarions,
353
THE PRINCE
Written by
NICHOLAS MACHIAVELLI,
Secretary and Citizen of Florence.
CHAP. I
How many sorts of Principalities there are, and how
many wayes they are attained to.
All States, all Dominions that have had, or now have
rule over men, have been and are, either Republiques
or Principalities. Principalities are either
hereditary, whereof they of the blood of the Lord thereof
have long time been Princes; or else they are new;
and those that are new, are either all new, as was
the Dutchy of Millan to Francis Sforce; or are as
members adjoyned to the hereditary State of the Prince
that gains it; as the Kingdom of Naples is to the
King of Spain. These Dominions so gotten, are
accustomed either to live under a Prince, or to enjoy
their liberty; and are made conquest of, either with
others forces, or ones own, either by fortune, or
by valor.
CHAP. II
Of Hereditary Principalities.
I will not here discourse of Republiques, because
I have other where treated of them at large:
I will apply my self only to a Principality, and proceed,
while I weave this web, by arguing thereupon, how these
Principallities can be governed and maintained.
I say then that in States of inheritance, and accustomed
to the blood of their Princes, there are far fewer
difficulties to keep them, than in the new: for
it suffices only not to transgress the course his
Ancestors took, and so afterward to temporise with
those accidents that can happen; that if such a Prince
be but of ordinary industry, he shall allwaies be able
to maintain himself in his State, unless by some extraordinary
Page 187
or excessive power he be deprived thereof; and when
he had lost it, upon the least sinister chance that
befalls the usurper, he recovers it again. We
have in Italy the Duke of Ferrara for example hereof,
who was of ability to resist the Venetians, in the
year 84, and to withstand Pope Julius in the tenth
for no other reason, than because he had of old continued
in that rule; for the natural Prince hath fewer occasions,
and less heed to give offence, whereupon of necessity
he must be more beloved; and unless it be that some
extravagant vices of his bring him into hatred, it
is agreeable to reason, that naturally he should be
well beloved by his own subjects: and in the
antiquity and continuation of the Dominion, the remembrances
and occasions of innovations are quite extinguished:
for evermore one change leaves a kind of breach or
dent, to fasten the building of another.
CHAP. III
Of mixt Principalities.
But the difficulties consist in the new Principality;
and first, if it be not all new, but as a member,
so that it may be termed altogether as mixt; and the
variations thereof proceed in the first place from
a natural difficulty, which we commonly finde in all
new Principalities; for men do willingly change their
Lord, beleeving to better their condition; and this
beliefe causes them to take armes against him that
rules over them, whereby they deceive themselves, because
they find after by experience, they have made it worse:
which depends upon another natural and ordinary necessity,
forcing him alwaies to offend those, whose Prince
he newly becomes, as well by his soldiers he is put
to entertain upon them as by many other injuries,
which a new conquest draws along with it; in such
manner as thou findest all those thine enemies, whom
thou hast endammaged in the seizing of that Principality,
and afterwards canst not keep them thy friends that
have seated thee in it, for not being able to satisfie
them according to their expectations, nor put in practice
strong remedies against them, being obliged to them.
For however one be very well provided with strong armies,
yet hath he alwaies need of the favor of the inhabitants
in the Countrey, to enter thereinto. For these
reasons, Lewis the twelfth, King of France, suddenly
took Milan, and as soon lost it; and the first time
Lodwick his own forces served well enough to wrest
it out of his hands; for those people that had opened
him the gates, finding themselves deceived of their
opinion, and of that future good which they had promised
themselves, could not endure the distastes the new
Prince gave them. True it is, that Countreys
that have rebelled again the second time, being recovered,
are harder lost; for their Lord, taking occasion from
their rebellion, is less respective of persons, but
cares only to secure himself, by punishing the delinquents,
to clear all suspicions, and to provide for himself
where he thinks he is weakest: so that if to make
Page 188
France lose Milan the first time, it was enough for
Duke Lodwick to make some small stir only upon the
confines; yet afterwards, before they could make him
lose it the second time, they had need of the whole
world together against him, and that all his armies
should be wasted and driven out of Italy; which proceeded
from the forenamed causes: however though both
the first and second time it was taken from him.
The generall causes of the first we have treated of;
it remains now that we see those of the second; and
set down the remedies that he had, or any one else
can have that should chance to be in those termes he
was, whereby he might be able to maintain himself
better in his conquest than the King of France did.
I say therefore, that these States which by Conquest
are annexed to the ancient states of their conqueror,
are either of the same province and the same language,
or otherwise; and when they are, it is very easy to
hold them, especially when they are not used to live
free; and to enjoy them securely, it is enough to have
extinguished the Princes line who ruled over them:
For in other matters, allowing them their ancient
conditions, and there being not much difference of
manners betwixt them, men ordinarily live quiet enough;
as we have seen that Burgundy did, Britany, Gascony,
and Normandy, which so long time continued with France:
for however there be some difference of language between
them, yet can they easily comport one with another;
and whosoever makes the conquest of them, meaning
to hold them, must have two regards; the first, that
the race of their former Prince be quite extinguished;
the other, that he change nothing, neither in their
lawes nor taxes, so that in a very short time they
become one entire body with their ancient Principality.
But when any States are gaind in a Province disagreeing
in language, manners, and orders, here are the difficulties,
and here is there need of good fortune, and great industry
to maintain them; and it would be one of the best
and livelyest remedies, for the Conqueror to goe in
person and dwell there; this would make the possession
hereof more secure and durable; as the Turk hath done
in Greece, who among all the other courses taken by
him for to hold that State, had he not gone thither
himself in person to dwell, it had never been possible
for him to have kept it: for abiding there, he
sees the disorders growing in their beginnings, and
forthwith can remedy them; whereas being not there
present, they are heard of when they are grown to
some height, and then is there no help for them.
Moreover, the Province is not pillaged by the officers
thou sendest thither: the subjects are much satisfied
of having recourse to the Prince near at hand, whereupon
have they more reason to love him, if they mean to
be good; and intending to do otherwise, to fear him:
and forrein Princes will be well aware how they invade
that State; insomuch, that making his abode there,
he can very hardly lose it. Another remedy, which
Page 189
is also a better, is to send Colonies into one or
two places, which may be as it were the keys of that
State; for it is necessary either to do this, or to
maintain there many horse and foot. In these colonies
the Prince makes no great expence, and either without
his charge, or at a very small rate, he may both send
and maintain them; and gives offence only to them
from whom he takes their fields and houses, to bestow
them on those new inhabitants who are but a very small
part of that State; and those that he offends, remaining
dispersed and poore, can never hurt him: and
all the rest on one part, have no offence given them,
and therefore a small matter keeps them in quiet:
on the other side, they are wary not to erre, for
fear it befalls not them, as it did those that were
dispoild. I conclude then, that those colonies
that are not chargeable, are the more trusty, give
the less offence; and they that are offended, being
but poor and scattered, can do but little harme, as
I have said; for it is to be noted, that men must either
be dallyed and flattered withall, or else be quite
crusht; for they revenge themselves of small dammages;
but of great ones they are not able; so that when
wrong is done to any man, it ought so to be done, that
it need fear no return of revenge again. But
in lieu of Colonies, by maintaining soldiers there,
the expence is great; for the whole revenues of that
State are to be spent in the keeping of it; so the
conquest proves but a loss to him that hath got it,
and endammages him rather; for it hurts that whole
State to remove the army from place to place, of which
annoyance every one hath a feeling, and so becomes
enemie to thee; as they are enemies, I wis, who are
outraged by thee in their own houses, whensoever they
are able to do thee mischief. Every way then is
this guard unprofitable. Besides, he that is
in a different Province, (as it is said) should make
himself Head and defender of his less powerfull neighbors,
and devise alwaies to weaken those that are more mighty
therein, and take care that upon no chance there enter
not any foreiner as mighty as himself; for it will
alwaies come to pass, that they shall be brought in
by those that are discontented, either upon ambition,
or fear; as the Etolians brought the Romans into Greece;
and they were brought into every countrey they came,
by the Natives; and the course of the matter is, that
so soon as a powerfull Stranger enters a countrey,
all those that are the less powerfull there, cleave
to him, provoked by an envy they beare him that is
more mighty than they; so that for these of the weaker
sort, he may easily gain them without any pains:
for presently all of them together very willingly
make one lump with that he hath gotten: He hath
only to beware that these increase not their strengths,
nor their authorities, and so he shall easily be able
by his own forces, and their assistances, to take
down those that are mighty, and remain himself absolute
arbitre of that Countrey. And he that playes
Page 190
not well this part, shall quickly lose what he hath
gotten; and while he holds it, shall find therein
a great many troubles and vexations. The Romans
in the Provinces they seiz’d on, observed well
these points, sent colonies thither, entertained the
weaker sort, without augmenting any thing their power,
abated the forces of those that were mighty, and permitted
not any powerfull forreiner to gain too much reputation
there. And I will content my self only with the
countrey of Greece for example hereof. The Achayans
and Etolians were entertained by them, the Macedons
kingdome was brought low, Antiochus was driven thence,
nor ever did the Achayans or Etolians deserts prevail
so far for them, that they would ever promise to enlarge
their State, nor the perswasions of Philip induce
them ever to be his friends, without bringing him lower;
nor yet could Antiochus his power make them ever consent
that he should hold any State in that countrey:
for the Romans did in these cases that which all judicious
Princes ought to do, who are not only to have regard
unto all present mischiefs, but also to the future,
and to provide for those with all industry; for by
taking order for those when they are afarre off, it
is easie to prevent them; but by delaying till they
come near hand to thee, the remedy comes too late;
for this malignity is grown incurable: and it
befalls this, as the physicians say of the hectick
feaver, that in the beginning it is easily cur’d,
but hardly known; but in the course of time, not having
been known in the beginning, nor cured, it becomes
easie to know, but hard to cure. Even so falls
it out in matters of State; for by knowing it aloof
off (which is given only to a wise man to do) the
mischiefs that then spring up, are quickly helped;
but when, for not having been perceived, they are
suffered to increase, so that every one sees them,
there is then no cure for them: therefore the
Romans, seeing these inconvenients afar off, alwaies
prevented them, and never sufferd them to follow;
for to escape a war, because they knew that a war
is not undertaken, but deferred for anothers advantage;
therefore would they rather make a war with Philip
and Antiochus in Greece, to the end it should not
afterwards be made with them in Italy, though for that
time they were able to avoid both the one and the other,
which they thought not good to do: nor did they
approve of that saying that is ordinarily in the mouthes
of the Sages of our dayes, to enjoy the benefits
of the present time; but that rather, to take the
benefit of their valor and wisdome; for time drives
forward everything, and may bring with it as well
good as evil, and evil as good. But let us return
to France, and examine if any of the things prescribed
have been done by them: and we will speak of
Lewis, and not of Charles, as of whom by reason of
the long possession he held in Italy we better knew
the wayes he went: and you shall see he did the
clean contrary to what should have been done by him
Page 191
that would maintain a State of different Language and
conditions. King Lewis was brought into Italy
by the Venetians ambition, who would have gotten for
their shares half the State of Lombardy: I will
not blame his comming, or the course he took, because
he had a mind to begin to set a foot in Italy; but
having not any friends in the country, all gates being
barred against him, by reason of King Charles his
carriage there, he was constrained to joyn friendship
with those he could; and this consideration well taken,
would have proved lucky to him, when in the rest of
his courses he had not committed any error. The
King then having conquered Lombardy, recovered presently
all that reputation that Charles had lost him; Genua
yeelded to him, the Florentines became friends with
him; the Marquess of Mantua, the Duke of Ferrara,
the Bentivolti, the Lady of Furli, the Lord of Faenza,
Pesaro Rimino, Camerino, and Piombino, the Lucheses,
Pisans and Sienses, every one came and offered him
friendship: then might the Venetians consider
the rashness of the course they had taken, who, only
to get into their hands two Townes in Lombardy, made
the King Lord of two thirds in Italy. Let any
man now consider with how small difficulty could the
King have maintained his reputation in Italy, if he
had followed these aforenamed rules, and secured and
defended those his friends, who because their number
was great, and they weak and fearful, some of the Church,
and others of the Venetians were alwaies forced to
hold with him, and by their means he might easily
have been able to secure himself against those that
were mightiest: but he was no sooner got into
Milan, than he took a quite wrong course, by giving
ayd to Pope Alexander, to seize upon Romania, and
perceiv’d not that by this resolution he weakned
himself, ruining his own friends, and those had cast
themselves into his bosom, making the Church puissant,
by adding to their Spiritual power, they gaind their
authority, and so much temporal estate. And having
once got out of the way, he was constrained to go
on forward; insomuch as to stop Alexanders ambition,
and that he should not become Lord of all Tuscany,
of force he was to come into Italy: and this sufficed
him not, to have made the Church mighty, and taken
away his own friends; but for the desire he had to
get the Kingdome of Naples, he divided it with the
King of Spain: and where before he was the sole
arbitre of Italy, he brought in a competitor, to the
end that all the ambitious persons of that country,
and all that were ill affected to him, might have
otherwhere to make their recourse: and whereas
he might have left in that Kingdome some Vice-King
of his own, he took him from thence, to place another
there, that might afterward chace him thence.
It is a thing indeed very natural and ordinary, to
desire to be of the getting hand: and alwaies
when men undertake it, if they can effect it, they
shall be prais’d for it, or at least not blam’d:
but when they are not able, and yet will undertake
Page 192
it, here lies the blame, here is the error committed.
If France then was able with her own power to assail
the Kingdome of Naples, she might well have done it;
but not being able, she should not have divided it:
and if the division she made of Lombardy with the
Venetians, deserv’d some excuse, thereby to set
one foot in Italy; yet this merits blame, for not
being excused by that necessity. Lewis then committed
these five faults; extinguisht the feebler ones, augmented
the State of another that was already powerful in Italy,
brought thereinto a very puissant forreiner, came not
thither himself to dwell there, nor planted any colonies
there: which faults while he liv’d, he
could not but be the worse for; yet all could not have
gone so ill, had he not committed the sixt, to take
from the Venetians their State; for if he had not
enlarg’d the Churches territories nor brought
the Spaniard into Italy, it had bin necessary to take
them lower; but having first taken those other courses,
he should never have given way to their destruction;
for while they had been strong, they would alwaies
have kept the others off from venturing on the conquest
of Lombardy. For the Venetians would never have
given their consents thereto, unless they should have
been made Lords of it themselves; and the others would
never have taken it from France, to give it them:
and then they would never have dar’d to go and
set upon them both together. And if any one should
say, that King Lewis yeelded Romania to Alexander,
and the Kingdome of Naples to Spain, to avoid a war;
I answer with the reasons above alledged, that one
should never suffer any disorder to follow, for avoiding
of a war; for that war is not sav’d, but put
off to thy disadvantage. And if any others argue,
that the King had given his word to the Pope, to do
that exploit for him, for dissolving of his marriage,
and for giving the Cardinals Cap to him of Roan; I
answer with that which hereafter I shall say touching
Princes words, how they ought to be kept. King
Lewis then lost Lombardy, for not having observ’d
some of those termes which others us’d, who
have possessed themselves of countries, and desir’d
to keep them. Nor is this any strange thing, but
very ordinary and reasonable: and to this purpose
I spake at Nantes with that French Cardinal, when
Valentine (for so ordinarily was Caesar Borgia Pope
Alexanders son call’d) made himself master of
Romania; for when the Cardinal said to me, that the
Italians understood not the feats of war; I answered,
the Frenchmen understood not matters of State:
for had they been well vers’d therein, they
would never have suffer’d the Church to have
grown to that greatness. And by experience we
have seen it, that the power hereof in Italy, and
that of Spain also, was caused by France, and their
own ruine proceeded from themselves. From whence
a general rule may be taken, which never, or very
seldom fails, That he that gives the means to another
to become powerful, ruines himself; for that power
is caus’d by him either with his industry, or
with his force; and as well the one as the other of
these two is suspected by him that is grown puissant.
Page 193
CHAP. IV
Wherefore Darius his Kingdome taken by Alexander,
rebelled not against Alexanders Successors after his
death.
The difficulties being consider’d, which a man
hath in the maintaining of a State new gotten, some
might marvaile how it came to pass, that Alexander
the great subdued all Asia in a few years; and having
hardly possessed himself of it, died; whereupon it
seemed probable that all that State should have rebelled;
nevertheless his Successors kept the possession of
it, nor found they other difficulty in holding it,
than what arose among themselves through their own
ambition. I answer, that all the Principalities
whereof we have memory left us, have been governed
in two several manners; either by a Prince, and all
the rest Vassals, who as ministers by his favor and
allowance, do help to govern that Kingdom; or by a
Prince and by Barons, who not by their Princes favor,
but by the antiquity of blood hold that degree.
And these kinds of Barons have both states of their
own, and Vassals who acknowledge them for their Lords;
and bare them a true natural affection. Those
States that are govern’d by a Prince and by Vassals,
have their Prince ruling over them with more authority;
for in all his countrey, there is none acknowledged
for superior, but himself: and if they yeeld obedience
to any one else, it is but as to his minister and officer,
nor beare they him any particular good will.
The examples of these two different Governments now
in our dayes, are, the Turk, and the King of France.
The Turks whole Monarchy is govern’d by one
Lord, and the rest are all his Vassals; and dividing
his whole Kingdom into divers Sangiacques or Governments,
he sends several thither, and those he chops and changes,
as he pleases. But the King of France is seated
in the midst of a multitude of Lords, who of old have
been acknowledg’d for such by their subjects,
and being belov’d by them, enjoy their preheminencies;
nor can the King take their States from them without
danger. He then that considers the one and the
other of these two States, shall find difficulty in
the conquest of the Turks State; but when once it is
subdu’d, great facility to hold it. The
reasons of these difficulties in taking of the Turks
Kingdom from him, are, because the Invader cannot be
called in by the Princes of that Kingdom, nor hope
by the rebellion of those which he hath about him,
to be able to facilitate his enterprize: which
proceeds from the reasons aforesaid; for they being
all his slaves, and oblig’d to him, can more
hardly be corrupted; and put case they were corrupted,
little profit could he get by it, they not being able
to draw after them any people, for the reasons we have
shewed: whereupon he that assails the Turk, must
think to find him united; and must rather relie upon
his own forces, than in the others disorders:
but when once he is overcome and broken in the field,
so that he cannot repair his armies, there is nothing
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else to be doubted than the Royal blood, which being
once quite out, there is none else left to be feard,
none of the others having any credit with the people.
And as the conqueror before the victory could not
hope in them; so after it, ought he not to fear them.
The contrary falls out in Kingdoms governed as is
that of France: for it is easie to be enterd by
the gaining of any Baron in the Kingdom; for there
are alwaies some malecontents to be found, and those
that are glad of innovation. Those for the reasons
alledg’d are able to open thee a way into that
State, and to further thy victory, which afterwards
to make good to thee, draws with it exceeding many
difficulties, as well with those that have ayded thee,
as those thou hast supprest. Nor is it enough
for thee to root out the Princes race: for there
remaine still those Lords who quickly will be the ring-leaders
of new changes; and in case thou art not able to content
these, nor extinguish them, thou losest that State,
whensoever the occasion is offerd. Now if thou
shalt consider what sort of government that of Darius
was, thou shalt find it like to the Turks dominion,
and therefore Alexander was necessitated first to
defeat him utterly, and drive him out of the field;
after which victory Darius being dead, that State was
left secure to Alexander, for the reasons we treated
of before: and his successors, had they continued
in amity, might have enjoy’d it at ease:
nor ever arose there in that Kingdome other tumults,
than those they themselves stir’d up. But
of the States that are order’d and grounded as
that of France, it is impossible to become master at
such ease: and from hence grew the frequent rebellions
of Spain, France, and Greece against the Romans, by
reason of the many Principalities those States had:
whereof while the memory lasted, the Romans were alwayes
doubtfull of the possession of them; but the memory
of them being quite wip’t out, by the power
and continuance of the Empire, at length they enjoy’d
it securely; and they also were able afterwards fighting
one with another, each of one them to draw after them
the greater part of those provinces, according as
their authority had gain’d them credit therein:
and that because the blood of their ancient Lords
was quite spent, they acknowledg’d no other
but the Romans. By the consideration then of these
things, no man will marvaile that Alexander had so
little trouble to keep together the State of Asia;
and that others have had such great difficulties to
maintain their conquest, as Pyrrhus, and many others;
which proceeds not from the small or great valour of
the conquerour, but from the difference of the subject.
CHAP. V
In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be
govern’d, which, before they were conquer’d,
liv’d under their own Laws.
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When those States that are conquered, as it is said,
have been accustomed to live under their own Laws,
and in liberty, there are three wayes for a man to
hold them. The first is to demolish all their
strong places; the other, personally to goe and dwell
there; the third, to suffer them to live under their
own Laws, drawing from them some tribute, and creating
therein an Oligarchy, that may continue it in thy
service: for that State being created by that
Prince, knowes it cannot consist without his aid and
force, who is like to doe all he can to maintain it;
and with more facility is a City kept by meanes of
her own Citizens, which hath been us’d before
to live free, than by any other way of keeping.
We have for example the Spartans and the Romans; the
Spartans held Athens and Thebes, creating there an
Oligarchy: yet they lost it. The Romans
to be sure of Capua, Carthage, and Numantia, dismantell’d
them quite, and so lost them not: they would have
kept Greece as the Spartans had held them, leaving
them free, and letting them enjoy their own Laws;
and it prospered not with them: so that they
were forc’d to deface many Cities of that province
to hold it. For in truth there is not a surer
way to keep them under, than by demolishments; and
whoever becomes master of a City us’d to live
free, and dismantells it not, let him look himselfe
to bee ruin’d by it; for it alwayes in time
of rebellion takes the name of liberty for refuge,
and the ancient orders it had; which neither by length
of time, nor for any favours afforded them, are ever
forgotten; and for any thing that can be done, or
order’d, unlesse the inhabitants be disunited
and dispers’d, that name is never forgotten,
nor those customes: but presently in every chance
recourse is thither made: as Pisa did after so
many yeeres that she had been subdu’d by the
Florentines. But when the Cities or the Provinces
are accustomed to live under a Prince, and that whole
race is quite extirpated: on one part being us’d
to obey; on the other, not having their old Prince;
they agree not to make one from among themselves:
they know not how to live in liberty, in such manner
that they are much slower to take armes; and with more
facility may a Prince gaine them, and secure himselfe
of them. But in Republiques there is more life
in them, more violent hatred, more earnest desire of
revenge; nor does the remembrance of the ancient liberty
ever leave them, or suffer them to rest; so that the
safest way, is, either to ruine them, or dwell among
them.
CHAP. VI
Of new Principalities, that are conquer’d by
ones own armes and valour.
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Let no man marvaile, if in the discourse I shall make
of new Principalities, both touching a Prince, and
touching a State, I shall alledge very famous examples:
for seeing men almost alwayes walk in the pathes beaten
by others, and proceed in their actions by imitation;
and being that others wayes cannot bee exactly follow’d,
nor their vertues, whose patterne thou set’st
before thee, attain’d unto; a wise man ought
alwayes to tread the footsteps of the worthiest persons,
and imitate those that have been the most excellent:
to the end that if his vertue arrive not thereto,
at least it may yeeld some favour thereof, and doe
as good Archers use, who thinking the place they intend
to hit, too farre distant, and knowing how farr the
strength of their bow will carry, they lay their ayme
a great deale higher than the mark; not for to hit
so high with their arrow, but to bee able with the
help of so high an aime to reach the place they shoot
at. I say, that in Principalities wholly new,
where there is a new Prince, there is more and lesse
difficulty in maintaining them, as the vertue of their
Conquerour is greater or lesser. And because this
successe, to become a Prince of a private man, presupposes
either vertue, or fortune; mee thinks the one and
other of these two things in part should mitigate
many difficulties; however he that hath lesse stood
upon fortune, hath maintain’d himselfe the better.
Moreover it somewhat facilitates the matter in that
the Prince is constrain’d, because he hath not
other dominions, in person to come and dwell there.
But to come to these who by their own vertues, and
not by fortune, attain’d to be Princes; the
excellentest of these are Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus,
and such like; and though of Moses we are not to reason,
he onely executing the things that were commanded
him by God; yet merits he well to be admir’d,
were it only for that grace that made him worthy to
converse with God. But considering Cyrus, and
the others, who either got or founded Kingdomes, we
shall find them all admirable; and if there particular
actions and Lawes be throughly weigh’d, they
will not appeare much differing from those of Moyses,
which he receiv’d from so Sovraigne an instructer.
And examining their lives and actions, it will not
appeare, that they had other help of fortune, than
the occasion, which presented them with the matter
wherein they might introduce what forme they then pleas’d;
and without that occasion, the vertue of their mind
had been extinguish’d; and without that vertue,
the occasion had been offer’d in vaine.
It was then necessary for Moses to find the people
of Israel slaves in AEgypt, and oppress’d by
the AEgyptians, to the end that they to get out of
their thraldome, should bee willing to follow him.
It was fit that Romulus should not be kept in Albia,
but expos’d presently after his birth, that
he might become King of Rome, and founder of that City.
There was need that Cyrus should find the Persians
discontented with the Medes government, and the Medes
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delicate and effeminate through their long peace.
Theseus could not make proof his vertue, had not he
found the Athenians dispers’d. These occasions
therefore made these men happy, and their excellent
vertue made the occasion be taken notice of, whereby
their countrey became enobled, and exceeding fortunate.
They, who by vertuous waies, like unto these, become
Princes, attain the Principality with difficulty,
but hold it with much ease; and the difficulties they
find in gaining the Principality, arise partly from
the new orders and courses they are forc’d to
bring in, to lay the foundation of their State, and
work their own security. And it is to be consider’d,
how there is not any thing harder to take in hand,
nor doubtfuller to succeed, nor more dangerous to
mannage, than to be the chief in bringing in new orders;
for this Chief finds all those his enemies, that thrive
upon the old orders; and hath but luke warme defenders
of all those that would do well upon the new orders,
which luke-warme temper proceeds partly from fear
of the opposers who have the laws to their advantage;
partly from the incredulity of the men who truly beleeve
not a new thing, unless there be some certain proof
given them thereof. Whereupon it arises, that
whensoever they that are adversaries, take the occasion
to assayle, they do it factiously; and these others
defend but cooly, so that their whole party altogether
runs a hazzard. Therefore it is necessary, being
we intend throughly to discourse this part, to examine
if these innovators stand of themselves, or if they
depend upon others; that is, if to bring their work
to effect, it be necessary they should intreat, or
be able to constrain; in the first case they allwayes
succeed ill, and bring nothing to pass; but when they
depend of themselves, and are able to force, then
seldom it is that they hazzard. Hence came it
that all the prophets that were arm’d, prevail’d;
but those that were unarm’d, were too weak:
for besides what we have alledg’d, the nature
of the people is changeable, and easie to be perswaded
to a matter; but it is hard also to settle them in
that perswasion. And therefore it behoves a man
to be so provided, that when they beleeve no longer,
he may be able to compel them thereto by force.
Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus would never have
been able to cause their Laws to be obey’d,
had they been disarm’d; as in our times it befel
Fryer Jerome Savanarola, who perished in his new constitutions,
when the multitude began not to beleeve him; neither
had he the means to keep them firme, that had beleev’d;
not to force beleefe in them that had not beleev’d
him. Wherefore such men as these, in their proceedings
find great difficulty, and all their dangers are in
the way, and these they must surmount by their vertue;
but having once master’d them, and beginning
to be honored by all, when they have rooted those out
that envi’d their dignities, they remain powerful,
secure, honorable, and happy. To these choice
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examples, I will add one of less remark; but it shall
hold some proportion with them, and this shall suffice
me for all others of this kind, which is Hiero the
Siracusan. He of a private man, became Prince
of Siracusa, nor knew he any other ayd of fortune than
the occasion: for the Siracusans being oppress’d,
made choyce of him for their Captain, whereupon he
deserv’d to be made their Prince: and he
was of such vertue even in his private fortune, that
he who writes of him, sayes, he wanted nothing of
reigning, but a Kingdom; this man extinguish’d
all the old soldiery, ordaind the new; left the old
allyances, entertained new; and as he had friendship,
and soldiers that were his own, upon that ground he
was able to build any edifice; so that he indured
much trouble in gaining, and suffered but little in
maintaining.
CHAP. VII
Of new Principalities, gotten by fortune, and other
mens forces.
They who by fortune only become Princes of private
men, with small pains attain to it, but have much
ado to maintain themselves in it; and find no difficulty
at all in the way, because they are carried thither
with wings: but all the difficulties arise there,
after they are plac’d in them. And of such
sort are those who have an estate given them for money,
by the favor of some one that grants it them:
as it befell many in Greece, in the cities of Jonia,
and Hellespont; where divers Princes were made by
Darius, as well for his own safety as his glory; as
also them that were made Emperors; who from private
men by corrupting the soldiers, attaind to the Empire.
These subsist meerly upon the will, and fortune of
those that have advanced them; which are two voluble
and unsteady things; and they neither know how, nor
are able to continue in that dignity: they know
not how, because unless it be a man of great understanding
and vertue, it is not probable that he who hath always
liv’d a private life, can know how to command:
neither are they able, because they have not any forces
that can be friendly or faithful to them. Moreover
those States that suddenly fall into a mans hands,
as all other things in nature that spring and grow
quickly, cannot well have taken root, nor have made
their correspondencies so firm, but that the first
storm that takes them, ruines them; in case these,
who (as it is said) are thus on a sudden clambred
up to be Princes, are not of that worth and vertue
as to know how to prepare themselves to maintain that
which chance hath cast into their bosoms, and can afterwards
lay those foundations, which others have cast before
they were Princes. For the one and the other
of these wayes about the attaining to be a Prince,
by Vertue, or by Fortune, I will alledge you two examples
which have been in the dayes of our memory. These
were Francis Sforza, and Caesar Borgia; Francis by
just means and with a great deal of vertue, of a private
man got to be Duke of Millan; and that which with
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much pains he had gaind, he kept with small ado.
On the other side Caeesar Borgia (commonly termed
Duke Valentine) got his state by his Fathers fortune,
and with the same lost it; however that for his own
part no pains was spar’d, nor any thing omitted,
which by a discreet and valorus man ought to have been
done, to fasten his roots in those Estates, which others
armes or fortune had bestowed on him; for (as it was
formerly said) he that lays not the foundations first,
yet might be able by means of his extraordinary vertues
to lay them afterwards, however it be with the great
trouble of the architect, and danger of the edifice.
If therefore we consider all the Dukes progresses,
we may perceive how great foundations he had cast
for his future power, which I judge a matter not superfluous
to run over; because I should not well know, what better
rules I might give to a new Prince, than the pattern
of his actions; and however the courses he took, availd
him not, yet was it not his fault, but it proceeded
from an extraordinary and extream malignity of fortune.
Pope Alexander the sixt, desiring to make the Duke
his son a great man, had a great many difficulties,
present and future: first he saw no way there
was whereby he might be able to make him Lord of any
State, that was not the Churches; and if he turnd
to take that from the Church, he knew that the Duke
of Milan, and the Venetians would never agree to it;
for Faenza and Riminum were under the Venetians protection.
Moreover, he saw that the armes of Italy, and those
whereof in particular he might have been able to make
some use, were in their hands, who ought to fear the
Popes greatness; and therefore could not any wayes
rely upon them: being all in the Orsins and Colonies
hands, and those of their faction. It was necessary
then, that those matters thus appointed by them should
be disturbed, and the States of Italy disordered, to
be able safely to master part of them, which he then
found easie to do, seeing the Venetians upon three
considerations had us’d the means to bring the
French men back again into Italy: which he not
only did not withstand, but furthered, with a resolution
of King Lewis his ancient marriage. The King
then past into Italy with the Venetians ayd, and Alexanders
consent; nor was he sooner arrived in Milan, than the
Pope had soldiers from him for the service of Romania,
which was quickly yeelded up to him upon the reputation
of the Kings forces. The Duke then having made
himself master of Romania, and beaten the Colonies,
desiring to hold it, and proceed forward, two things
hindered him: the one, his own soldiers, which
he thought were not true to him; the other, the French
mens good wills; that is to say, he feared that the
Princes soldiers, whereof he had served himself, would
fail him, and not only hinder his conquest, but take
from him what he had gotten; and that the King also
would serve him the same turn. He had experience
of the Orsini upon an occasion, when after the taking
Page 200
of Faenza he assaulted Bolonia, to which assault he
saw them go very cold. And touching the King,
he discovered his mind, when having taken the Dutchy
of Urbin, he invaded Tuscany; from which action the
King made him retire; whereupon the Duke resolved to
depend no more upon fortune, and other mens armes.
And the first thing he did, was, to weaken the Orsini,
and Colonnies factions in Rome: for he gain’d
all their adherents that were gentlemen, giving them
large allowances, and honoring them according to their
qualities with charges and governments; so that in
a few months the good will they bare to the parties
was quite extinguisht, and wholly bent to the Duke.
After this, he waited an occasion to root out the
Orsini, having before dispersed those of the family
of Colonnia, which fell out well to his hand; and he
us’d it better. For the Orsini being too
late aware, that the Dukes and the Churches greatness
was their destruction, held a Council together in
a dwelling house of theirs in the country adjoyning
to Perusia. From thence grew the rebellion of
Urbin, and the troubles of Romania, and many other
dangers befell the Duke, which he overcame all with
the help of the French: and having regained his
reputation, trusting neither France, nor any forrein
forces, to the end he might not be put to make trial
of them again, he betook himself to his sleghts; and
he knew so well to disguise his intention, that the
Orsins, by the mediation of Paul Orsine, were reconciled
to him, to whom the Duke was no way wanting in all
manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security,
giving them rich garments, money, and horses, til
their own simplicities led them all to Sinigallia,
into his hands. These heads being then pluck’d
off, and their partisans made his friends; the Duke
had laid very good foundations, to build his own greatness
on, having in his power all Romania with the Dutchy
of Urbin, and gained the hearts of those people, by
beginning to give them some relish of their well being.
And because this part is worthy to be taken notice
of, and to be imitated by others, I will not let it
escape. The Duke, when he had taken Romania, finding
it had been under the hands of poor Lords who had rather
pillag’d their subjects, than chastis’d
or amended them, giving them more cause of discord,
than of peace and union, so that the whole countrey
was fraught with robberies, quarrels, and other sorts
of insolencies; thought the best way to reduce them
to termes of pacification, and obedience to a Princely
power, was, to give them some good government:
and therefore he set over them one Remiro D’Orco,
a cruel hasty man, to whom he gave an absolute power.
This man in a very short time setled peace and union
amongst them with very great reputation. Afterwards
the Duke thought such excessive authority serv’d
not so well to his purpose, and doubting it would
grow odious, he erected a civil Judicature in the midst
of the countrey, where one excellent Judge did Preside,
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and thither every City sent their Advocate: and
because he knew the rigors past had bred some hatred
against him, to purge the minds of those people, and
to gain them wholly to himself, he purpos’d
to shew, that if there was any cruelty used, it proceeded
not from any order of his, but from the harsh disposition
of his Officers. Whereupon laying hold on him,
at this occasion, he caus’d his head to be struck
off one morning early in the market place at Cesena,
where he was left upon a gibbet, with a bloody sword
by his side; the cruelty of which spectacle for a while
satisfied and amaz’d those people. But
to return from whence we have digressd: I say,
that the Duke finding himself very strong, and in part
out of doubt of the present dangers, because he was
arm’d after his own manner, and had in some
good measure suppress’d those forces, which,
because of their vicinity, were able to annoy him,
he wanted nothing else to go on with his Conquest,
but the consideration of France: for he knew,
that the King, who now, though late, was advis’d
of his error, would never suffer him: and hereupon
he began to seek after new allyances, and to waver
with France, when the French came towards Naples against
the Spaniards, who then besieged Gagetta; and his
design was only to be out of their danger, which had
been effected for him, had Pope Alexander lived.
And thus were his businesses carried touching his present
estate. As for the future, he had reason to doubt
lest the new successor to the Papacy would not be
his friend, and would endeavor to take that from him
that Alexander had bestowed on him; and he thought
to provide for this foure waies: First by rooting
out the races of all those Lords he had dispoyled,
whereby to take those occasions from the Pope.
Secondly, by gaining all the gentlemen of Rome, whereby
he might be able with those to keep the Pope in some
awe. Thirdly, to make the Colledge of Cardinals
as much at his devotion as possibly might be.
Fourthly, by making of so large Conquests, before
the Popes death, as that he might be able of himself
to withstand the first fury of his enemies. Three
of these fowre at Pope Alexanders death he had effected,
and the fourth he had neare brought to a point.
For of those Lords he had stript, he put to death as
many as he could come at, and very few escap’d
him: he gaind him the Roman Gentlemen: and
in the Colledge he had made a great faction. And
touching his new Conquest, he had a designe to become
Lord of Tuscany. And he had possessed himself
already of Perusia, and Pombin, and taken protection
of Pisa: and so soon as he should have cast off
his respect to France (which now he meant to hold
no longer) being the French were now driven out of
the Kingdome of Naples by the Spaniards, so that each
of them was forc’d to buy his friendship at any
termes; he was then to leap into Pisa. After
this Lucca and Siena were presently to fall to him,
partly for envy to the Florentines, and partly for
fear. The Florentines had no way to escape him:
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all which, had it succeeded with him, as without question
it had, the very same year that Alexander dy’d,
he had made himself master of so great forces, and
such reputation, that he would have been able to have
stood upon his own bottom, without any dependance
of fortune, or resting upon others helps, but only
upon his own strength and valor. But Alexander
dy’d five years after that he had begun to draw
forth his sword: and left him setled only in the
State of Romania, with all his other designes in the
ayre, sick unto death, between two very strong armies
of his enemies; and yet was there in this Duke such
a spirit and courage; and he understood so well, how
men are to be gaind, and how to be lost, and so firm
were the grounds he had laid in a short time, that,
had he not had those armies upon his back, or had
been in health, he would have carried through his purpose
in spight of all opposition; and that the foundations
he grounded upon were good, it appeard in that Romania
held for him above a moneth, and he remained secure
in Rome, though even at deaths doore: and however
the Baglioni, Vitelli, and Orsini came into Rome;
yet found they none would take their parts against
him. And this he was able to have effected, that
if he could not have made him Pope whom be would, he
could have hindred him that he would not should be
Pope. But had he been in health when Alexander
dy’d, every thing had gone easily with him; and
he told me on that day that Julius the second was
created Pope, that he had fore-thought on all that
which could happen, in case his father chanc’d
to dye, and for every thing provided its remedy, this
onely excepted, that he foresaw not that he should
at the same time be brought unto deaths dore also.
Having then collected all the Dukes actions, me thinks
I could not well blame him, but rather (as I have here
done) set him as a pattern to be followed by all those
who by fortune and others armes have been exalted
to an Empire. For he being of great courage, and
having lofty designes, could not carry himself otherwise;
and the only obstacle of his purposes was the brevity
of Alexanders life, and his own sickness. Whoever
therefore deemes it necessary in his entrance into
a new Principality, to secure himself of his enemies,
and gain him friends, to overcome either by force
or by cunning, to make himself beloved, or feared
of his people, be followed and reverenced by his soldiers,
to root out those that can, or owe thee any hurt, to
change the ancient orders with new wayes, to be severe,
and yet acceptable, magnanimous, and liberall; to
extinguish the unfaithfull soldiery, and create new;
to maintain to himself the armities of Kings and Princes,
so that they shall either with favor benefit thee,
or be wary how to offend thee; cannot find more fresh
and lively examples than the actions of this man.
He deserves to be found fault withall for the creation
of Julius the second, wherein an evil choice was made
for him: for, as it is said, not being able to
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make a Pope to his mind, he could have withheld any
one from being Pope; and should never have consented
that any one of those Cardinals should have got the
Papacy, whom he had ever done harme to; or who having
attaind the Pontificate were likely to be afraid of
him: because men ordinarily do hurt either for
fear, or hatred. Those whom he had offended,
were among others, he who had the title of St. Peter
ad Vincula, Colonna, St. George, and Ascanius; all
the others that were in possibility of the Popedome,
were such as might have feard him rather, except the
Cardinal of Roan, and the Spaniards; these by reason
of their allyance and obligation with him, the other
because of the power they had, having the Kingdome
of France on their party; wherefore the Duke above
all things should have created a Spanyard Pope, and
in case he could not have done that, he should have
agreed that Roan should have been, and not St. Peter
ad Vincula. And whoever beleeves, that with great
personages new benefits blot on the remembrance of
old injuries, is much deceiv’d. The Duke
therefore in this election, was the cause of his own
ruine at last.
Till wee come to this seaventh Chapter,
I find not any thing much blame-worthy, unlesse
it be on ground he layes in the second Chapter;
whereupon hee builds most of this Fabrick, viz.
That Subjects must either be dallyed or flatterd
withall, or quite crusht. Whereby our Author
advises his Prince to support his authority with
two Cardinall Vertues, Dissimulation, and Cruelty.
He considers not herein that the head is but a member
of the body, though the principall; and the end
of the parts is the good of the whole. And
here he goes against himselfe in the twenty sixt
Chapter of his Rep. 1. 1. where hee blames Philip of
Macedon for such courses, terming them very cruell,
and against all Christian manner of living; and
that every man should refuse to be a King, and
desire rather to live a private life, than to reigne
so much to the ruine of mankind. The life of Caesar
Borgia, which is here given as a paterne to new
Princes, we shall find to have been nothing else
but a cunning carriage of things so, that he might
thereby first deceive and inveigle, and then suppresse
all those that could oppose or hinder his ambition.
For if you runne over his life, you shall see the
Father Pope Alexander the sixt and him, both imbarqued
for his advancement, wherein they engag’d
the Papall authority, and reputation of Religion;
for faith and conscience these men never knew,
though they exacted it of others: there was never
promise made, but it was only so farre kept as
servd for advantage; Liberality was made use of:
Clemency and Cruelty, all alike, as they might
serve to worke with their purposes. All was sacrific’d
to ambition; no friendship could tye these men, nor
any religion: and no marvell: for ambition
made them forget both God and man. But see
the end of all this cunning: though this Caesar
Borgia contrived all his businesse so warily, that
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our Author much commends him, and hee had attaind
neere the pitch of his hopes, and had provided
for each misadventure could befall him its remedy;
Policy shewd it selefe short-sighted; for hee foresaw
not at the time of his Fathers death, he himself should
bee brought unto deaths doore also. And me
thinks this Example might have given occasion
to our Author to confesse, that surely there is
a God that ruleth the earth. And many times God
cutts off those cunning and mighty men in the
hight of their purposes, when they think they
have neare surmounted all dangers and difficulties.
’To the intent that the living may know, that
the most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men, and
giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up
over it the basest of men.’ Daniel.
4. 17.
CHAP. VIII
Concerning those who by wicked meanes have attaind
to a Principality.
But because a man becomes a Prince of a private man
two wayes, which cannot wholly be attributed either
to Fortune or Vertue, I think not fit to let them
passe me: howbeit the one of them may be more
largely discoursed upon, where the Republicks are
treated of. These are, when by some wicked and
unlawfull meanes a man rises to the Principality; or
when a private person by the favour of his fellow Citizens
becomes Prince of his countrey. And speaking
of the first manner, it shall be made evident by two
Examples, the one ancient, the other moderne, without
entring otherwise into the justice or merit of this
part; for I take it that these are sufficient for
any body that is forc’d to follow them.
Agathocles the Sicilian, not of a private man onely,
but from a base and abject fortune, got to be King
of Siracusa. This man borne but of a Potter,
continued alwayes a wicked life throughout all the
degrees of this fortune: neverthelesse he accompanied
his lewdnesse with such a courage and resolution,
that applying himselfe to military affaires, by the
degrees thereof he attained to bee Praetour of Siracusa,
and being setled in that degree, and having determined
that he would become Prince, and hold that by violence
and without obligation to any other, which by consent
had been granted him: and to this purpose haveing
had some private intelligence touching his designe
with Amilcar the Carthaginian, who was imployd with
his army in Sicily, one morining gatherd the people
together and the Senate of Syracusa, as if he had
some what to advise with them of matters belonging
to the Commonwealth, and upon a signe given, caus’d
his souldiers to kill his Senatours, and the richest
of the people; who being slaine, he usurp’d the
Principality of that City without any civill strife:
and however he was twice broken by the Carthaginians,
and at last besieged, was able not onely to defend
his own City, but leaving part of his own army at the
defence thereof, with the other invaded Affrique,
and in a short time freed Siracusa from the siege,
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and brought the Carthaginians into extreme necessity,
who were constraind to accord with him, be contented
with the possession of Affrique, and quitt Sicily
to Agathocles. He then that should consider the
actions and valour of this man, would not see any,
or very few things to be attributed unto Fortune;
seeing that as is formerly sayd, not by any ones favour,
but by the degrees of service in warre with many sufferings
and dangers, to which he had risen, he came to the
Principality; and that hee maintained afterwards with
so many resolute and hazardous undertakings.
Yet cannot this be term’d vertue or valour to
slay his own Citizens, betray his friends, to be without
faith, without pitty, without religion, which wayes
are of force to gaine dominion, but not glory:
for if Agathocles his valour bee well weighd, in his
enturing upon, and comming off from dangers, and the
greatnesse of his courage, in supporting and mastering
of adversities, no man can see why he should be thought
any way inferiour even to the ablest Captaines.
Notwithstanding his beastly cruelty and inhumanity
with innumerable wickednesses, allow not that he should
be celebrated among the most excellent men. That
cannot then be attributed to Fortune or Vertue, which
without the one or the other was attaind to by him.
In our dayes, while Alexander the sixth held the sea,
Oliverotte of Fermo, who some few yeeres before had
been left young by his parents, was brought up under
the care of an uncle of his on the mothers side, called
John Foliani, and in the beginning of his youth given,
by him to serve in the warres under Paulo Vitelli:
to the end that being well instructed in that discipline,
he might rise to some worthy degree in the warrs.
Afterwards when Paulo was dead, he served under Vitellozzo
his brother, and in very short time, being ingenious,
of a good personage, and brave courage, he became
one of the prime men among the troops he served in:
but thinking it but servile to depend upon another,
he plotted by the ayd of some Citizens of Fermo (who
lik’d rather the thraldome of their City than
the liberty of it) and by the favour of the Vitelli,
to make himselfe master of Fermo; and writ to John
Foliani, that having been many yeeres from home, he
had a mind to come and see him and the City, and in
some part take notice of his own patrimony; and because
he had not imployd himselfe but to purchase honour,
to the end his Citizens might perceive, that he had
not vainely spent his time, he had a desire to come
in good equipage and accompanied with a hundred horse
of his friends and servants; and he intreated him
that he would be pleasd so to take order, that he
might be honourably received by the inhabitants of
Fermo, which turnd as well to his honor that was his
uncle, as his that was the nephew. In this, John
faild not in any office of courtesie due to his nephew:
and caused him to be well receivd by them of Fermo,
and lodged him in his own house: where having
passed some dayes, and stayd to put in order somewhat
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that was necessary for his intended villany, he made
a very solemne feast, whether he invited John Foliani,
and all the prime men of Fermo: and when all
their chear was ended, and all their other entertainments,
as in such feasts it is customary, Oliverotto of purpose
mov’d some grave discourses; speaking of the
greatnesse of Pope Alexander, and Caesar his son,
and their undertakings; where unto John and the others
making answer, he of a sudden stood up, saying, that
those were things to be spoken of in a more secret
place, and so retir’d into a chamber, whether
John and all the other Citizens followd him; nor were
they sooner set downe there, than from some secret
place therein camp forth diverse souldiers, who slew
John and all the others: after which homicide
Oliverotto got a horsebacke and ravaged the whole towne,
and besieged the supreme Magistrate in the palace,
so that for feare they were all constraind to obey
him, and to settle a government, whereof hee made
himselfe Prince; and they being all dead who, had they
been discontented with him, could have hurt him; he
strengthned himselfe with new civill and military
orders, so that in the space of a yeer that he held
the Principality, he was not only secure in the City
of Fermo, but became fearefull to all his neighbours;
and the conquest of him would have prov’d difficult,
as that of Agathocles, had he not let himselfe been
deceivd by Caesar Borgia, when at Sinigallia, as before
was said, he took the Orsini and Vitelli: where
he also being taken a yeere after he had committed
the parricide, was strangled together with Vitellozzo
(whome he had had for master both of his vertues and
vices.) Some man might doubt from whence it should
proceed, that Agathocles, and such like, after many
treacheries and crueltyes, could possibly live long
secure in his own countrey, and defend himselfe from
his forrein enemies, and that never any of his own
Citizens conspir’d against him, seeing that
by means of cruelty, many others have never been able
even in peaceable times to maintaine their States,
much lesse in the doubtfull times of warre. I
beleeve that this proceeds from the well, or ill using
of those cruelties: they may bee termd well us’d
(if it bee lawfull to say well of evill) that are
put in practice only once of necessity for securities
sake, not insisting therein afterwards; but there
is use made of them for the subjects profit, as much
as may be. But those that are ill us’d,
are such as though they bee but few in the beginning,
yet they multiply rather in time, than diminish.
They that take that first way, may with the help of
God, and mens care, find some remedy for their State,
as Agathocles did: for the others, it is impossible
they should continue. Whereupon it is to be noted,
that in the laying hold of a State, the usurper thereof
ought to runne over and execute all his cruelties
at once, that he be not forced often to returne to
them, and that he may be able, by not renewing of them,
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to give men some security, and gaine their affections
by doing them some courtesies. Hee that carries
it otherwise, either for fearefullnesse, or upon evill
advice, is alwayes constraind to hold his sword drawne
in his hand; nor ever can hee rely upon his subjects,
there being no possibility for them, because of his
daily and continuall injuries, to live in any safety:
for his injuries should bee done altogether, that
being seldomer tasted, they might lesse offend; his
favours should bee bestowd by little, and little to
the end they might keep their taste the better; and
above all things a Prince must live with his subjects
in such sort, that no accident either of good or evill
can make him vary: for necessity comming upon
him by reason of adversities, thou hast not time given
thee to make advantage of thy cruelties; and the favours
which then thou bestowest, will little help thee, being
taken as if they came from thee perforce, and so yeeld
no returne of thanks.
CHAP. IX
Of the Civill Principality.
But comming to the other part, when a principall Citizen,
not by villany, or any other insufferable violence,
but by the favour of his fellow-citizens becomes Prince
of his native countrey: which we may terme a
Civill Principality; nor to attaine hereunto is Vertue
wholly or Fortune wholly necessary, but rather a fortunate
cunning: I say, this Principality is climb’d
up to, either by the peoples help, or the great mens.
For, in every City we finde these two humours differ;
and they spring from this, that the people desire
not to be commanded nor oppressed by the great ones,
and the great ones are desirous to command and oppresse
the people: and from these two several appetites,
arise in the City one of these three effects, either
a Principality, or Liberty, or Tumultuary licentiousnesse.
The Principality is caused either by the people, or
the great ones, according as the one or other of these
factions have the occasion offerd; for the great ones
seeing themselves not able to resist the people, begin
to turne the whole reputation to one among them, and
make him Prince, whereby they may under his shadow
vent their spleenes. The people also, not being
able to support the great mens insolencies, converting
the whole reputation to one man, create him their
Prince, to be protected by his authority. He that
comes to the Principality by the assistance of the
great ones, subsists with more difficulty, than he
that attaines to it by the peoples favour; for he
being made Prince, hath many about him, who account
themselves his equalls, and therefore cannot dispose
nor command them at his pleasure. But he that
gaines the Principality by the peoples favor, finds
himselfe alone in his throne, and hath none or very
few neare him that are not very supple to bend:
besides this, the great ones cannot upon easie termes
be satisfied, or without doing of wrong to others,
where as a small matter contents the people:
Page 208
for the end which the people propound to themselves,
is more honest than that of the great men, these desiring
to oppresse, they only not to be oppressed. To
this may be added also, that the Prince which is the
peoples enemy, can never well secure himselfe of them,
because of their multitude; well may hee bee sure of
the Nobles, they being but a few. The worst that
a Prince can look for of the people become his enemy,
is to be abandoned by them: but when the great
ones once grow his enemies, he is not only to feare
their abandoning of him, but their making of a party
against him also: for there being in them more
forecast and craft, they alwayes take time by the
forelocks whereby to save themselves, and seeke credit
with him who they hope shall get the mastery.
The Prince likewise is necessitated alwayes to live
with the same people, but can doe well enough without
the same great men; he being able to create new ones,
and destroy them again every day, and to take from
them, and give them credit as he pleases: and
to cleare this part, I say, that great men ought to
be considerd two wayes principally, that is, if they
take thy proceedings so much to heart, as to engage
their fortunes wholly in thine, in case they lye not
alwayes catching at spoyle, they ought to be well honourd
and esteem’d: those that bind themselves
not to thy fortune, are to be considerd also two wayes;
either they doe it for lack of courage, and naturall
want of spirit, and then shouldst thou serve thy selfe
of them, and of them especially that are men of good
advice; for if thy affaires prosper, thou dost thy
selfe honour thereby; if crost, thou needst not feare
them: but when they oblige not themselves to thee
of purpose, and upon occasion of ambition, it is a
signe they think more of themselves than of thee:
and of these the Prince ought to beware, and account
of them as his discoverd enemyes: for alwayes
in thy adversity they will give a hand too to ruine
thee. Therefore ought hee that comes to be Prince
by the peoples favour, keepe them his friends:
which he may easily doe, they desiring only to live
free from oppression: but he that becomes Prince
by the great mens favour, against the will of the people,
ought above all things to gaine the people to him,
which he may easily effect, when he takes upon him
their protection: And because men when they find
good, where they look for evill, are thereby more endered
to their benefactour, therefore growes the people
so pliant in their subjection to him, as if by their
favours he had attaind his dignity. And the Prince
is able to gaine them to his side by many wayes, which
because they vary according to the subject, no certaine
rule can be given thereupon; wherefore we shall let
them passe I will only conclude, that it is necessary
for a Prince to have the people his friend; otherwise
in his adversities he hath no helpe. Nabis Prince
of the Spartans supported the siege of all Greece,
and an exceeding victorious army of the Romans, and
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against those defended his native countrey and State,
and this suffic’d him alone, that as the danger
came upon him, he secur’d himself of a fewer;
whereas if the people had been his enemy, this had
nothing availd him. And let no man think to overthrow
this my opinion with that common proverb, that He
who relyes upon the people, layes his foundation in
the dirt; for that is true where a private Citizen
grounds upon them, making his account that the people
shall free him, when either his enemyes or the Magistrates
oppresse him: In this case he should find himself
often deceiv’d, as it befell the Gracchyes in
Rome, and in Florence George Scali: but he being
a Prince that grounds thereupon, who can command,
and is a man of courage, who hath his wits about him
in his adversityes, and wants not other preparations,
and holds together the whole multitude animated with
his valour and orders, shall not prove deceiv’d
by them, and shall find he hath layd good foundations.
These Principalityes are wont to be upon the point
of falling when they goe about to skip from the civil
order to the absolute: for these Princes either
command of themselves, or by the Magistrate; in this
last case their State is more weak and dangerous,
because they stand wholly at the will and pleasure
of these Citizens, who then are set over the Magistrates,
who especially in adverse times are able with facility
to take their State from them either by rising up
against them, or by not obeying them; and then the
Prince is not at hand in those dangers to take the
absolute authority upon him: for the Citizens
and subjects that are accustomed to receive the commands
from the Magistrates, are not like in those fractions
to obey his: and in doubtfull times he shall
alwayes have greatest penury of whom he may trust;
for such a Prince cannot ground upon that which he
sees in peaceable times, when the Citizens have need
of the State; for then every one runs, and every one
promises, and every one will venture his life for
him, where there is no danger neare; but in times of
hazzard, when the State hath need of Citizens, there
are but few of them then, and so much the more is
this experience dangerous, in that it can be but once
made. Therefore a prudent Prince ought to devise
a way whereby his Citizens alwayes and in any case
and quality of time may have need of his government,
and they shall alwaies after prove faithfull to him.
CHAP. X
In what manner the Forces of all Principalities ought
to be measured.
It is requisite in examining the quality of those
Principalities, to have another consideration of them,
that is, if a Prince have such dominions, that he
is able in case of necessity to subsist of himself,
or else whether he hath alwaies need of another to
defend him. And to cleer this point the better,
I judge them able to stand of themselves, who are
of power either for their multitudes of men, or quantity
Page 210
of money, to bring into the field a compleat armie,
and joyn battel with whoever comes to assail them:
and so I think those alwaies to stand in need of others
help, who are not able to appear in the field against
the enemy, but are forc’d to retire within their
walls and guard them. Touching the first case,
we have treated already, and shall adde somwhat thereto
as occasion shall require. In the second case,
we cannot say other, save only to encourage such Princes
to fortifie and guard their own Capital city, and
of the countrey about, not to hold much account; and
whoever shall have well fortified that town, and touching
other matters of governments shall have behaved himself
towards his subjects, as hath been formerly said,
and hereafter shall be, shall never be assaild but
with great regard; for men willingly undertake not
enterprises, where they see difficulty to work them
through; nor can much facility be there found, where
one assails him, who hath his town strong and wel
guarded, and is not hated of his people. The cities
of Germany are very free; they have but very little
of the countrey about them belonging to them; and
they obey the Emperor, when they please, and they
stand not in fear, neither of him nor any other Potentate
about them: for they are in such a manner fortified,
that every one thinks the siege of any of them would
prove hard and tedious: for all of them have
ditches, and rampires, and good store of Artillery,
and alwaies have their publick cellars well provided
with meat and drink and firing for a yeer: besides
this, whereby to feed the common people, and without
any loss to the publick, they have alwaies in common
whereby they are able for a year to imploy them in
the labor of those trades that are the sinews and
the life of that city, and of that industry whereby
the commons ordinarily supported themselves:
they hold up also the military exercises in repute,
and hereupon have they many orders to maintain them.
A Prince then that is master of a good strong city,
and causeth not himself to be hated, cannot be assaulted;
and in case he were, he that should assail him, would
be fain to quit him with shame: for the affairs
of the world are so various, that it is almost impossible
that an army can lie incampt before a town for the
space of a whole yeer: and if any should reply,
that the people having their possessions abroad, in
case they should see them a fire, would not have patience,
and the tedious siege and their love to themselves
would make them forget their Prince: I answer
that a Prince puissant and couragious, will easily
master those difficulties, now giving his subjects
hope, that the mischief will not be of durance; sometimes
affright them with the cruelty of their enemies, and
other whiles cunningly securing himself of those whom
he thinks too forward to run to the enemy. Besides
this by ordinary reason the enemy should burne and
waste their countrey, upon his arrival, and at those
times while mens minds are yet warme, and resolute
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in their defence: and therefore so much the less
ought a Prince doubt: for after some few dayes,
that their courages grow coole, the dammages are all
done, and mischiefs received, and there is no help
for it, and then have they more occasion to cleave
faster to their Prince, thinking he is now more bound
to them, their houses having for his defence been
fired, and their possessions wasted; and mens nature
is as well to hold themselves oblig’d for the
kindnesses they do, as for those they receive; whereupon
if all be well weigh’d, a wise Prince shall not
find much difficulty to keep sure and true to him his
Citizens hearts at the beginning and latter end of
the siege, when he hath no want of provision for food
and ammunition.
CHAP. XI
Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities.
There remains now only that we treat of the Ecclesiastical
Principalities, about which all the difficulties are
before they are gotten: for they are attained
to either by vertue, or Fortune; and without the one
or the other they are held: for they are maintaind
by orders inveterated in the religion, all which are
so powerfull and of such nature, that they maintain
their Princes in their dominions in what manner soever
they proceed and live. These only have an Estate
and defend it not; have subjects and govern them not;
and yet their States because undefended, are not taken
from them; nor their subjects, though not govern’d,
care not, think not, neither are able to aliene themselves
from them. These Principalities then are only
happy and secure: but they being sustained by
superior causes, whereunto humane understanding reaches
not, I will not meddle with them: for being set
up and maintained by God, it would be the part of
a presumptuous and rash man to enter into discourse
of them. Yet if any man should ask me whence it
proceeds, that the Church in temporal power hath attaind
to such greatness, seeing that till the time of Alexander
the sixt, the Italian Potentates, and not only they
who are entituled the potentates, but every Baron
and Lord though of the meanest condition in regard
of the temporality, made but small account of it;
and now a King of France trembles at the power thereof;
and it hath been able to drive him out of Italy, and
ruine the Venetians; and however this be well known,
me thinks it is not superstitious in some part to
recall it to memory. Before that Charles King
of France past into Italy, this countrey was under
the rule of the Pope, Venetians, the King of Naples,
the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines. These
Potentates took two things principally to their care;
the one, that no forreiner should invade Italy; the
other that no one of them should inlarge their State.
They, against whom this care was most taken, were
the Pope and the Venetians; and to restrain the Venetians,
there needed the union of all the rest, as it was in
the defence of Ferrara; and to keep the Pope low,
Page 212
they served themselves of the Barons of Rome, who
being divided into two factions, the Orsini and Colonnesi,
there was alwaies occasion of offence between them,
who standing ready with their armes in hand in the
view of the Pope, held the Popedome weak and feeble:
and however sometimes there arose a couragious Pope,
as was Sextus; yet either his fortune, or his wisdome
was not able to free him of these incommodities, and
the brevity of their lives was the cause thereof;
for in ten years, which time, one with another, Popes
ordinarily liv’d, with much ado could they bring
low one of the factions. And if, as we may say,
one had near put out the Colonnesi, there arose another
enemy to the Orsini, who made them grow again, so
that there was never time quite to root them out.
This then was the cause, why the Popes temporal power
was of small esteem in Italy; there arose afterwards
Pope Alexander the sixt, who of all the Popes that
ever were, shewed what a Pope was able to do with money
and forces: and he effected, by means of his
instrument, Duke Valentine, and by the ocasion of
the French mens passage, all those things which I have
formerly discoursed upon in the Dukes actions:
and however his purpose was nothing at all to inlarge
the Church dominions, but to make the Duke great;
yet what he did, turnd to the Churches advantage, which
after his death when the Duke was taken away, was
the heir of all his pains. Afterwards succeeded
Pope Julius, and found the Church great, having all
Romania, and all the Barons of Rome being quite rooted
out, and by Alexanders persecutions, all their factions
worne down; he found also the way open for the heaping
up of moneys, never practised before Alexanders time;
which things Julius not only follow’d, but augmented;
and thought to make himself master of Bolonia, and
extinguish the Venetians, and chase the French men
out of Italy: and these designes of his prov’d
all lucky to him, and so much the more to his praise
in that he did all for the good of the Church, and
in no private regard: he kept also the factions
of the Orsins and Colonnesi, in the same State he
found them: and though there were among them some
head whereby to cause an alteration; yet two things
have held them quiet; the one the power of the Church,
which somewhat affrights them; the other because they
have no Cardinals of their factions, who are the primary
causes of all the troubles amongst them: nor
shall these parties ever be at rest, while they have
Cardinals; because they nourish the factions both in
Rome, and abroad; and the Barons then are forced to
undertake the defence of them: and thus from
the Prelates ambitions arise the discords and tumults
among the Barons. And now hath Pope Leo his Holiness
found the Popedome exceeding puissant, of whom it
is hoped, that if they amplified it by armes, he by
his goodness, and infinite other vertues, will much
more advantage and dignifie it.
CHAP. XII
Page 213
How many sorts of Military discipline there are and
touching Mercenary soldiers.
Having treated particularly of the qualities of those
Principalities, which in the beginning I propounded
to discourse upon, and considered in some part the
reasons of their well and ill being, and shewd the
waies whereby many have sought to gain, and hold them,
it remains now that I speak in general of the offences
and defences, that may chance in each of the forenamed.
We have formerly said that it is necessary for a Prince
to have good foundations laid; otherwise it must needs
be that he go to wrack. The Principal foundations
that all States have, as well new, as old, or mixt,
are good laws, and good armes; and because there cannot
be good laws, where there are not good armes; and where
there are good armes, there must needs be good laws,
I will omit to discourse of the laws, and speak of
armes. I say then that the armes, wherewithall
a Prince defends his State, either are his own, or
mercenary, or auxiliary, or mixt. Those that
are mercenary and auxiliar, are unprofitable, and
dangerous, and if any one holds his State founded upon
mercenary armes, he shall never be quiet, nor secure,
because they are never well united, ambitious, and
without discipline, treacherous, among their friends
stour, among their enemies cowardly; they have no fear
of God, nor keep any faith with men; and so long only
defer they the doing of mischief, till the enemy comes
to assul thee; and in time of peace thou art despoyled
by them, in war by thy enemies: the reason hereof
is, because they have no other love, nor other cause
to keep them in the field, but only a small stipend,
which is not of force to make them willing to hazard
their lives for thee: they are willing indeed
to be thy soldiers, till thou goest to fight; but
then they fly, or run away; which thing would cost
me but small pains to perswade; for the ruine of Italy
hath not had any other cause now a dayes, than for
that it hath these many years rely’d upon mercenary
armes; which a good while since perhaps may have done
some man some service, and among themselves they may
have been thought valiant: but so soon as any
forrein enemy appeared, they quickly shewed what they
were. Whereupon Charles the King of France, without
opposition, made himself master of all Italy:
and he that said, that the causes thereof were our
faults, said true; but these were not those they beleeved,
but what I have told; and because they were the Princes
faults, they also have suffered the punishment.
I will fuller shew the infelicity of these armes.
The mercenary Captains are either very able men, or
not: if they be, thou canst not repose any trust
in them: for they will alwaies aspire unto their
own proper advancements, either by suppressing of
thee that art their Lord, or by suppressing of some
one else quite out of thy purpose: but if the
Captain be not valorous, he ordinarily ruines thee:
and in case it be answered, that whoever shall have
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his armes in his hands, whether mercenary or not,
will do so: I would reply, that armes are to be
imployed either by a Prince, or Common-wealth.
The Prince ought to go in person, and performe the
office of a commander: the Republick is to send
forth her Citizens: and when she sends forth one
that proves not of abilities, she ought to change
him then; and when he does prove valorous, to bridle
him so by the laws, that he exceed not his commission.
And by experience we see, that Princes and Republiques
of themselves alone, make very great conquests; but
that mercenary armes never do other than harme; and
more hardly falls a Republick armed with her own armes
under the obedience of one of her own Citizens, than
one that is armed by forrein armes. Rome and
Sparta subsisted many ages armed and free. The
Swissers are exceedingly well armed, and yet very
free. Touching mercenary armes that were of old,
we have an example of the Carthagians, who near upon
were oppress’d by their own mercenary soldiers,
when the first war with the Romans was finished; however
the Carthagians had their own Citizens for their Captains.
Philip of Macedon was made by the Thebans after Epaminondas
his death, General of their Armies; and after the
victory, he took from them liberty. The Milaneses
when Duke Philip was dead, entertaind Francis Sforza
into their pay against the Venetians, who having vanquisht
their enemie at Caravaggio, afterwards joyned with
them, where by to usurp upon the Milaneses his Masters.
Sforza his father, being in Joan the Queen of Naples
pay, left her on a sudden disarmed; whereupon she,
to save her Kingdom, was constraind to cast her self
into the King of Arrragon’s bosome. And
in case the Venetians and the Florentines have formerly
augmented their State with these kind of armes, and
their own Captains, and yet none of them have ever
made themselves their Princes, but rather defended
them: I answer, that the Florentines in this
case have had fortune much their friend: for
of valorous Captains, which they might any way fear,
some have not been victors, some have had opposition,
and others have laid the aim of their ambitions another
way. He who overcame not, was John Aouto, of
whose faith there could no proof be made, being he
vanquisht not; but every one will acknowledge, that,
had he vanquisht, the Florentines were at his discretion.
Sforza had alwaies the Bracceschi for his adversaries,
so that they were as a guard one upon another.
Francis converted all his ambition against Lombardy.
Braccio against the Church, and the Kingdome of Naples.
But let us come to that which followed a while agoe.
The Florentines made Paul Vitelli their General, a
throughly advis’d man, and who from a private
fortune had rose to very great reputation: had
he taken Pisa, no man will deny but that the Florentines
must have held fast with him; for had he been entertained
in their enemies pay, they had no remedy; and they
themselves holding of him, of force were to obey him.
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The Venetians, if we consider their proceedings, we
shall see wrought both warily and gloriously, while
themselves made war, which was before their undertakings
by land, where the gentlemen with their own Commons
in armes behav’d themselves bravely: but
when they began to fight by land, they lost their valor,
and follow’d the customes of Italy; and in the
beginning of their enlargement by land, because they
had not much territory, and yet were of great reputation,
they had not much cause to fear their Captains; but
as they began to extend their bounds, which was under
their Commander Carminiola, they had a taste of this
error: for perceiving he was exceeding valorous,
having under his conduct beaten the Duke of Milan;
and knowing on the other side, how he was cold in the
war, they judg’d that they could not make any
great conquest with him; and because they neither
would, nor could cashier him, that they might not lose
what they had gotten, they were forced for their own
safeties to put him to death. Since they have
had for their General Bartholomew of Berganio, Robert
of St. Severin, the Count of Petilian, and such like:
whereby they were to fear their losses, as well as
to hope for gain: as it fell out afterwards at
Vayla, where in one day they lost that, which with
so much pains they had gotten in eight hundred years:
for from these kind of armes grow slack and slow and
weak gains; but sudden and wonderfull losses:
And because I am now come with these examples into
Italy, which now these many years, have been governd
by mercenary armes, I will search deeper into them,
to the end that their course and progress being better
discoverd, they may be the better amended. You
have to understand, that so soon as in these later
times the yoak of the Italian Empire began to be shaken
off, and the Pope had gotten reputation in the temporality,
Italy was divided into several States: for many
of the great cities took armes against their Nobility;
who under the Emperors protection had held them in
oppression; and the Pope favored these, whereby he
might get himself reputation, in the temporality; of
many others, their Citizens became Princes, so that
hereupon Italy being come into the Churches hands
as it were, and some few Republicks, those Priests
and Citizens not accustomed to the use of armes, began
to take strangers to their pay. The first that
gave reputation to these soldiers was Alberick of
Como in Romania. From his discipline among others
descended Brachio and Sforza, who in their time were
the arbitres of Italy; after these followed all others,
who even till our dayes have commanded the armes of
Italy; and the success of their valor hath been, that
it was overrun by Charles, pillaged by Lewis, forc’d
by Ferdinand, and disgrac’d by the Swissers.
The order which they have held, hath been, first whereby
to give reputation to their own armes to take away
the credit of the Infantry. This they did, because
they having no State of their own, but living upon
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their industry, their few foot gave them no reputation,
and many they were not able to maintain; whereupon
they reduc’d themselves to cavalery, and so
with a supportable number they were entertained and
honored: and matters were brought to such termes,
that in an army of twenty thousand soldiers you should
not find two thousand foot. They had moreover
us’d all industry to free themselves and their
soldiers of all pains and fear, in their skirmishes,
not killing, but taking one another prisoners, and
without ransome for their freedom; they repaired not
all to their tents by night, nor made palizado or
trench thereabout, nor lay in the field in the summer:
and all these things were thus contrived and agreed
of among them in their military orders, whereby (as
is said) to avoid pains and dangers, insomuch as they
have brought Italy into slavery and disgrace.
CHAP. XIII
Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixt, and native.
The Auxiliary forces, being the other kind of unprofitable
armes, are, when any puissant one is called in, who
with his forces comes to assist and defend thee; such
as in these later times did Pope Julius use, who having
seen the evil proof of his mercenary soldiers in the
enterprize of Ferrara, applied himself to the Auxiliaries,
and agreed with Ferdinand King of Spain, that with
his Forces he should aid him. These armes may
be profitable and advantagious for themselves; but
for him that calls them in, hurtfull; because in losing,
thou art left defeated; and conquering, thou becomest
their prisoner. And however that of these examples
the ancient stories are full fraught; yet will I not
part from this of Pope Julius the second, which is
as yet fresh: whose course could not have been
more inconsiderate, for the desire he had to get Ferrara,
putting himself wholly into strangers hands: but
his good fortune caused another cause to arise, that
hindred him from receiving the fruit of his evil choice;
for his Auxiliaries being broken at Ravenna, and the
Swissers thereupon arriving, who put the Conquerors
to flight beyond all opinion, even their own and others,
he chanced not to remain his enemies prisoner, they
being put to flight, nor prisoner to his Auxiliaries,
having vanquished by other forces than theirs.
The Florentines being wholly disarmed, brought ten
thousand French to Pisa for to take it: by which
course they ran more hazzard, than in any time of
their troubles. The Emperor of Constantinople,
to oppress his neighbors, brought into Greece ten
thousand Turks, who when the war was ended, could
not be got out thence, which was the beginning of Greeces
servitude under the Infidels. He then that will
in no case be able to overcome, let him serve himself
of these armes; for they are much more dangerous than
the mercenaries; for by those thy ruine is more suddenly
executed; for they are all united, and all bent to
the obedience of another. But for the mercenaries
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to hurt thee, when they have vanquished, there is
no more need of time, and greater occasion, they not
being all united in a body, and being found out and
paid by thee, wherein a third that thou mak’st
their head, cannot suddenly gaine so great authority,
that he can endammage thee. In summe, in the
mercenaries their sloth and lazinesse to fight is more
dangerous: in the auxiliaries their valour.
Wherefore a wise Prince hath alwayes avoyded these
kind of armes, and betaken himselfe to his owne, and
desired rather to loss with his owne, than conquer
with anothers, accounting that not a true victorie
which was gotten with others armes. I will not
doubt to alleadge Caesar Borgia, and his actions.
This Duke entred into Romania with auxiliarie armes,
bringing with him all French souldiers: but afterwards
not accounting those armes secure, bent himselfe to
mercenaries, judging lesse danger to be in those, and
tooke in pay the Orsini and the Vitelli, which afterwards
in the proof of them, finding wavering, unfaithful,
and dangerous, he extinguishd, and betook himselfe
to his owne; and it may easily be perceiv’d what
difference there is between the one and the other
of these armes, considering the difference that was
between the Dukes reputation, when he had the French
men alone, and when he had the Orsini and Vitelli;
but when he remaind with his own, and stood of himselfe,
we shall find it was much augmented: nor ever
was it of grate esteeme, but when every one saw, that
he wholly possessed his owne armes. I thought
not to have parted from the Italian examples of late
memory; but that I must not let passe that of Hiero
the Siracusan, being one of those I formerly nam’d.
This man (as I said before) being made general of
the Siracusans forces, knew presently that mercenary
souldiery was nothing for their profit in that they
were hirelings, as our Italians are; and finding no
way either to hold, or cashier them made them all
bee cut to peeces, and afterwards waged warre with
his owne men, and none others. I will also call
to memory a figure of the old Testament serving just
to this purpose. When David presented himselfe
before Saul to goe to fight with Goliah the Philistins
Champion, Saul to encourage him, clad him with his
owne armes, which David when he had them upon back,
refused, saying, he was not able to make any proofe
of himself therein, and therefore would goe meet the
enemy with his own sling and sword. In summe,
others armes either fall from thy shoulders, or cumber
or streighten thee. Charls the seventh, Father
of Lewis the eleventh, having by his good fortune and
valour set France at liberty from the English, knew
well this necessity of being arm’d with his
owne armes, and settled in his Kingdome the ordinances
of men at armes, and infantry. Afterwards King
Lewis his sonne abolisht those of the infantry, and
began to take the Swissers to pay; which errour follow’d
by the others, is (as now indeed it appeares) the cause
of that Kingdomes dangers. For having given reputation
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to the Swissers, they have renderd all their own armes
contemptible; for this hath wholly ruind their foot,
and oblig’d their men at armes to forrein armes:
for being accustomed to serve with the Swissers, they
think they are not able to overcome without them.
From whence it comes that the French are not of force
against the Swissers, and without them also against
others they use not to adventure. Therefore are
the French armies mixt, part mercenaries, and part
natives, which armes are farre better than the simple
mercenaries or simple auxiliaries, and much inferiour
to the natives; and let the said example suffice for
that: for the Kingdome of France would have been
unconquerable, if Charles his order had been augmented
and maintaind: but men in their small wisdome
begin a thing, which then because it hath some favour
of good, discovers not the poyson that lurkes thereunder,
as I before said of the hectick feavers. Wherefore
that Prince which perceives not mischiefes, but as
they grow up, is not truely wise; and this is given
but to few: and if we consider the first ruine
of the Romane Empire, we shall find it was from taking
the Goths first into their pay; for from that beginning
the forces of the Romane Empire began to grow weak,
and all the valour that was taken hence was given
to them. I conclude then that without having armes
of their owne, no Principality can be secure, or rather
is wholly oblig’d to fortune, not having valour
to shelter it in adversity. And it was alwayes
the opinion and saying of wise men, that nothing is
so weak and unsetled, as is the reputation of power
not founded upon ones owne proper forces: which
are those that are composed of thy subjects, or Citizens,
or servants; all the rest are mercenary or auxiliary;
and the manner how to order those well, is easie to
find out, if those orders above nam’d by me,
shall be but run over, and if it shall be but consider’d,
how Philip Alexander the Great his Father, and in what
manner many Republicks and Princes have armd and appointed
themselves, to which appointments I referre my selfe
wholly.
CHAP. XIV
What belongs to the Prince touching military Discipline.
A prince then ought to have no other ayme, nor other
thought, nor take any thing else for his proper art,
but warr, and the orders and discipline thereof:
for that is the sole arte which belongs to him that
commands, and is of so great excellency, that not only
those that are borne Princes, it maintains so; but
many times raises men from a private fortune to that
dignity. And it is seene by the contrary, that
when Princes have given themselves more to their delights,
than to the warres, they have lost their States; and
the first cause that makes thee lose it, is the neglect
of that arte; and the cause that makes thee gaine
it, is that thou art experienc’d and approvd
in that arte. Francis Sforza by being a man at
armes, of a private man became Duke of Milan; and
Page 219
his sons by excusing themselves of the troubles and
paines belonging to those imployments of Princes,
became private men. For among other mischiefes
thy neglect of armes brings upon thee, it causes thee
to be contemnd, which is one of those disgraces, from
which a Prince ought to keepe himselfe, as hereafter
shall be sayd: for from one that is disarmd to
one that is armd there is no proportion; and reason
will not, that he who is in armes, should willingly
yeeld obedience to him that is unfurnishd of them,
and that he that is disarmd should be in security
among his armed vassalls; for there being disdaine
in the one, and suspicion in the other, it is impossible
these should ever well cooperate. And therefore
a Prince who is quite unexperienced in matter of warre,
besides the other infelicities belonging to him, as
is said, cannot be had in any esteeme among his souldiers,
nor yet trust in them. Wherefore he ought never
to neglect the practice of the arte of warre, and
in time of peace should he exercise it more than in
the warre; which he may be able to doe two wayes;
the one practically, and in his labours and recreations
of his body, the other theoretically. And touching
the practick part, he ought besides the keeping of
his own subjects well traind up in the discipline
and exercise of armes, give himselfe much to the chase,
whereby to accustome his body to paines, and partly
to understand the manner of situations, and to know
how the mountaines arise, which way the vallyes open
themselves, and how the plaines are distended flat
abroad, and to conceive well the nature of the rivers,
and marrish ground, and herein to bestow very much
care, which knowledge is profitable in two kinds:
first he learnes thereby to know his own countrey,
and is the better enabled to understand the defence
thereof, and afterwards by meanes of this knowledge
and experience in these situations, easily comprehends
any other situation, which a new he hath need to view,
for the little hillocks, vallies, plaines, rivers,
and marrish places. For example, they in Tuscany
are like unto those of other countries: so that
from the knowledge of the site of one country, it
is easie to attain to know that of others. And
that Prince that wants this skill, failes of the principall
part a Commander should be furnisht with; for this
shows the way how to discover the enemy, to pitch the
camp, to lead their armies, to order their battells,
and also to besiege a town at thy best advantage,
Philopomenes Prince of the Achayans, among other praises
Writers give him, they say, that in time of peace,
he thought not upon any thing so much as the practise
of warre; and whensoever he was abroad in the field
to disport himselfe with his friends, would often
stand still, and discourse with them, in case the
enemies were upon the top of that hill, and we here
with our army, whether of us two should have the advantage,
and how might we safely goe to find them, keeping
still our orders; and if we would retire our selves,
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what course should we take if they retir’d, how
should we follow them? and thus on the way, propounded
them all such accidents could befall in any army;
would heare their opinions, and tell his owne, and
confirme it by argument; so that by his continuall
thought hereupon, when ever he led any army no chance
could happen, for which he had not a remedy.
But touching the exercise of the mind, a Prince ought
to read Histories, and in them consider the actions
of the worthiest men, marke how they have behav’d
themselves in the warrs, examine the occasions of
their victories, and their losses; wherby they may
be able to avoyd these, and obtaine those; and above
all, doe as formerly some excellent man hath done,
who hath taken upon him to imitate, if any one that
hath gone before him hath left his memory glorious;
the course he took, and kept alwaies near unto him
the remembrances of his actions and worthy deeds:
as it is said, that Alexander the great imitated Achilles;
Caesar Alexander, and Scipio Cyrus. And whoever
reads the life of Cyrus, written by Xenophon, may
easily perceive afterwards in Scipio’s life how
much glory his imitation gaind him, and how much Scipio
did conforme himselfe in his chastity, affability,
humanity, and liberality with those things, that are
written by Xenophon of Cyrus. Such like wayes
ought a wise Prince to take, nor ever be idle in quiet
times, but by his paines then, as it were provide
himself of store, whereof he may make some use in
his adversity, the end that when the times change,
he may be able to resist the stormes of his hard fortune.
CHAP. XV
Of those things, in respect whereof, men, and especially
Princes, are praised, or dispraised.
It now remaines that we consider what the conditions
of a Prince ought to be, and his termes of government
over his subjects, and towards his friends. And
because I know that many have written hereupon; I doubt,
lest I venturing also to treat thereof, may be branded
with presumption, especially seeing I am like enough
to deliver an opinion different from others.
But my intent being to write for the advantage of him
that understands me, I thought it fitter to follow
the effectuall truth of the matter, than the imagination
thereof; And many Principalities and Republiques,
have been in imagination, which neither have been seen
nor knowne to be indeed: for there is such a
distance between how men doe live, and how men ought
to live; that he who leaves that which is done, for
that which ought to be done, learnes sooner his ruine
than his preservation; for that man who will professe
honesty in all his actions, must needs goe to ruine
among so many that are dishonest. Whereupon it
is necessary for a Prince, desiring to preserve himselfe,
to be able to make use of that honestie, and to lay
it aside againe, as need shall require. Passing
by then things that are only in imagination belonging
to a Prince, to discourse upon those that are really
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true; I say that all men, whensoever mention is made
of them, and especially Princes, because they are
placed aloft in the view of all, are taken notice of
for some of these qualities, which procure them either
commendations or blame: and this is that some
one is held liberal, some miserable, (miserable I
say, nor covetous; for the covetous desire to have,
though it were by rapine; but a miserable man is he,
that too much for bears to make use of his owne) some
free givers, others extortioners; some cruell, others
pitious; the one a Leaguebreaker, another faithfull;
the one effeminate and of small courage, the other
fierce and couragious; the one courteous, the other
proud; the one lascivious, the other chaste; the one
of faire dealing, the other wily and crafty; the one
hard, the other easie; the one grave, the other light;
the one religious, the other incredulous, and such
like. I know that every one will confesse, it
were exceedingly praise worthy for a Prince to be
adorned with all these above nam’d qualities
that are good: but because this is not possible,
nor doe humane conditions admit such perfection in
vertues, it is necessary for him to be so discret,
that he know how to avoid the infamie of those vices
which would thrust him out of his State; and if it
be possible, beware of those also which are not able
to remove him thence; but where it cannot be, let
them passe with lesse regard. And yet, let him
not stand much upon it, though he incurre the infamie
of those vices, without which he can very hardly save
his State: for if all be throughly considerd,
some thing we shall find which will have the colour
and very face of Vertue, and following them, they will
lead the to thy destruction; whereas some others that
shall as much seeme vice, if we take the course they
lead us, shall discover unto us the way to our safety
and well-being.
The second blemish in this our Authours
book, I find in his fifteenth Chapter: where
he instructs his Prince to use such an ambidexterity
as that he may serve himselfe either of vertue, or
vice, according to his advantage, which in true
pollicy is neither good in attaining the Principality
nor in securing it when it is attaind. For
Politicks, presuppose Ethiques, which will never
allow this rule: as that a man might make this
small difference between vertue, and vice, that
he may indifferently lay aside, or take up the
one or the other, and put it in practise as best
conduceth to the end he propounds himselfe. I
doubt our Authour would have blamd Davids regard
to Saul when 1 Sam. 24. in the cave he cut off
the lap of Sauls garment, and spared his head;
and afterwards in the 26. when he forbad Abishai
to strike him as he lay sleeping. Worthy of a
Princes consideration is that saying of Abigal
to David 1 Sam. 25. 30.
’It shall come to passe when the
Lord shall have done to my Lord according to all
that he hath spoken concerning thee, and shall have
appointed thee Ruler over Israel, that this shall be
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no grief to thee, nor offence of heart unto my
Lord, that thou hast forborne to shed blood, etc.’
For surely the conscience of this evill
ground whereupon they have either built, or underpropped
their tyranny, causes men, as well metus
as spes in longum projicere, which sets them
a work on further mischiefe.
CHAP. XVI
Of Liberality, and Miserablenesse.
Beginning then at the first of the above mentioned
qualities, I say that it would be very well to be
accounted liberall: neverthelesse, liberality
used in such a manner, as to make thee be accounted
so, wrongs thee: for in case it be used vertuously,
and as it ought to be, it shall never come to be taken
notice of, so as to free thee from the infamie of
its contrary. And therefore for one to hold the
name of liberal among men, it were needfull not to
omit any sumptuous quality, insomuch that a Prince
alwayes so dispos’d, shall waste all his revenues,
and at the end shall be forc’d, if he will still
maintaine that reputation of liberality, heavily to
burthen his subjects, and become a great exactour;
and put in practise all those things that can be done
to get mony: Which begins to make him hatefull
to his subjects, and fall into every ones contempt,
growing necessitous: so that having with this
liberality wrong’d many, and imparted of his
bounty but to a few; he feels every first mischance,
and runs a hazard of every first danger: Which
he knowing, and desiring to withdraw himself from,
incurs presently the disgrace of being termed miserable.
A Prince therefore not being able to use this vertue
of liberality, without his own damage, in such a sort,
that it may be taken notice of, ought, if he be wise,
not to regard the name of Miserable; for in time he
shall alwaies be esteemed the more liberal, seeing
that by his parsimony his own revenues are sufficient
for him; as also he can defend himself against whoever
makes war against him, and can do some exploits without
grieving his subjects: so that he comes to use
his liberality to all those, from whom he takes nothing,
who are infinite in number; and his miserableness
towards those to whom he gives nothing, who are but
a few. In our dayes we have not seen any, but
those who have been held miserable, do any great matters;
but the others all quite ruin’d. Pope Julius
the second, however he serv’d himself of the
name of Liberal, to get the Papacy, yet never intended
he to continue it, to the end he might be able to make
war against the King of France: and he made so
many wars without imposing any extraordinary tax,
because his long thrift supplyed his large expences.
This present King of Spain could never have undertaken,
nor gone through with so many exploits, had he been
accounted liberal. Wherefore a Prince ought little
to regard (that he may not be driven to pillage his
subjects, that he may be able to defend himself, that
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he may not fall into poverty and contempt, that he
be not forced to become an extortioner) though he
incurre the name of miserable; for this is one of
those vices, which does not pluck him from his throne.
And if any one should say, Caesar by his liberality
obtained the Empire, and many others (because they
both were, and were esteemd liberal) attaind to exceeding
great dignities. I answer, either thou art already
come to be a Prince, or thou art in the way to it;
in the first case, this liberality is hurtful; in
the second, it is necessary to be accounted so; and
Caesar was one of those that aspired to the Principality
of Rome. But if after he had gotten it, he had
survived, and not forborne those expences, he would
quite have ruined that Empire. And if any one
should reply; many have been Princes, and with their
armies have done great exploits, who have been held
very liberal. I answer, either the Prince spends
of his own and his subjects, or that which belongs
to others: in the first, he ought to be sparing;
in the second, he should not omit any part of liberality.
And that Prince that goes abroad with his army, and
feeds upon prey, and spoyle, and tributes, and hath
the disposing of that which belongs to others, necessarily
should use this liberality; otherwise would his soldiers
never follow him; and of that which is neither thine,
nor thy subjects, thou mayest well be a free giver,
as were Cyrus, Caesar and Alexander; for the spending
of that which is anothers, takes not away thy reputation,
but rather adds to it, only the wasting of that which
is thine own hurts thee; nor is there any thing consumes
itself so much as liberality, which whilest thou usest,
thou losest the means to make use of it, and becomest
poore and abject; or to avoid this poverty, an extortioner
and hatefull person. And among all those things
which a Prince ought to beware of is, to be dispised,
and odious; to one and the other of which, liberality
brings thee. Wherefore there is more discretion
to hold the stile of Miserable, which begets an infamy
without hatred, than to desire that of Liberal, whereby
to incurre the necessity of being thought an extortioner,
which procures an infamy with hatred.
CHAP. XVII
Of Cruelty, and Clemency, and whether it is better
to be belov’d, or feard.
Descending afterwards unto the other fore-alledged
qualities, I say, that every Prince should desire
to be held pitiful, and not cruel. Nevertheless
ought he beware that he ill uses not this pitty.
Caesar Borgia was accounted cruel, yet had his cruelty
redrest the disorders in Romania, setled it in union,
and restored it to peace, and fidelity: which,
if it be well weighed, we shall see was an act of more
pitty, than that of the people of Florence, who to
avoyd the terme of cruelty, suffered Pistoya to fall
to destruction. Wherefore a Prince ought not to
regard the infamy of cruelty, for to hold his subjects
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united and faithfull: for by giving a very few
proofes of himself the other way, he shall be held
more pittiful than they, who through their too much
pitty, suffer disorders to follow, from whence arise
murthers and rapines: for these are wont to hurt
an intire universality, whereas the executions practised
by a Prince, hurt only some particular. And among
all sorts of Princes, it is impossible for a new Prince
to avoyd the name of cruel, because all new States
are full of dangers: whereupon Virgil by the
mouth of Dido excuses the inhumanity of her Kingdom,
saying,
Res dura et Regni novitas me talia
cogunt
Moliri et late fines custode tenere.
My hard plight and new State force me
to guard
My confines all about with watch and ward.
Nevertheless ought he to be judicious in his giving
belief to any thing, or moving himself thereat, nor
make his people extreamly afraid of him; but proceed
in a moderate way with wisdome, and humanity, that
his too much confidence make him not unwary, and his
too much distrust intolerable; from hence arises a
dispute, whether it is better to be belov’d
or feard: I answer, a man would wish he might
be the one and the other: but because hardly
can they subsist both together, it is much safer to
be feard, than be loved; being that one of the two
must needs fail; for touching men, we may say this
in general, they are unthankful, unconstant, dissemblers,
they avoyd dangers, and are covetous of gain; and
whilest thou doest them good, they are wholly thine;
their blood, their fortunes, lives and children are
at thy service, as is said before, when the danger
is remote; but when it approaches, they revolt.
And that Prince who wholly relies upon their words,
unfurnished of all other preparations, goes to wrack:
for the friendships that are gotten with rewards,
and not by the magnificence and worth of the mind,
are dearly bought indeed; but they will neither keep
long, nor serve well in time of need: and men
do less regard to offend one that is supported by
love, than by fear. For love is held by a certainty
of obligation, which because men are mischievous,
is broken upon any occasion of their own profit.
But fear restrains with a dread of punishment which
never forsakes a man. Yet ought a Prince cause
himself to be belov’d in such a manner, that
if he gains not love, he may avoid hatred: for
it may well stand together, that a man may be feard
and not hated; which shall never fail, if he abstain
from his subjects goods, and their wives; and whensoever
he should be forc’d to proceed against any of
their lives, do it when it is to be done upon a just
cause, and apparent conviction; but above all things
forbeare to lay his hands on other mens goods; for
men forget sooner the death of their father, than
the loss of their patrimony. Moreover the occasions
of taking from men their goods, do never fail:
and alwaies he that begins to live by rapine, finds
occasion to lay hold upon other mens goods: but
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against mens lives, they are seldome found, and sooner
fail. But where a Prince is abroad in the field
with his army, and hath a multitude of soldiers under
his government, then is it necessary that he stands
not much upon it, though he be termed cruel:
for unless he be so, he shall never have his soldiers
live in accord one with another, nor ever well disposed
to any brave piece of service. Among Hannibals
actions of mervail, this is reckoned for one, that
having a very huge army, gathered out of several nations,
and all led to serve in a strange countrey, there was
never any dissention neither amongst themselves, nor
against their General, as well in their bad fortune
as their good. Which could not proceed from any
thing else than from that barbarous cruelty of his,
which together with his exceeding many vertues, rendred
him to his soldiers both venerable and terrible; without
which, to that effect his other vertues had served
him to little purpose: and some writers though
not of the best advised, on one side admire these
his worthy actions, and on the otherside, condemn
the principal causes thereof. And that it is true,
that his other vertues would not have suffic’d
him, we may consider in Scipio, the rarest man not
only in the dayes he liv’d, but even in the
memory of man; from whom his army rebel’d in
Spain: which grew only upon his too much clemency,
which had given way to his soldiers to become more
licentious, than was well tollerable by military discipline:
for which he was reprov’d by Fabius Maximus
in the Senate, who termed him the corrupter of the
Roman soldiery. The Locrensians having been destroyed
by a Lieutenant of Scipio’s, were never reveng’d
by him, nor the insolence of that Lieutenant punisht;
all this arising from his easie nature: so that
one desiring to excuse him in the Senate, said, that
there were many men knew better how to keep themselves
from faults, than to correct the faults of other men:
which disposition of his in time would have wrong’d
Scipio’s reputation and glory, had he therewith
continu’d in his commands: but living under
the government of the Senate, this quality of his
that would have disgrac’d him not only was conceal’d,
but prov’d to the advancement of his glory.
I conclude then, returning to the purpose of being
feard, and belov’d; insomuch as men love at
their own pleasure, and to serve their own turne, and
their fear depends upon the Princes pleasure, every
wise Prince ought to ground upon that which is of
himself, and not upon that which is of another:
only this, he ought to use his best wits to avoid hatred,
as was said.
CHAP. XVIII
In what manner Princes ought to keep their words.
Page 226
How commendable in a Prince it is to keep his word,
and live with integrity, not making use of cunning
and subtlety, every one knows well: yet we see
by experience in these our dayes, that those Princes
have effected great matters, who have made small reckoning
of keeping their words, and have known by their craft
to turne and wind men about, and in the end, have
overcome those who have grounded upon the truth.
You must then know, there are two kinds of combating
or fighting; the one by right of the laws, the other
meerly by force. That first way is proper to
men, the other is also common to beasts: but because
the first many times suffices not, there is a necessity
to make recourse to the second; wherefore it behooves
a Prince to know how to make good use of that part
which belongs to a beast, as well as that which is
proper to a man. This part hath been covertly
shew’d to Princes by ancient writers; who say
that Achilles and many others of those ancient Princes
were intrusted to Chiron the Senator, to be brought
up under his discipline: the moral of this, having
for their teacher one that was half a beast and half
a man, was nothing else, but that it was needful for
a Prince to understand how to make his advantage of
the one and the other nature, because neither could
subsist without the other. A Prince then being
necessitated to know how to make use of that part
belonging to a beast, ought to serve himself of the
conditions of the Fox and the Lion; for the Lion cannot
keep himself from snares, nor the Fox defend himself
against the Wolves. He had need then be a Fox,
that he may beware of the snares, and a Lion that
he may scare the wolves. Those that stand wholly
upon the Lion, understand not well themselves.
And therefore a wise Prince cannot, nor ought not
keep his faith given when the observance thereof turnes
to disadvantage, and the occasions that made him promise,
are past. For if men were all good, this rule
would not be allowable; but being they are full of
mischief, and would not make it good to thee, neither
art thou tyed to keep it with them: nor shall
a Prince ever want lawfull occasions to give colour
to this breach. Very many modern examples hereof
might be alledg’d, wherein might be shewed how
many peaces concluded, and how many promises made,
have been violated and broken by the infidelity of
Princes; and ordinarily things have best succeeded
with him that hath been nearest the Fox in condition.
But it is necessary to understand how to set a good
colour upon this disposition, and to be able to fain
and dissemble throughly; and men are so simple, and
yeeld so much to the present necessities, that he who
hath a mind to deceive, shall alwaies find another
that will be deceivd. I will not conceal any
one of the examples that have been of late. Alexander
the sixth, never did any thing else than deceive men,
and never meant otherwise, and alwaies found whom
to work upon; yet never was there man would protest
more effectually, nor aver any thing with more solemn
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oaths, and observe them less than he; nevertheless,
his cousenages all thriv’d well with him; for
he knew how to play this part cunningly. Therefore
is there no necessity for a Prince to be endued with
all above written qualities, but it behooveth well
that he seem to be so; or rather I will boldly say
this, that having these qualities, and alwaies regulating
himself by them, they are hurtfull; but seeming to
have them, they are advantageous; as to seem pittiful,
faithful, mild, religious, and of integrity, and indeed
to be so; provided withall thou beest of such a composition,
that if need require to use the contrary, thou canst,
and knowest how to apply thy self thereto. And
it suffices to conceive this, that a Prince, and especially
a new Prince, cannot observe all those things, for
which men are held good; he being often forc’d,
for the maintenance of his State, to do contrary to
his faith, charity, humanity, and religion: and
therefore it behooves him to have a mind so disposd,
as to turne and take the advantage of all winds and
fortunes; and as formerly I said, not forsake the good,
while he can; but to know how to make use of the evil
upon necessity. A Prince then ought to have a
special care, that he never let fall any words, but
what are all season’d with the five above written
qualities, and let him seem to him that sees and hears
him, all pitty, all faith, all integrity, all humanity,
all religion; nor is there any thing more necessary
for him to seem to have, than this last quality:
for all men in general judge thereof, rather by the
sight, than by the touch; for every man may come to
the sight of him, few come to the touch and feeling
of him; yvery man may come to see what thou seemest,
few come to perceive and understand what thou art;
and those few dare not oppose the opinion of many,
who have the majesty of State to protect them:
And in all mens actions, especially those of Princes
wherein there is no judgement to appeale unto men,
forbeare to give their censures, till the events and
ends of things. Let a Prince therefore take the
surest courses he can to maintain his life and State:
the means shall alwaies be thought honorable, and
commended by every one; for the vulgar is over-taken
with the appearance and event of a thing: and
for the most part of people, they are but the vulgar:
the others that are but few, take place where the
vulgar have no subsisteance. A Prince there is
in these dayes, whom I shall not do well to name,
that preaches nothing else but peace and faith; but
had he kept the one and the other, several times had
they taken from him his state and reputation.
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In the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth
Chap, our Author descends to particulars, perswading
his Prince in his sixteenth to such a suppleness
of disposition, as that upon occasion he can make
use either of liberality or miserableness, as need
shall require. But that of liberality is to
last no longer than while he is in the way to
some designe: which if he well weigh, is
not really a reward of vertue, how ere it seems; but
a bait and lure to bring birds to the net.
In the seventeenth Chap, he treats of clemency
and cruelty, neither of which are to be exercis’d
by him as acts of mercy or justice; but as they may
serve to advantage his further purposes. And
lest the Prince should incline too much to clemency,
our Author allows rather the restraint by fear,
than by love. The contrary to which all stories
shew us. I will say this only, cruelty may cut
of the power of some, but causes the hatred of
all, and gives a will to most to take the first
occasion offerd for revenge. In the eighteenth
Chap, our Author discourses how Princes ought to govern
themselves in keeping their promises made: whereof
he sayes they ought to make such small reckoning,
as that rather they should know by their craft
how to turne and wind men about, whereby to take
advantage of all winds and fortunes. To this I
would oppose that in the fifteenth Psal. v. 5.
He that sweareth to his neighbor, and disappointeth
him not, though it were to his own hindrance.
It was a King that writ it, and me thinks the rule
he gave, should well befit both King and Subject:
and surely this perswades against all taking of
advantages. A man may reduce all the causes
of faith-breaking to three heads. One may
be, because he that promised, had no intention to keep
his word; and this is a wicked and malitious way
of dealing. A second may bee, because hee
that promisd, repents of his promise made; and
that is grounded on unconstancy, and lightness in that
he would not be well resolved before he entred
into covenant. The third may be, when it
so falls out, that it lyes not in his power that
made the promise to performe it. In which case
a man ought to imitate the good debter, who having
not wherewithall to pay, hides not himself, but
presents his person to his creditor, willingly
suffering imprisonment. The first and second are
very vitious and unworthy of a Prince: in
the third, men might well be directed by the examples
of those two famous Romans, Regulus and Posthumius.
I shall close this with the answer of Charles the
fifth, when he was pressed to break his word with Luther
for his safe return from Wormes; Fides rerum
promissarum etsi toto mundo exulet, tamen apud
imperatorem cam consistere oportet. Though
truth be banisht out of the whole world, yet should
it alwaies find harbour in an Emperors breast.
[Sidenote: Gulielmus Xenocarus in vit.
Car. Quinti.]
CHAP. XIX
Page 229
That Princes should take a care, not to incurre contempt
or hatred.
But because among the qualities, whereof formerly
mention is made, I have spoken of those of most importance,
I will treat of the others more briefly under these
qualityes that a Prince is to beware, as in part is
above-said, and that he fly those things which cause
him to be odious or vile: and when ever he shall
avoid this, he shall fully have plaid his part, and
in the other disgraces he shall find no danger at all.
There is nothing makes him so odious, as I said, as
his extortion of his subjects goods, and abuse of
their women, from which he ought to forbear; and so
long as he wrongs not his whole people, neither in
their goods, nor honors, they live content, and he
hath only to strive with the Ambition of some few:
which many waies and easily too, is restrain’d.
To be held various, light, effeminate, faint-hearted,
unresolv’d, these make him be contemnd and thought
base, which a Prince should shun like rocks, and take
a care that in all his actions there appear magnanimity,
courage, gravity, and valor; and that in all the private
affairs of his subjects, he orders it so, that his
word stand irrevocable: and maintain himself
in such repute, that no man may think either to deceive
or wind and turn him about: that Prince that gives
such an opinion of himself, is much esteemed, and against
him who is so well esteemed, hardly are any conspiracies
made by his subjects, or by forreiners any invasion,
when once notice is taken of his worth, and how much
he is reverenced by his subjects: For a Prince
ought to have two fears, the one from within, in regard
of his subjects; the other from abroad, in regard
of his mighty neighbors; from these he defends himself
by good armes and good friends; and alwayes he shall
have good friends, if he have good armes; and all
things shall alwaies stand sure at home, when those
abroad are firme, in case some conspiracy have not
disturbed them; and however the forrein matters stand
but ticklishly; yet if he have taken such courses
at home, and liv’d as we have prescribed, he
shall never be able (in case he forsake not himself)
to resist all possibility, force and violence, as
I said Nabis the Spartan did: but touching his
subjects, even when his affairs abroad are setled,
it is to be fear’d they may conspire privily;
from which a Prince sufficiently secure himself by
shunning to be hated or contemned, and keeping himself
in his peoples good opinion, which it is necessary
for him to compass, as formerly we treated at large.
And one of the powerfullest remedies a Prince can
have against conspiracies, is, not to be hated nor
dispised by the universality; for alwaies he that
conspires, beleeves the Princes death is acceptable
to the subject: but when he thinks it displeases
them, he hath not the heart to venture on such a matter;
for the difficulties that are on the conspirators
side, are infinite. By experience it is plain,
that many times plots have been laid, but few of them
Page 230
have succeeded luckily; for he that conspires, cannot
be alone, nor can he take the company of any, but
of those, who he beleeves are malecontents; and so
soon as thou hast discover’d thy self to a malecontent,
thou givest him means to work his own content:
for by revealing thy treason, he may well hope for
all manner of favour: so that seeing his gain
certain of one side; and on the other, finding only
doubt and danger, either he had need be a rare friend,
or that he be an exceeding obstinate enemy to the
Prince, if he keeps his word with thee. And to
reduce this matter into short termes: I say, there
is nothing but jealousie, fear, and suspect of punishment
on the conspirators part to affright him; but on the
Princes part, there is the majesty of the principality,
the laws, the defences of his friends and the State,
which do so guard him, that to all these things the
peoples good wills being added, it is unpossible any
one should be so head-strong as to conspire; for ordinarily
where a traytor is to feare before the execution of
his mischiefe, in this case he is also to feare afterwards,
having the people for his enemy when the fact is commited,
and therefore for this cause, not being able to hope
for any refuge. Touching this matter, many examples
might be brought; but I will content my selfe to name
one which fell out in the memory of our Fathers.
Annibal Bentivolii, grand Father of this Annibal who
now lives, that was Prince in Bolonia, being slaine
by the Canneschi that conspir’d against him,
none of his race being left, but this John, who was
then in swadling clouts; presently the people rose
upon this murder, and slew all the Canneschi which
proceeded from the popular affection, which the family
of the Bentivolii held then in Bolonia: which
was so great, that being there remain’d not any,
now Anniball was dead, that was able to manage the
State; and having notice that in Florence there was
one borne of the Bentivolii, who till then was taken
for a Smiths sonne: the citizens of Bolonia went
to Florence for him, and gave the government of their
City to him, which was rul’d by him, untill
John was of fit yeares to governe. I conclude
then, that a Prince ought to make small account of
treasons, whiles he hath the people to friend:
but if they be his enemies and hate him, he may well
feare every thing, and every one. And well ordered
States, and discreet Princes have taken care withall
diligence, not to cause their great men to fall into
desperation, and to content the people, and so to maintaine
them: for this is one of the most important businesses
belonging to a Prince. Among the Kingdomes that
are well orderd and governd in our dayes, is that
of France, and therein are found exceeding many good
orders, whereupon the Kings liberty and security depends:
of which the chiefe is the Parliament, and the authority
thereof: for he that founded that Kingdome, knowing
the great mens ambition and insolence; and judgeing
it necessary there should be a bridle to curbe them;
Page 231
and on the other side knowing the hatred of the Commonalty
against the great ones, grounded upon feare, intending
to secure them, would not lay this care wholly upon
the King, but take this trouble from him, which he
might have with the great men, in case he favourd
the Commonalty; or with the Commonalty, in case he
favourd the great men; and thereupon set up a third
judge, which was that, to the end it should keep under
the great ones, and favour the meaner sort, without
any imputation to the King. It was not possible
to take a better, nor wiser course then this; nor a
surer way to secure the King, and the Kingdome.
From whence we may draw another conclusion worthie
of note, that Princes ought to cause others to take
upon them the matters of blame and imputation; and
upon themselves to take only those of grace and favour.
Here againe I conclude, that a Prince ought to make
good esteeme of his Nobility; but not thereby to incur
the Commons hatred: It would seeme perhaps to
many, considering the life and death of many Romane
Emperours, that they were examples contrary to my
opinion, finding that some have liv’d worthily,
and shewd many rare vertues of the minde, and yet have
lost the Empire, and been put to death by their owne
subjects, conspiring against them. Intending
then to answer these objections, I shall discourse
upon the qualities of some Emperours, declaring the
occasions of their ruine, not disagreeing from that
which I have alledgd; and part thereof I will bestow
on the consideration of these things, which are worthy
to be noted by him that reads the actions of those
times: and it shall suffice me to take all those
Emperours that succeeded in the Empire from Marcus
the Philosopher to Maximinus, who were Mercus and Commodus
his sonne, Pertinax, Julian, Severus, Antonius, Caracalla
his sonne, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, and
Maximin. And first it is to be noted, that where
in the other Principalities, they are to contend only
with the ambition of the Nobles, and the insolence
of the people; the Romane Emperours had a third difficulty,
having to support the cruelty and covetousnesse of
the souldiers, which was so hard a thing, that it
caused the ruine of many, being hard to satisfy the
souldiers, and the people; for the people love their
quiet, and therefore affect modest Princes; and the
souldiers love a Prince of a warlike courage, that
is insolent, cruell, and plucking from every one:
which things they would have them exercise upon the
people, whereby they might be able to double their
stipends, and satisfie their avarice and cruelty:
whence it proceeds, that those Emperours who either
by Nature or by Art, had not such a reputation, as
therewith they could curbe the one and the other,
were alwayes ruind: and the most of them, specially
those who as new men came to the principality, finding
the difficulty of those two different humours, applyed
themselves to content the souldiers, making small
account of wronging the people, which was a course
Page 232
then necessary; for the Princes not being able to
escape the hatred of every one, ought first endeavour
that they incurre not the hatred of any whole universality;
and when they cannot attaine thereunto, they are to
provide with all industry, to avoyd the hatred of those
universalities that are the most mighty. And
therefore those Emperors, who because they were but
newly call’d to the Empire, had need of extraordinary
favours, more willingly stuck to the soldiers, than
to the people; which neverthelesse turnd to their
advantage, or otherwise, according as that Prince
knew how to maintaine his repute with them. From
these causes aforesayd proceeded it, that Marcus Pertinax,
and Alexander, though all living modestly, being lovers
of justice, and enemies of cruelty, courteous and
bountifull, had all from Marcus on ward, miserable
ends; Marcus only liv’d and dy’d exceedingly
honoured: for he came to the Empire by inheritance,
and was not to acknowledge it either from the soldiers,
nor from the people: afterwards being accompanyed
with many vertues, which made him venerable, he held
alwayes whilst he liv’d the one and the other
order within their limits, and was never either hated,
or contemnd. But Pertinax was created Emperour
against the soldiers wills, who being accustomed to
live licentiously under Commodus, could not endure
that honest course that Pertinax sought to reduce them
to: Whereupon having gotten himself hatred, and
to this hatred added contempt, in that he was old,
was ruind in the very beginning of his government.
Whence it ought to be observed, that hatred is gaind
as well by good deeds as bad; and therefore as I formerly
said, when a Prince would maintaine the State, he
is often forced not to be good: for when that
generality, whether it be the people, or soldiers,
or Nobility, whereof thou thinkst thou standst in
need to maintain thee, is corrupted, it behoves thee
to follow their humour, and content them, and then
all good deeds are thy adversaries. But let us
come to Alexander who was of that goodnesse, that
among the prayses given him, had this for one, that
in fourteen yeers wherein he held the Empire, he never
put any man to death, but by course of justice; neverthelesse
being held effeminate, and a man that suffered himselfe
to be ruled by his mother, and thereupon fallen into
contempt, the army conspird against him. Now
on the contrary discoursing upon the qualities of Commodus,
Severus, Antonius, Caracalla, and Maximinus, you shall
find them exceeding cruell, and ravinous, who to satisfie
their soldiers, forbeare no kinde of injury that could
be done upon the people; and all of them, except Severus,
came to evill ends: for in Severus, there was
such extraordinary valour, that while he held the
soldiers his freinds, however the people were much
burthend by him, he might alwayes reigne happily:
for his valour rendred him so admirable in the souldiers
and peoples sights; that these in a manner stood amazd
and astonishd, and those others reverencing and honoring
Page 233
him. And because the actions of this man were
exceeding great, being in a new Prince, I will briefly
shew how well he knew to act the Foxes and the Lions
parts; the conditions of which two, I say, as before,
are very necessary for a Prince to imitate. Severus
having had experience of Julian the Emperours sloth,
perswaded his army (whereof he was commander in Sclavonia)
that they should doe well to goe to Rome to revenge
Pertinax his death, who was put to death by the Imperiall
guard; and under this pretence, not making any shew
that he aspird unto the Empire, set his army in march
directly towards Rome, and was sooner come into Italy,
than it was knowne he had mov’d from his station.
Being ariv’d at Rome, he was by the Senate chosen
Emperour for feare, and Julian slaine. After this
beginning, two difficulties yet remaind to Severus,
before he could make himselfe Lord of the whole State;
the one in Asia, where Niger the Generall of those
armies had gotten the title of Emperour, the other
in the West with Albinus, who also aspird to the Empire:
and because he thought there might be some danger
to discover himselfe enemy to them both, he purposed
to set upon Niger, and cozen Albinus, to whom he writ,
that being elected Emperour by the Senate, he would
willingly communicate it with him; and thereupon sent
him the title of Caesar, and by resolution of the
Senate, tooke him to him for his Colleague; which
things were taken by Albinus in true meaning.
But afterwards when Severus had overcome and slaine
Niger, and pacified the affaires and in the East,
being returned to Rome, he complaind in the Senate
of Albinus, how little weighing the benefits received
from him, he had sought to slay him by treason, and
therefore was he forc’d to goe punish his ingratitude:
afterwards he went into France, where he bereft him
both of his State and life, whoever then shall in
particular examine his actions, shall finde he was
a very cruell Lion, and as crafty a Fox: and
shall see that he was alwayes feard and reverenc’d
by every one, and by the armies not hated; and shall
nothing marvell that he being a new man, was able
to hold together such a great Empire: for his
extraordinary reputation defended him alwayes from
that hatred, which the people for his extortions might
have conceiv’d against him. But Antonius
his sonne, was also an exceeding brave man, and endued
with most excellent qualities, which causd him to
be admird by the people, and acceptable to the souldiers,
because he was a warlike man, enduring all kind of
travell and paines, despising all delicate food, and
all kinde of effeminacy, which gaind him the love
of all the armies: neverthelesse his fiercenesse
and cruelty were such, and so hideous, having upon
many particular occasions put to death a great part
of the people of Rome, and all those of Alexandria,
that he grew odious to the world, and began to be
feard by those also that were neare about him; so that
he was slaine by a Centurion in the very midst of
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his army. Where it is to be noted, that these
kinde of deaths, which follow upon the deliberation
of a resolv’d and obstinate minde, cannot by
a Prince be avoyded: for every one that feares
not to dye, is able to doe it; but a Prince ought to
be lesse afraid of it because it very seldome falls
out. Only should he beware not to doe any extreame
injury to any of those of whom he serves himself,
or that he hath near about him in any imployment of
his Principality, as Antonius did: who had reproachfully
slaine a brother of that Centurion; also threatned
him every day, and neverthelesse entertaind him still
as one of the guards of his body, which was a rash
course taken, and the way to destruction, as befell
him. But let us come to Commodus for whom it
was very easie to hold the Empire, by reason it descended
upon him by inheritance, being Marcus his sonne, and
it had been enough for him to follow his fathers footsteps,
and then had he contented both the people and the
soldiers: but being of a cruell and savage disposition,
whereby to exercise his actions upon the people, he
gave himselfe to entertaine armies, and those in all
licentiousnesse. On the other part not maintaining
his dignity, but often descending upon the stages
to combate with fencers, and doing such other like
base things, little worthy of the Imperiall majesty,
he became contemptible in the soldiers sight; and
being hated of one part, and despisd of the other,
he was conspird against, and slaine. It remaines
now, that we declare Maximinus his conditions, who
was a very warlike man; and the armies loathing Alexanders
effeminacy, whereof I spake before, when they had
slain him, chose this man Emperour, who not long continued
so, because two things there were that brought him
into hatred and contempt; the one because he was very
base, having kept cattell in Thrace, which was well
knowne to every one, and made them to scorne him; the
other, because in the beginning of his Principality
having delayd to goe to Rome, and enter into possession
of the Imperiall throne, he had gaind the infamy of
being thought exceeding cruell, having by his Prefects
in Rome, and in every place of the Empire, exercisd
many cruelties, insomuch that the whole world being
provok’d against him to contempt for the basenesse
of his blood; on the other side upon the hatred conceiv’d
against him for feare of his crulty; first Affrica,
afterwards the Senate, with all the people of Rome
and all Italy, conspired against him, with whom his
own army took part; which incamping before Aquileya,
and finding some difficulty to take the town, being
weary of his cruelties, and because they saw he had
so many enemies, fearing him the lesse, slew him.
I purpose not to say any thing either of Heliogabalus,
Macrinus, or Julian, who because they were throughly
base, were sudenly extinguished: but I will come
to the conclusion of this discourse; and I say, that
the Princes of our times have lesse of this difficulty
to satisfie the Soldiers extraordinarily in their
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government; for notwithstanding that there be some
considerations to be had of them, yet presently are
those armies dissolved, because none of these Princes
do use to maintaine any armies together, which are
annex’d and inveterated with the governments
of the provinces, as were the armies of the Romane
Empire. And therefore if then it was necessary
rather to content the soldiers than the people, it
was because the soldiers were more powerfull than
the people: now is it more necessary for all Princes,
(except the Turk and the Souldan) to satisfie their
people than their soldiers, because the people are
more mighty than they; wherein I except the Turk,
he alwayes maintaining about his person 12000 foot,
and 15000 horse, upon which depends the safety and
strength of his Kingdome; and it is necessary that
laying aside all other regard of his people, he maintaine
these his friends. The Souldans Kingdome is like
hereunto, which being wholy in the souldiers power,
he must also without respect of his people keep them
his friends. And you are to consider, that this
State of the Souldans differs much from all the other
Principalities: For it is very like the Papacy,
which cannot be termd an hereditary Principality:
nor a new Principality: for the sons of the deceasd
Prince are not heires and Lords thereof, but he that
is chosen receives that dignity from those who have
the authority in them. And this order being of
antiquity, cannot be termd a new Principality, because
therein are none of those difficulties that are in
new ones: for though the Prince be new, yet are
the orders of that state ancient, and ordaind to receive
him, as if he were their hereditary Prince. But
let us returne to our matter; whosoever shall consider
our discourse before, shall perceive that either hatred,
or contempt have caus’d the ruine of the afore-named
Emperors; and shall know also, from it came that part
of them proceeding one way, and part a contrary; yet
in any of them the one had a happy success, and the
others unhappy: for it was of no availe, but rather
hurtful for Pertinax and Alexander, because they were
new Princes, to desire to imitate Marcus, who by inheritance
came to the Principality: and in like manner
it was a wrong to Caracalla, Commodus, and Maximus,
to imitate Severus, because none of them were endued
with so great valor as to follow his steps therein.
Wherefore a new Prince in his Principality cannot
well imitate Marcus his actions; nor yet is it necessary
to follow those of Severus: but he ought make
choyce of those parts in Severus which are necessary
for the founding of a State; and to take from Marcus
those that are fit and glorious to preserve a State
which is already established and setled.
CHAP. XX
Whether the Citadels and many other things which Princes
often make use of, are profitable or dammageable.
Page 236
Some Princes, whereby they might safely keep their
State, have disarmed their subjects; some others have
held the towns under their dominion, divided into
factions; others have maintain’d enmities against
themselves; others have appli’d themselves to
gain them, where they have suspected at their entrance
into the government; others have built Fortresses;
and others again have ruined and demolished them:
and however that upon all these things, a man cannot
well pass a determinate sentence, unless one comes
to the particulars of these States, where some such
like determinations were to be taken; yet I shall speak
of them in so large a manner, as the matter of it
self will bear. It was never then that a new
Prince would disarme his own subjects; but rather
when he hath found them disarmed, he hath alwaies arm’d
them. For being belov’d, those armes become
thine; those become faithful, which thou hadst in
suspicion; and those which were faithful, are maintaind
so; and thy subjects are made thy partisans; and because
all thy subjects cannot be put in armes, when thou
bestowest favors on those thou armest, with the others
thou canst deal more for thy safety; and that difference
of proceeding which they know among them, obliges
them to thee; those others excuse thee, judgeing it
necessary that they have deservd more, who have undergone
more danger, and so have greater obligation: but
when thou disarmst them, thou beginst to offend them,
that thou distrustest them, either for cowardise,
or small faith; and the one or the other of those
two opinions provokes their hatred against thee; and
because thou canst not stand disarmed, thou must then
turn thy self to mercenary Soldiery, whereof we have
formerly spoken what it is, and when it is good; it
can never be so much as to defend thee from powerful
enemies, and suspected subjects; therefore as I have
said, a new Prince in a new Principality hath alwaies
ordaind them armes. Of examples to this purpose,
Histories are full. But when a Prince gains a
new State, which as a member he adds to his ancient
dominions, then it is necessary to disarme that State,
unless it be those whom thou hast discoverd to have
assisted thee in the conquest thereof; and these also
in time and upon occasions, it is necessary to render
delicate and effeminate, and so order them, that all
the arms of thy State be in the hands of thy own Soldiers,
who live in thy ancient State near unto thee.
Our ancestors and they that were accounted Sages,
were wont to say that it was necessary to hold Pistoya
in factions, and Pisa with Fortresses; and for this
cause maintaind some towns subject to them in differences,
whereby to hold it more easily. This, at what
time Italy was ballanc’d in a certain manner,
might be well done; but mee thinks it cannot now a
dayes be well given for a precept; for I do not beleeve,
that divisions made can do any good; rather it must
needs be, that when the enemy approaches them, Cities
divided are presently lost; for alwaies the weaker
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part will cleave to the forrein power, and the other
not be able to subsist. The Venetians (as I think)
mov’d by the aforesaid reasons, maintaind the
factions of the Guelfes and Gibellins, in their townes;
and however they never suffered them to spill one
anothers blood, yet they nourish’d these differences
among them, to the end that the citizens imployd in
these quarrels, should not plot any thing against them:
which as it proved, never serv’d them to any
great purpose: for being defeated at Vayla, presently
one of those two factions took courage and seizd upon
their whole State. Therefore such like waies argue
the Princes weakness; for in a strong principality
they never will suffer such divisions; for they shew
them some kind of profit in time of peace, being they
are able by means thereof more easily to mannage their
subjects: but war comming, such like orders discover
their fallacy. Without doubt, Princes become
great, when they overcome the difficulties and oppositions
that are made against them; and therefore Fortune
especially when she hath to make any new Prince great,
who hath more need to gain reputation than an hereditary
Prince, causes enemies to rise against him, and him
to undertake against them: to the end he may
have occasion to master them, and know that ladder,
which his enemies have set him upon, whereby to rise
yet higher. And therefore many think, that a wise
Prince when he hath the occasion, ought cunningly
to nourish some enmity, that by the suppressing thereof,
his greatness may grow thereupon. Princes, especially
those that are new, have found more faith and profit
in those men, who in the beginning of their State,
have been held suspected, than in those who at their
entrance have been their confidents. Pandulphus
Petrucci, Prince of Siena, governd his State, more
with them that had been suspected by him, than with
the others. But of this matter we cannot speak
at large, because it varies according to the subject;
I will only say this, that those men, who in the beginning
of a Principality were once enemies, if they be of
quality so that to maintain themselves they have need
of support, the Prince might alwaies with the greatest
facility gain for his; and they are the rather forced
to serve him faithfully, insomuch as they know it is
more necessary for them by their deeds to cancel that
sinister opinion, which was once held of them; and
so the Prince ever draws from these more advantage,
than from those, who serving him too supinely, neglect
his affairs. And seing the matter requires it,
I will not omit to put a Prince in mind, who hath
anew made himself master of a State, by means of the
inward helps he had from thence that he consider well
the cause that mov’d them that favor’d
him to favor him, if it be not a natural affection
towards him; for if it be only because they were not
content with their former government, with much pains
and difficulties shall he be able to keep them long
his friends, because it will be impossible for him
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to content them. By these examples then which
are drawn out of ancient and modern affaires, searching
into the cause hereof, we shall find it much more
easie to gain those men for friends, who formerly were
contented with the State, and therefore were his enemies:
than those, who because they were not contented therewith,
became his fiends, and favor’d him in getting
the mastery of it. It hath been the custome of
Princes, whereby to hold their States more securely,
to build Citadels, which might be bridles and curbs
to those that should purpose any thing against them,
and so to have a secure retreat from the first violences.
I commend this course, because it hath been used of
old; notwithstanding Nicholas Vitelli in our dayes
hath been known to demolish two Citadels in the town
of Castello, the better to keep the State; Guidubaldo
Duke of Urbin being to return into his State, out
of which he was driven by Caesar Borgia, raz’d
all the Fortresses of that Countrey, and thought he
should hardlyer lose that State again without them.
The Bentivolii returning into Bolonia, used the like
courses. Citadels then are profitable, or not,
according to the times; and if they advantage thee
in one part, they do thee harme in another; and this
part may be argued thus. That Prince who stands
more in fear of his own people than of strangers,
ought to build Fortresses: but he that is more
afraid of strangers than of his people, should let
them alone. Against the house of Sforza, the
Castle of Milan, which Francis Sforza built, hath and
will make more war, than any other disorder in that
State: and therefore the best Citadel that may
be, is not to incurre the peoples hatred; for however
thou holdest a Fortress, and the people hate thee,
thou canst hardly scape them; for people, when once
they have taken armes, never want the help of strangers
at their need to take ther parts. In our dayes
we never saw that they ever profited any Prince, unless
it were the Countess of Furli, when Count Hieronymo
of Furli her husband was slain; for by means thereof
she escap’d the peoples rage, and attended aid
from Milan, and so recover’d her State:
and then such were the times that the stranger could
not assist the people: but afterwards they serv’d
her to little purpose, when Caesar Borgia assaild
her, and that the people which was her enemy, sided
with the stranger. Therefore both then, and at
first, it would have been more for her safety, not
to have been odious to the people, than to have held
the Fortresses. These things being well weigh’d
then, I will commend those that shall build up Fortresses,
and him also that shall not; and I will blame him,
howsoever he be, that relying upon those, shall make
small account of being hated by his people.
CHAP. XXI
How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain reputation.
Page 239
There is nothing gains a Prince such repute as great
exploits, and rare tryals of himself in Heroick actions.
We have now in our dayes Ferdinand King of Arragon
the present King of Spain: he in a manner may
be termed a new Prince; for from a very weak King,
he is now become for fame and glory, the first King
of Christendome, and if you shall wel consider his
actions, you shall find them all illustrious, and every
one of them extraordinary. He in the beginning
of his reign assaild Granada, and that exploit was
the ground of his State. At first he made that
war in security, and without suspicion he should be
any waies hindred, and therein held the Barons of
Castiglias minds busied, who thinking upon that war,
never minded any innovation; in this while he gaind
credit and authority with them, they not being aware
of it; was able to maintain with the Church and the
peoples money all his soldiers, and to lay a foundation
for his military ordinances with that long war, which
afterwards gaind him exceeding much honor. Besides
this, to the end he might be able hereamong to undertake
greater matters, serving himself alwaies of the colour
of religion, he gave himself to a kind of religious
cruelty, chasing and dispoyling those Jewes out of
the Kingdome; nor can this example be more admirable
and rare: under the same cloke he invaded Affrick
and went through with his exploit in Italy: and
last of all hath he assaild France, and so alwaies
proceeded on forwards contriving of great matters,
which alwaies have held his subjects minds in peace
and admiration, and busied in attending the event,
what it should be: and these his actions have
thus grown, one upon another, that they have never
given leisure to men so to rest, as they might ever
plot any thing against them. Moreover it much
avails a Prince to give extraordinary proofes of himself
touching the government within, such as those we have
heard of Bernard of Milan, whensoever occasion is
given by any one, that may effectuate some great thing
either of good or evil, in the civil government; and
to find out some way either to reward or punish it,
whereof in the world much notice may be taken.
And above all things a Prince ought to endeavor in
all his actions to spread abroad a fame of his magnificence
and worthiness. A Prince also is well esteemed,
when he is a true friend, or a true enemy; when without
any regard he discovers himself in favor of one against
another; which course shall be alwaies more profit,
than to stand neuter: for if two mighty ones
that are thy neighbors, come to fall out, or are of
such quality, that one of them vanquishing, thou art
like to be in fear of the vanquisher, or not; in either
of these two cases, it will ever prove more for thy
profit, to discover thy self, and make a good war
of it: for in the first case, if thou discoverest
not thy selfe, thou shalt alwaies be a prey to him
that overcomes, to the contentment and satisfaction
of the vanquisht; neither shalt thou have reason on
Page 240
thy side, nor any thing else to defend or receive thee.
For he that overcomes, will not have any suspected
friends that give him no assistance in his necessity:
and he that loses, receives thee not, because thou
wouldest not with thy armes in hand run the hazzard
of his fortune. Antiochus passed into Greece,
thereunto induc’d by the Etolians, to chace
the Romans thence: and sent his Ambassadors to
the Achayans, who were the Romans friends, to perswade
them to stand neuters; on the other side the Romans
moved them to joyne armes with theirs: this matter
came to be deliberated on in the council of the Achayans,
where Antiochus his Ambassador encouraged them to stand
neuters, whereunto the Romans Ambassador answerd; Touching
the course, that is commended to you, as best and
profitablest for your State, to wit, not to intermeddle
in the war between us, nothing can be more against
you: because, not taking either part, you shall
remain without thanks, and without reputation a prey
to the conqueror. And it will alwaies come to
pass that he who is not thy friend, will requite thy
neutrality; and he that is thy friend, will urge thee
to discover thy self by taking arms for him:
and evil advised Princes; to avoyd the present dangers,
folow often times that way of neutrality, and most
commonly go to ruine: but when a Prince discovers
himself strongly in favor of a party; if he to whom
thou cleavest, overcomes; however that he be puissant,
and thou remainest at his disposing, he is oblig’d
to thee, and there is a contract of friendship made;
and men are never so openly dishonest, as with such
a notorious example of dishonesty to oppress thee.
Besides victories are never so prosperous, that the
conqueror is like neglect all respects, and especially
of justice. But if he to whom thou stickst, loses,
thou art received by him; and, while he is able, he
aydes thee, and so thou becomest partner of a fortune
that may arise again; the second case, when they that
enter into the lists together, are of such quality,
that thou needest not fear him that vanquisheth, so
much the more is it discretion in thee to stick to
him; for thou goest to ruine one with his assistance,
who ought to do the best he could to save him, if
he were well advised; and he overcomming, is left
at thy discretion; and it is unpossible but with thy
ayd he must overcome. And here it is to be noted,
that a Prince should be well aware never to joyn with
any one more powerfull than himself, to offend another,
unless upon necessity, as formerly is said. For
when he overcomes, thou art left at his discretion,
and Princes ought avoid as much as they are able,
to stand at anothers discretion. The Venetians
took part with France against the Duke of Milan, and
yet could have avoided that partaking, from which
proceeded their ruine. But when it cannot be
avoyded, as it befel the Florentines when the Pope
and the King of Spain went both with their armies
to Lombardy, there the Prince ought to side with them
Page 241
for the reasons aforesaid. Nor let any State
think they are able to make such sure parties, but
rather that they are all doubtfull; for in the order
of things we find it alwaies, that whensoever a man
seeks to avoid one inconvenient, he incurs another.
But the principal point of judgement, is in discerning
between the qualities of inconvenients, and not taking
the bad for the good. Moreover a Prince ought
to shew himself a lover of vertue, and that he honors
those that excel in every Art. Afterwards ought
he encourage his Citizens, whereby they may be enabled
quickly to exercise their faculties as well in merchandise,
and husbandry, as in any other kind of traffick, to
the end that no man forbear to adorne and cultivate
his possessions for fear that he be despoyled of them;
or any other to open the commerce upon the danger
of heavy impositions: but rather to provide rewards
for those that shall set these matters afoot, or for
any one else that shall any way amplifie his City
or State. Besides he ought in the fit times of
the year entertain the people with Feasts and Maskes;
and because every City is devided into Companies,
and arts, and Tribes, he ought to take special notice
of those bodies, and some times afford them a meeting,
and give them some proof of his humanity, and magnificence;
yet withall holding firme the majestie of his State;
for this must never fail in any case.
CHAP. XXII
Touching Princes Secretaries.
It is no small importance to a Prince, the choyce
he makes, of servants being ordinarily good or bad,
as his wisdome is. And the first conjecture one
gives of a great man, and of his understanding, is,
upon the sight of his followers and servants he hath
about him, when they prove able and faithful, and
then may he alwaies be reputed wise because he hath
known how to discern those that are able, and to keep
them true to him. But when they are otherwise,
there can be no good conjecture made of him; for the
first error he commits, is in this choyce. There
was no man that had any knowledge of Antonio of Vanafro,
the servant of Pandulfus Petrucci Prince of Sicily,
who did not esteem Pandulfus for a very discreet man,
having him for his servant. And because there
are three kinds of understandings; the one that is
advised by it self; the other that understands when
it is informed by another; the third that neither
is advised by it self nor by the demonstration of another;
the first is best, the second is good, and the last
quite unprofitable. Therefore it was of necessity,
that if Pandulfus attaind not the first degree, yet
he got to the second; for whenever any one hath the
judgement to discerne between the good and the evil,
that he does and sayes, however that he hath not his
distinction from himself, yet still comes he to take
notice of the good or evil actions of that servant;
and those he cherishes, and these he suppresses; insomuch
that the servant finding no means to deceive his master,
Page 242
keeps himself upright and honest. But how a Prince
may throughly understand his servant, here is the
way that never fails. When thou seest the servant
study more for his own advantage than thine, and that
in all his actions, he searches most after his own
profit; this man thus qualified, shall never prove
good servant, nor canst thou ever relie upon him:
for he that holds the Sterne of the State in hand,
ought never call home his cares to his own particular,
but give himself wholly over to his Princes service,
nor ever put him in minde of any thing not appertaining
to him. And on the other side the Prince to keep
him good to him, ought to take a care for his servant,
honoring him, enriching, and obliging him to him, giving
him part both of dignities and offices, to the end
that the many honors and much wealth bestowed on him,
may restrain his desires from other honors, and other
wealth, and that those many charges cause him to fear
changes that may fall, knowing he is not able to stand
without his master. And when both the Princes
and the servants are thus disposed, they may rely
the one upon the other: when otherwise, the end
will ever prove hurtfull for the one as well as for
the other.
CHAP. XXIII
That Flatterers are to be avoyded.
I will not omit one principle of great inportance,
being an errour from which Princes with much difficulty
defend themselves, unlesse they be very discreet,
and make a very good choice; and this is concerning
flatterers; whereof all writings are full: and
that because men please themselves so much in their
own things, and therein cozen themselves, that very
hardly can they escape this pestilence; and desiring
to escape it, there is danger of falling into contempt;
for there is no other way to be secure from flattery,
but to let men know, that they displease thee not
in telling thee truth: but when every one hath
this leave, thou losest thy reverence. Therefore
ought a wise Prince take a third course, making choyce
of some understanding men in his State, and give only
to them a free liberty of speaking to him the truth;
and touching those things only which he inquires of,
and nothing else; but he ought to be inquisitive of
every thing, and hear their opinions, and then afterwards
advise himself after his own manner; and in these deliberations,
and with every one of them so carrie himself, that
they all know, that the more freely they shall speak,
the better they shall be liked of: and besides
those, not give eare to any one; and thus pursue the
thing resolved on, and thence continue obstinate in
the resolution taken. He who does otherwise,
either falls upon flatterers, or often changes upon
the varying of opinions, from whence proceeds it that
men conceive but slightly of him. To this purpose
I will alledge you a moderne example. Peter Lucas
a servant of Maximilians the present Emperor, speaking
of his Majesty, said that he never advised with any
Page 243
body, nor never did any thing after his own way:
which was because he took a contrary course to what
we have now said: for the Emperor is a close man,
who communicates his secrets to none, nor takes counsel
of any one; but as they come to be put in practise,
they begin to be discovered and known, and so contradicted
by those that are near about him; and he as being an
easy man, is quickly wrought from them. Whence
it comes that what he does to day, he undoes on the
morrow; and that he never understands himself what
he would, nor what he purposes, and that there is no
grounding upon any of his resolutions. A Prince
therefore ought alwayes to take counsell, but at his
owne pleasure, and not at other mens; or rather should
take away any mans courage to advise him of any thing,
but what he askes: but he ought well to aske
at large, and then touching the things inquird of,
be a patient hearer of the truth; and perceiving that
for some respect the truth were conceald from him,
be displeased thereat. And because some men have
thought that a Prince that gaines the opinion to bee
wise, may bee held so, not by his owne naturall indowments,
but by the good counsells he hath about him; without
question they are deceivd; for this is a generall
rule and never failes, that a Prince who of himselfe
is not wise, can never be well advised, unlesse he
should light upon one alone, wholly to direct and
govern him, who himself were a very wise man.
In this case it is possible he may be well governd:
but this would last but little: for that governor
in a short time would deprive him of his State; but
a Prince not having any parts of nature, being advised
of more then one, shall never be able to unite these
counsels: of himself shall he never know how
to unite them; and each one of the Counsellers, probably
will follow that which is most properly his owne; and
he shall never find the meanes to amend or discerne
these things; nor can they fall out otherwise, because
men alwayes prove mischievous, unlesse upon some necessity
they be forc’d to become good: we conclude
therefore, that counsells from whencesoever they proceed,
must needs take their beginning from the Princes wisdome,
and not the wisdome of the Prince from good counsells.
In this Chapter our Authour prescribes
some rules how to avoyd flattery, and not to fall
into contempt. The extent of these two extreames
is so large on both sides, that there is left but a
very narrow path for the right temper to walke
between them both: and happy were that Prince,
who could light on so good a Pilote as to bring
him to Port between those rocks and those quicksands.
Where Majesty becomes familiar, unlesse endued with
a super-eminent vertue, it loses all awfull regards:
as the light of the Sunne, because so ordinary,
because so common, we should little value, were
it not that all Creatures feele themselves quickned
by the rayes thereof. On the other side, Omnis
insipiens arrogantia et plausibus capitur, Every
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foole is taken with his owne pride and others
flatteryes: and this foole keeps company
so much with all great wise men, that hardly with
a candle and lantern can they be discernd betwixt.
The greatest men are more subject to grosse and
palpable flatteries; and especially the greatest
of men, who are Kings and Princes: for many
seek the Rulers favour. Prov. 28. 26. For
there are divers meanes whereby private men are
instructed; Princes have not that good hap:
but they whose instruction is of most importance,
so soone as they have taken the government upon them,
no longer suffer any reproovers: for but few have
accesse unto them, and they who familiary converse
with them, doe and say all for favour. Isocrat,
to Nicocles, All are afraid to give him occasion
of displeasure, though by telling him truth. To
this purpose therefore sayes one; a Prince excells
in learning to ride the great horse, rather than
in any other exercise, because his horse being
no flatterer, will shew him he makes no difference
between him and another man, and unlesse he keepe his
seate well, will lay him on the ground. This
is plaine dealing. Men are more subtile,
more double-hearted, they have a heart and a heart
neither is their tongue their hearts true interpreter.
Counsell in the heart of man is like deepe waters;
but a man of understanding will draw it out. Prov.
20. 5. This understanding is most requisite
in a Prince, inasmuch as the whole Globe is in
his hand, and the inferiour Orbes are swayed by
the motion of the highest. And therefore surely
it is the honour of a King to search out such
a secret: Prov. 25. 2. His counsellours
are his eyes and eares; as they ought to be dear to
him, so they ought to be true to him, and make
him the true report of things without disguise.
If they prove false eyes, let him pluck them out;
he may as they use glasse eyes, take them forth
without paine, and see never a whit the worse for it.
The wisdome of a Princes Counsellours is a great
argument of the Princes wisdome. And being
the choyce of them imports the Princes credit
and safety, our Authour will make him amends for his
other errours by his good advice in his 22 Chap. whether
I referre him.
CHAP. XXIV
Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their States.
When these things above said are well observ’d,
they make a new Prince seeme as if he had been of
old, and presently render him more secure and firme
in the State, than if he had already grown ancient
therein: for a new Prince is much more observd
in his action, than a Prince by inheritance; and when
they are known to bee vertuous, men are much more
gaind and oblig’d to them thereby, than by the
antiquity of their blood: for men are much more
taken by things present, than by things past, and
when in the present they find good, they content themselves
therein, and seeke no further; or rather they undertake
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the defence of him to their utmost, when the Prince
is not wanting in other matters to himself; and so
shall he gaine double glory to have given a beginning
to a new Principality, adornd, and strengthnd it with
good lawes, good arms, good friends, and good examples;
as he shall have double shame, that is born a Prince,
and by reason of his small discretion hath lost it.
And if we shall consider those Lords, that in Italy
have lost their States in our dayes, as the King of
Naples, the Duke of Milan, and others; first we shall
find in them a common defect, touching their armes,
for the reasons which have been above discoursd at
length. Afterwards we shall see some of them,
that either shall have had the people for their enemies;
or be it they had the people to friend, could never
know how to assure themselves of the great ones:
for without such defects as these, States are not
lost, which have so many nerves, that they are able
to maintaine an army in the feld. Philip of Macedon,
not the father of Alexander the Great, but he that
was vanquished by Titus Quintius, had not much State
in regard of the greatnesse of the Romanes and of Greece
that assail’d him; neverthelesse in that he was
a warlike man and knew how to entertaine the people,
and assure himself of the Nobles, for many yeares
he made the warre good against them: and though
at last some town perhaps were taken from him, yet
the Kingdome remaind in his hands still. Wherefore
these our Princes who for many yeares had continued
in their Principalities, for having afterwards lost
them, let them not blame Fortune, but their own sloth;
because they never having thought during the time
of quiet, that they could suffer a change (which is
the common fault of men, while faire weather lasts,
not to provide for the tempest) when afterwards mischiefes
came upon them, thought rather upon flying from them,
than upon their defence, and hop’d that the people,
weary of the vanquishers insolence, would recall them:
which course when the others faile, is good:
but very ill is it to leave the other remedies for
that: for a man wou’d never go to fall,
beleeving another would come to take him up:
which may either not come to passe, or if it does,
it is not for thy security, because that defence of
his is vile, and depends not upon thee; but those
defences only are good, certaine, and durable, which
depend upon thy owne selfe, and thy owne vertues.
CHAP. XXV
How great power Fortune hath in humane affaires, and
what meanes there is to resist it.
It is not unknown unto me, how that many have held
opinion, and still hold it, that the affaires of the
world are so governd by fortune, and by God, that
men by their wisdome cannot amend or alter them; or
rather that there is no remedy for them: and
hereupon they would think that it were of no availe
to take much paines in any thing, but leave all to
be governd by chance. This opinion hath gain’d
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the more credit in our dayes, by reason of the great
alteration of things, which we have of late seen,
and do every day see, beyond all humane conjecture:
upon which, I sometimes thinking, am in some parte
inclind to their opinion: neverthelesse not to
extinguish quite our owne free will, I think it may
be true, that Fortune is the mistrisse of one halfe
of our actions; but yet that she lets us have rule
of the other half, or little lesse. And I liken
her to a precipitous torrent, which when it rages,
over-flows the plaines, overthrowes the trees, and
buildings, removes the earth from one side, and laies
it on another, every one flyes before it, every one
yeelds to the fury thereof, as unable to withstand
it; and yet however it be thus, when the times are
calmer, men are able to make provision against these
excesses, with banks and fences so, that afterwards
when it swels again, it shall all passe smoothly along,
within its channell, or else the violence thereof
shall not prove so licentious and hurtfull. In
like manner befals it us with fortune, which there
shewes her power where vertue is not ordeind to resist
her, and thither turnes she all her forces, where
she perceives that no provisions nor resistances are
made to uphold her. And if you shall consider
Italy, which is the seat of these changes, and that
which hath given them their motions, you shall see
it to be a plaine field, without any trench or bank;
which had it been fenc’d with convenient vertue
as was Germany, Spain or France; this inundation would
never have causd these great alterations it hath,
or else would it not have reach’d to us:
and this shall suffice to have said, touching the
opposing of fortune in generall. But restraining
my selfe more to particulars, I say that to day we
see a Prince prosper and flourish and to morrow utterly
go to ruine; not seeing that he hath alterd any condition
or quality; which I beleeve arises first from the
causes which we have long since run over, that is because
that Prince that relies wholly upon fortune, runnes
as her wheele turnes. I beleeve also, that he
proves the fortunate man, whose manner of proceeding
meets with the quality of the time; and so likewise
he unfortunate from whose course of proceeding the
times differ: for we see that men, in the things
that induce them to the end, (which every one propounds
to himselfe, as glory and riches) proceed therein
diversly; some with respects, others more bold, and
rashly; one with violence, and th’other with
cunning; the one with patience, th’other with
its contrary; and every one of severall wayes may
attaine thereto; we see also two very respective and
wary men, the one come to his purpose, and th’other
not; and in like maner two equally prosper, taking
divers course; the one being wary the other head-strong;
which proceeds from nothing else, but from the quality
of the times, which agree, or not, with their proceedings.
From hence arises that which I said, that two working
diversly, produce the same effect: and two equaly
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working, the one attains his end, the other not.
Hereupon depends the alteration of the good; for if
to one that behaves himself with warinesse and patience,
times and affaires turne so favourably, that the carriage
of his businesse prove well, he prospers; but if the
times and affaires chance, he is ruind, because he
changes not his manner of proceeding: nor is
there any man so wise, that can frame himselfe hereunto;
as well because he cannot go out of the way, from
that whereunto Nature inclines him: as also,
for that one having alwayes prosperd, walking such
a way, cannot be perswaded to leave it; and therefore
the respective and wary man, when it is fit time for
him to use violence and force, knows not how to put
it in practice, whereupon he is ruind: but if
he could change his disposition with the times and
the affaires, he should not change his fortune.
Pope Julius the second proceeded in all his actions
with very great violence, and found the times and
things so conformable to that his manner of proceeding
that in all of them he had happy successe. Consider
the first exploit he did at Bolonia, even while John
Bentivolio lived: the Venetians were not well
contented therewith; the King of Spaine likewise with
the French, had treated of that enterprise; and notwithstanding
al this, he stirrd up by his own rage and fiercenesse,
personally undertook that expedition: which action
of his put in suspence and stopt Spaine and the Venetians;
those for feare, and the others for desire to recover
the Kingdome of Naples; and on the other part drew
after him the King of France; for that King seeing
him already in motion, and desiring to hold him his
friend, whereby to humble the Venetians, thought he
could no way deny him his souldiers, without doing
him an open injury. Julius then effected that
with his violent and heady motion, which no other
Pope with all humane wisdome could ever have done;
for if he had expected to part from Rome with his conclusions
settled, and all his affaires ordered before hand,
as any other Pope would have done, he had never brought
it to passe: For the King of France would have
devised a thousand excuses, and others would have put
him in as many feares. I will let passe his other
actions, for all of them were alike, and all of them
prov’d lucky to him; and the brevity of his
life never sufferd him to feele the contrary:
for had he litt upon such times afterwards, that it
had been necessary for him to proceed with respects,
there had been his utter ruine; for he would never
have left those wayes, to which he had been naturally
inclind. I conclude then, fortune varying, and
men continuing still obstinate to their own wayes,
prove happy, while these accord together: and
as they disagree, prove unhappy: and I think
it true, that it is better to be heady than wary;
because Fortune is a mistresse; and it is necessary,
to keep her in obedience to ruffle and force her:
and we see, that she suffers her self rather to be
masterd by those, than by others that proceed coldly.
And therefore, as a mistresse, shee is a friend to
young men, because they are lesse respective, more
rough, and command her with more boldnesse.
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I have considered the 25 Chapter, as
representing me a full view of humane policy and
cunning: yet me thinks it cannot satisfie a Christian
in the causes of the good and bad successe of things.
The life of man is like a game at Tables; skill
availes much I grant, but that’s not all:
play thy game well, but that will not winne:
the chance thou throwest must accord with thy play.
Examine this; play never so surely, play never
so probably, unlesse the chance thou castest,
lead thee forward to advantage, all hazards are
losses, and thy sure play leaves thee in the lurch.
The sum of this is set down in Ecclesiastes chap. 9.
v. 11. The race is not to the swift, nor
the battell to the strong: neither yet bread
to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding,
nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance
hapeneth to them all. Our cunning Author for all
his exact rules he delivere in his books, could
not fence against the despight of Fortune, as
he complaines in his Epistle to this booke.
Nor that great example of policy, Duke Valentine, whome
our Author commends to Princes for his crafts-master,
could so ruffle or force his mistresse Fortune,
that he could keep her in obedience. Man
can contribute no more to his actions than vertue
and wisdome: but the successe depends upon
a power above. Surely there is the finger
of god; or as Prov. 16. v. 33. ’The lot
is cast into the lap, but the whole disposing
thereof is of the Lord.’ It was not
Josephs wisdome made all things thrive under his
hand; but because the Lord was with him; and that which
he did, the Lord made it to prosper, Gen. 39.
Surely this is a blessing proceeding from the
divine providence, which beyond humane capacity
so cooperateth with the causes, as that their effects
prove answerable, and sometimes (that we may know there
is something above the ordinary causes) the success
returns with such a supereminency of worth, that
it far exceeds the vertue of the ordinary causes.
CHAP. XXVI
An Exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarians.
Having then weighed all things above discours’d,
and devising with my self, whether at this present
in Italy the time might serve to honor a new Prince,
and whether there were matter that might minister occasion
to a wise and valorous Prince, to introduce such a
forme, that might do honor to him, and good to the
whole generality of the people in the countrey:
me thinks so many things concurre in favor of a new
Prince, that I know not whether there were ever any
time more proper for this purpose. And if as
I said, it was necessary, desiring to see Moses his
vertue, that the children of Israel should be inthrald
in AEgypt; and to have experience of the magnanimity
of Cyrus his mind, that the Persians should be oppress’d
by the Medes; and to set forth the excellency of Theseus,
that the Athenians should be dispersed; so at this
present now we are desirous to know the valor of an
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Italian spirit, it were necessary Italy should be
reduc’d to the same termes it is now in, and
were in more slavery than the Hebrews were; more subject
than the Persians, more scatterd than the Athenians;
without head, without order, battered, pillaged, rent
asunder, overrun, and had undergone all kind of destruction.
And however even in these later dayes, we have had
some kind of shew of hope in some one, whereby we
might have conjectur’d, that he had been ordained
for the deliverance hereof, yet it prov’d afterwards,
that in the very height of all his actions he was curb’d
by fortune, insomuch that this poore countrey remaining
as it were without life, attends still for him that
shall heal her wounds, give an end to all those pillagings
and sackings of Lombardy, to those robberies and taxations
of the Kingdome, and of Tuscany, and heal them of their
soars, now this long time gangren’d. We
see how she makes her prayers to God, that he send
some one to redeem her from these Barbarous cruelties
and insolencies. We see her also wholly ready
and disposed to follow any colours, provided there
be any one take them up. Nor do we see at this
present, that she can look for other, than your Illustrious
Family, to become Cheiftain of this deliverance, which
hath now by its own vertue and Fortune been so much
exalted, and favored by God and the Church, whereof
it now holds the Principality: and this shall
not be very hard for you to do, if you shall call
to mind the former actions, and lives of those that
are above named. And though those men were very
rare and admirable, yet were they men, and every one
of them began upon less occasion than this; for neither
was their enterprize more just than this, nor more
easie; nor was God more their friend, than yours.
Here is very great justice: for that war is just,
that is necessary; and those armes are religious,
when there is no hope left otherwhere, but in them.
Here is an exceeding good disposition thereto:
nor can there be, where there is a good disposition,
a giant difficulty, provided that use be made of those
orders, which I propounded for aim and direction to
you. Besides this, here we see extraordinary
things without example effected by God; the sea was
opened, a cloud guided the way, devotion poured forth
the waters, and it rain’d down Manna; all these
things have concurred in your greatness, the rest
is left for you to do. God will not do every
thing himself, that he may not take from us our free
will, and of that glory that belongs to us. Neither
is it a marvel, if any of the aforenamed Italians
have not been able to compass that, which we may hope
your illustrious family shall: though in so many
revolutions of Italy, and so many feats of war, it
may seem that the whole military vertue therein be
quite extinguisht; for this arises from that the ancient
orders thereof were not good; and there hath since
been none that hath known how to invent new ones.
Nothing can so much honor a man rising anew, as new
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laws and new ordinances devised by him: these
things when they have a good foundation given them,
and contain in them their due greatness, gain him
reverence and admiration; and in Italy their wants
not the matter wherein to introduce any forme.
Here is great vertue in the members, were it not wanting
in the heads. Consider in the single fights that
have been, and duels, how much the Italians have excel’d
in their strength, activity and address; but when they
come to armies, they appear not, and all proceeds
from the weakness of the Chieftaines; for they that
understand the managing of these matters, are not
obeyed; and every one presumes to understand; hitherto
there having not been any one so highly raised either
by fortune or vertue, as that others would submit
unto him. From hence proceeds it, that in so long
time, and in so many battels fought for these last
past 20 years, when there hath been an army wholly
Italian, it alwaies hath had evil success; whereof
the river Tarus first was witness, afterwards Alexandria,
Capua, Genua, Vayla, Bolonia, Mestri. Your Illustrious
family then being desirous to tread the footsteps of
these Worthyes who redeem’d their countreys,
must above all things as the very foundation of the
whole fabrick, be furnished with soldiers of your own
natives: because you cannot have more faithful,
true, nor better soldiers; and though every one of
them be good, all together they will become better
when they shall find themselves entertained, commanded,
and honored by their own Prince. Wherefore it
is necessary to provide for those armes, whereby to
be able with the Italian valor to make a defence against
forreiners. And however the Swisse infantry and
Spanish be accounted terrible; yet is there defect
in both of them, by which a third order might not
only oppose them, but may be confident to vanquish
them: for the Spaniards are not able to indure
the Horse, and the Swisse are to feare the foot, when
they incounter with them, as resolute in the fight
as they; whereupon it hath been seen, and upon experience
shall be certain, that the Spaniards are not able
to beare up against the French Cavalery, and the Swisses
have been routed by the Spanish Foot. And though
touching this last, there hath not been any entire
experience had, yet was there some proof thereof given
in the battel of Ravenna, when the Spanish Foot affronted
the Dutch battalions, which keep the same rank the
Swisses do, where the Spaniards with their nimbleness
of body, and the help of their targets entred in under
their Pikes, and there stood safe to offend them,
the Dutch men having no remedy: and had it not
been for the Cavalery that rusht in upon them, they
had quite defeated them. There may then (the
defect of the one and other of these two infantries
being discoverd) another kind of them be anew ordained,
which may be able to make resistance against the Horse,
and not fear the Foot, which shall not be a new sort
of armes, but change of orders. And these are
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some of those things which ordained a new, gain reputation
and greatness to a new Prince. Therefore this
occasion should not be let pass, to the end that Italy
after so long a time may see some one redeemer of
hers appear. Nor can I express with what dearness
of affection he would be received in all those countreys
which have suffered by those forrein scums, with what
thirst of revenge, with what resolution of fidelity,
with what piety, with what tears. Would any gates
be shut again him? Any people deny him obedience?
Any envy oppose him? Would not every Italian
fully consent with him? This government of the
Barbarians stinks in every ones nostrils. Let
your Illustrious Family then undertake this worthy
exployt with that courage and those hopes wherewith
such just actions are to be attempted; to the end that
under your colours, this countrey may be enabled, and
under the protection of your fortune that saying of
Petrarch be verifyed.
Virtu contr’ al fuore Prendera
l’arme, e fia il combatter corto: Che
l’antico valore Ne gli Italici cor non e morto.
Vertue against fury shall advance the
fight,
And it i’ th’ combate soon
shall put to flight:
For th’ old Roman valor is not dead,
Nor in th’ Italians brests extinguished.
FINIS