Game and Playe of the Chesse eBook
Game and Playe of the Chesse by William Caxton
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Table of Contents
Page 1
INTRODUCTION.
Jonathon Oldbuck on the Game of Chess, 1474
The First Edition: copies in libraries and at
sales
Where was it printed?
Caxton’s account of the translation
The Second Edition: copies in libraries and at
sales
Ferron and De Vignay’s “Jeu d’Echecs”
Jacques de Cessoles: “Liber de Moribus
hominum”
Sermons on Chess
AEgidius Romanus, his life and his book: “De
Regimine Principum”
Occleve’s imitation
William Caxton as a translator
Bibliography of the Chess Book:
Colonna
Cessoles
Ferron and De Vignay
Conrad van Ammenhaufen
Mennel
Heinrich von Beringen
Stephan
Caxton
Sloane
The scope and language of the Chess-book
Authors quoted and named
Biblical names and allusions
Xerxes the inventor of Chess!
Sidrac
John the monk
Truphes of the Philosophers
Helinand
Classical allusions
Mediaeval allusions and stories
John of Ganazath
St. Bernard
The dishonest trader
The drunken hermit
A violent remedy
Murder of Nero
Theodorus Cyrenaicus
Democritus of Abdera
Socrates disguised
Didymus and raised letters for the blind
Shaksperean etymology
Caxton at Ghent
The history of Chess
The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book
THE GAME OF THE CHESSE.
Dedication to the Duke of Clarence
Prologue to second edition
BOOK I.
This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/
The first traytee is of the
Invencion of this playe of the chesse/
and conteyneth. iii.
chapitres.
The first chapitre is under what
kynge this play was founden.
The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this
playe.
The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of.
iii. causes why hit was made and
founden.
BOOK II.
The seconde traytee treteth of the
chesse men/ and
conteyneth .v. chapitres.
The first chapitre treteth of the
forme of a kynge and of suche
thinges as apperteyn to a kynge.
The .ii. chapitre treteth of y’e
quene & her forme & maners.
The .iii. chapitre of the forme
of the alphins and her offices and
maners.
The .iiii. chapitre is of the knygth
and of his offices.
The .v. is of the rooks and of their
maners and offices.
BOOK III.
The thirde traytee is of the offices
of the comyn peple And hath
.viii. chapitres.
The first chapitre is of the labourers
& tilinge of the erthe.
The .ii. of smythis and other werkes
in yron & metall.
The .iii. is of drapers and makers
of cloth & notaries.
Page 2
The .iiii. is of marchantes and
chaungers.
The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens
and apotecaries.
The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers.
The .vii. is of y’e gardes
of the citees & tollers & customers.
The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars
and currours.
BOOK IV.
The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng
and yssue of them And hath .viii.
chapitres.
The first is of the eschequer.
The seconde of the yssue and progression
of the kynge.
The thirde of the yssue of the quene.
The fourth is of the yssue of the
alphyns.
The fifth is of the yssue of the
knyghtes.
The sixty chapitre of the yssue
of the rooks.
The seuenth is of the meuynge &
yssue of the comyn peple.
And the eyght and laste chapitre
is of the epilegacion and of the
recapitulacion of all these forsaid
chapitres.
GLOSSARY
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
The readers of the “Antiquary” will remember
the anecdote told with so much effusion by Jonathan
Oldbuck. ’"Davy Wilson,” he said, “commonly
called Snuffy Davy, from his inveterate addiction to
black rappee, was the very prince of scouts for searching
blind alleys, cellars, and stalls, for rare volumes.
He had the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the snap
of a bull-dog. He would detect you an old black-letter
ballad among the leaves of a law-paper, and find an
editio princeps under the mask of a school
Corderius. Snuffy Davy bought the ‘Game
of Chess, 1474,’ the first book ever printed
in England, from a stall in Holland for about two
groschen, or two-pence of our money. He sold it
to Osborne for twenty pounds, and as many books as
came to twenty pounds more. Osborne re-sold this
inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for sixty guineas.
At Dr. Askew’s sale,” continued the old
gentleman, kindling as he spoke, “this inestimable
treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased
by Royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds!
Could a copy now occur, Lord only knows,” he
ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up hands, “Lord
only knows what would be its ransom; and yet it was
originally secured, by skill and research, for the
easy equivalent of two-pence sterling."’
Sir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:—“This
bibliomaniacal anecdote is literally true; and David
Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren of the
Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage.”
Mr. Blades, whose iconoclastic temper is not moved
to mercy even by this good story, says that although
it “looks like a true bibliographical anecdote,”
its appearance is deceptive, and that “not a
single statement is founded on fact."[1]
Page 3
Jonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum
that would ransom a copy of the “Game of Chesse,”
and the world of the bibliomania has moved even since
his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and
were recounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have
been surpassed in these latter days, and the chances
of any successor of “Snuffy Davy” buying
a Caxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced.
According to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best
authority on the subject, there are but ten copies
known of the first edition of the “Chesse”
book.[2] There is a perfect copy in the King’s
Library in the British Museum. This is what ought
to be Snuffy Davy’s copy. A previous owner—R.
Boys—has noted that it cost him 3_s_.
The copy in the Grenville Library has the table and
last leaf supplied in facsimile. The copy in
the Public Library at Cambridge is defective to the
extent of five leaves. The Bodleian copy wants
the last leaf. The Duke of Devonshire’s
copy formerly belonged to Roger Wilbraham, and the
first and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile.
The exemplar belonging to the Earl of Pembroke is
perfect, “but on weak and stained paper.”
Earl Spencer’s copy is perfect, clean, and unusually
large. Mr. H. Cunliffe’s copy came from
the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, and wants the first
two printed leaves, two near the end, and the last
two. Mr. J. Holford’s copy is perfect and
in its original binding. It was once in the library
of Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate
shows. On a fly-leaf is written, “Ex dono
Thomae Delves, Baronett 1682.” The copy
belonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and
wants the dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed.
The book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions
or eight leaves folded together and one quinternion
or section of five sheets folded together, making
in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and
last are blank. The only type used throughout
is that styled No. 1 by Mr. Blades. The lines
are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches;
a full page has thirty-one lines. Without title-page,
signatures, numerals, or catch-words. The volume,
as already mentioned, begins with a blank leaf, and
on the second recto is Caxton’s prologue, space
being left for a two-line initial, without director.
The text begins with a dedication:—“(T)o
the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince
George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of Salisburye/
grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland
oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god
kynge of England and of France/ your most humble servant
william Caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes
unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon
your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and.”
The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:—“And
sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble.
Joyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid
the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god. a.
thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii. *. *. *. *.”
The seventy-fourth leaf is blank.
Page 4
It is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes
into the market. The recorded sales are very
few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy for
13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West’s copy was bought
by George iii. for.L32 0s. 6d. Alchorne’s
imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for L54 12s., and
at the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord
Audley for L31 10s., and was again transferred, in
1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe for L60
l0s. 0d.[3] Mr. J. Holford’s copy was bought
at the Mainwaring sale for L101.
The last copy offered for sale was described in one
of Mr. Bernard Quaritch’s catalogues issued
in 1872, and the account given by that veteran bibliopole
is well worth reproduction.
Caxton’s game and play of
chess moralized, (translated 1474) first
edition, folio, 65 leaves (of the 72), bound
in old ruffia gilt, L400.
[Blackletter: Fynyshid the
last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God,
a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii....]
An extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy
of
The first book printed in
england, from Caxton’s press.
Mr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect),
the present is the 10th known copy, and is taller
than even the Grenville—hitherto the tallest
known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height
by 8 in width, whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect)
is only 11 inches high.
Collation of my copy:
[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees]
1 leaf.
[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first
tractate] 1 leaf.
[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right
wysly,]
etc. to the end
62 leaves.
The last leaf with the date:
[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,]
ending: [Blackletter: fynyshed],
etc. 1474 1 leaf.
-------------
65
leaves.
My copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones
being out of question. The imperfections include
the first leaf, and two leaves in the second chapitre
of the fourth tractate, the end is all right.
I should be glad to hear of any imperfect copy
of this work, which would supply me with what I want.
In the mean time this precious relic of the Infancy
of Printing in England can be feen by buyers of
Rare books.
See Dibdin’s Bibl. Spenc. IV.
p. 189.
No copy of this edition has been sold for years; in
1813, Alchorne’s copy, wanting first two leaves,
the last two leaves and two leaves in the second chapter
of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans’, L54.
12_s_. The value of this class of books has much
risen since then, and may now be considered, as ten
times greater.
Page 5
In comparing the first edition of “Caxton’s
Game of Chess” with the second, one perceives
many variations in the spelling. I confider the
first edition to be the more interesting, for
a variety of reasons:
1. It is the first book printed in England.
2. It is the Editio princeps of the English
version. 3. It shows the Art of Printing in its
crudest form. 4. It has a Post-script not in
the second edition.
Both editions run on together to the passage on the
last page of the second edition:
[Blackletter: And a mon that lyvyth in thys
world without vertues lyveth not as a man but as a
beste.]
The first edition ends thus:
[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted
Lord I pray almighty god to save the Kyng our soverain
lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a Kynge tabounde
in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes
in such wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/
habounde in vertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice
kepte/ the royame defended good men rewarded malefactours
punyshid the ydle peple to be put to laboure that
he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously.
In conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas
and charitie may endure in both his royames and that
marchandise may have his cours in suche wise that
every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous occupacions
/ Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and
symple book made under the hope and shadow of your
noble protection by hym that is your most humble servant
in gree and thanke. And I shall praye almighty
god for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve
And sende now thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous
and vertuous desirs Amen:|:
Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord
god a. thousand four hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.]
The second edition ends thus:
[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion
he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde.
take therby ensaumple to amend hym. Explicit
per Caxton.]
This copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.[4]
It will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the editio
princeps of Caxton’s “Game and Play
of the Chesse” the first book printed in England.
This was the general opinion of bibliographers before
the investigations of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although
he seems to have had some doubt, pronounced in favour
of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous.
The only materials for judgment are those afforded
by the colophon and the prologue to the second edition,
with the silent but eloquent testimony of typography.
Caxton ends the first edition with the words:—“Fynysshid
the last day of Marche the yer of our lord god a thousand
four hondred and LXXIIII.” The word “fynysshid,”
as Mr. Blades observes, “has doubtless the same
signification here as in the epilogue to the second
book of Caxton’s translation of the Histories
Page 6
of Troy, ‘Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt
and finysshed in Coleyn,’ which evidently refers
to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, has
been affixed, because in the Low Countries at that
time the year commenced on Easter-day; this in 1474
fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of the
conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same
year being the earliest possible period of its appearance
as a printed book.” Then there is Caxton’s
own racy account of the circumstances under which the
book first appeared:—
“And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke
of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late
vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not
lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne
emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte
in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal
of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the same
and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche
at suche tyme as I was resident in brudgys in the
counte of Flaundres cam into my handes/ whiche whan
I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful necessarye
for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes
And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/
ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh ne latyn J delybered in
my self to translate it in to our maternal tonge/
And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ J
dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/
Whiche anone were depesshed and solde wherfore by
cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and
requysyte vnto euery astate and degree/ J haue purposed
to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche
persons as longen to the playe.”
It is clear from this that both the translation and
printing belong to the period of Caxton’s residence
in Bruges. From the use of the instrumental form
“dyde doo sette en enprynte” it might be
thought that Caxton employed the services of some
printer, but although commonly so employed, there
are instances which will not bear this interpretation
of its intention.[5] He either employed a printer
or made some partnerfhip with one, and there are various
indications that confirm Mr. Blades’ theory
that the book came from the press of Colard Mansion.
The second edition is undoubtedly the work of our
first English printer. “Explicit per Caxton”
is the unambiguous statement of the colophon.
It is a much more advanced specimen of typography
than the first edition. It has signatures, of
which a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, are quaternions,
k and l are terternions, making in all
eighty-four leaves, of which the first is blank.
There is no title-page, and the type used is that
which Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines
are spaced out to an even length. There are twenty-nine
lines to a full page, and the full line measures 4-7/8
inches. The prologue begins on a ij.,
and the table of chapters begins on the next page.
The text begins on the recto of a iii.
Page 7
The text ends on the recto of l 6, the last
page being blank. There are sixteen woodcuts in
the volume, which are used twenty-four times.
There has been some diversity of opinion as to the
year in which this “Game of the Chesse”
came from the press of Caxton. The book is not
dated. Dibdin thought it one of the printer’s
earliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as the earliest
issue of the Westminster press, and further believed
that it was printed from cut metal types. This
is not the view of Mr. Blades, who says: “An
examination of the work, however, with a typographical
eye does not afford a single evidence of very early
workmanship. All Caxton’s early books were
uneven in the length of their lines—this
is quite even. Not one of the early works had
any signatures—this is signed throughout.
These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix
its date of impression at least as late as 1480, when
Caxton first began the use of signatures; but when
we find that every known copy of this edition of the
‘Chess-Book’ presents a thicker and more
worn appearance than any one copy of any other book,
there is good reason for supposing that this may have
followed the ‘Tulli’ of 1481, and have
been the last book for which Type No. 2* was used."[6]
Mr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even
fewer exemplars remain of the second edition than
of its predecessor. The copy in the King’s
Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting
several leaves, and is mended in many places.
The copy in the Pepysian Collection at Cambridge wants
one-half of the last leaf. Trinity College, Cambridge,
has a perfect copy, “but a bad impression.”
The Bodleian copy is defective in not having the last
leaf. St. John’s College, Oxford, has a
copy, from which one-half of d iii. has been
torn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has
an imperfect copy. The Duke of Devonshire’s
copy is perfect, but it is “a poor impression,
and slightly stained.” The Earl of Pembroke’s
copy is very imperfect. Earl Spencer’s
is only slightly imperfect. The prices fetched
by the second edition have a sufficiently wide range.
In 1698, at Dr. Bernard’s sale, a copy fold
for 1s. 6d. Farmer’s copy in 1798 fetched
L4 4s. Ratcliffe’s copy was bought at his
sale for L16 by Willett; and when his books came to
the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the Duke of
Devonshire for L173 5s.[7] It is interesting to know
that the copy of the second edition in the Bibliotheca
Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence Sterne,
who bought it for a few shillings at York![8]
In the present reprint, the text followed is that
of the first edition, transcribed from the copy in
the British Museum; but the variations, alterations,
and additions made in the second issue are all recorded
in footnotes. The reader has, therefore, before
him the work in all its fulness. The same reasons
that have led to the adoption of this course have
also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of
the curious woodcuts which appeared in the second
edition. These, although necessarily reductions
in size, reproduce the quaint vigour of the originals.
Page 8
Caxton, we have seen, translated the “Game of
the Chesse” from the French. There were
in effect two, if not three, from which he may have
taken his version. One of these is by Jean Faron,
Perron, or Feron (as the name is variously spelled),
a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of whom the notices
are exceedingly scanty.[9] La Croix du Maine styles
him “de l’Ordre des Freres Prescheurs
ou Jacobins du Paris.” La Monnaye says
that the translation was made from the Latin of Cessoles,
and was begun in the year 1347. It has not been
printed.[10] The translation is considered a literal
version of the Latin of Cessoles.
The prologue of Perron’s version is as follows:—“Chy
ensuit le geu des Eschas moralise, ouquel a plusiers
exemples bien a noter. A noblehomme, Bertrand
de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l’ordre des
Freres precheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain
soy tout. Le Sainte Escripture dit que Dieux
a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier a tous
nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi
que nos prochains ne sont pas tout un, ains sont de
diverses condicions, estas et manieres, sy comme il
appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non:
les aultres sont de cler engin; les aultres, non:
les aultres sont enclins a devocion; les aultres,
non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de
Dieu soit mis a execution bien convenablement, il convient
avoir plusiers voyes et baillier a chascun ce qui
lui est plus convenable; et ainsi pourroit il le commandement
de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je, vostre
petit chappelain, a vostre requeste, que je tieng pour
commendement, vous ai volu translata de latin en francais
le Gieu des Eschas moralise, que fist l’un de
nos freres, appele frere Jaques de Cossoles, maistre
en divinite, si que vous l’entendes plus legierrement;
et a exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont nottees,
veuilles maintenir, quant a vous, honnestement, et
quant aux autres justement.... Or prenes done
ce petit present, comencie le 4’e jour de May,
l’an 1347."[11]
That Caxton made use of Perron’s version is
clear. Thus Mr. Blades mentions the description
of Evilmerodach as “un homme joly sans justice”
as peculiar to Ferron, whose version he regards as
the basis of the first and third chapters of Caxton’s
work.
Dr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some
the date is given as 1357, and in one as 1317.
This version remains unprinted, but there are MSS.
of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai,
at Brussels, in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern,
and at Stockholm.[12]
Dr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment
of the fifteenth century, forming part of the national
library at Paris, which contains the Game of Chess
in verse.
“Mes si d’esbat te prent
tallant,
Pren ton esbat deuement;
Mes si a jouer vieulx attendre,
Un noble jou te faulte attendre,
C’est des echecs qui
est licite
Et a touz bien les gens incite.”
Page 9
The author has concealed his name with an ingenuity
that has so far defied penetration.
“Nommez mon nom et mon surnom,
Je ey escript tout environ,
A vingt et dous lettres sans
plus,
Sera trouve cy au dessus
En enscript, et sans plus
ne moins.”
On this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks
of a French critic:—“Ou ne nous dit
pas si c’est dans la suite meme de la phrase,
ou seulement en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux
lettres de ces nom mysterieux. Nous ne saurions
former aucun nom avec les initiales des trente vers
qui precedent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le
merite de l’ouvrage ne nous encourage pas a faire
des longues recherches pour decouvrir un nom que l’auteur
a pris plaisir a nous cacher."[13]
The bulk of Caxton’s work is undoubtedly from
the French translation of Jehan de Vignay, whose dedication
to Prince John of France has simply been transformed
into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence.
He styles De Vignay “an excellent doctor of
the order of the Hospital of St. John’s of Jerusalem.”
This is the only authority we have for supposing De
Vignay to be connected with that order. He styles
himself “hospitaller de l’ordre de haut
pas,” which was situated in the Faubourg St.
Jacques of Paris. It is curious that two members
of the same order—for Ferron was also a
Jacobin—should independently have occupied
themselves with the same work. The version by
De Vignay was probably the later of the two, and it
was also the most popular, for whilst Ferron’s
is still unprinted, that of De Vignay has been frequently
re-issued from the press. The work is dedicated
to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie, who became king
in 1350. It will be seen from this that these
two French versions were practically contemporaneous.
The prologue to the book is as follows:—“A
Tres noble & excellent prince Jehan de france duc
de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par le grace
de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre
petit Religieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie/
paix sante Joie & victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier
& redoubte seign’r/ pour ce que Jay entendu
et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables
& honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur
ay Je mis vn petit liuret de latin en francois le
quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/ ou quel plussieurs
auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de
poetes & des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez
a la moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple
selon le gieu des eschez le quel liure Tres puissant
et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom & soubz
vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign’r
Je vous suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer
que il vo daigne plaire a receuvoir ce liure en gre
aussi bien que de vn greign’r maistre de moy/
car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se
je pouoie me doit estre reputee pour le fait/ Et po’r
plus clerement proceder en ceste ouure/ Jay ordene
que les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au
commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere
de quoy le dit liure pole."[14]
Page 10
It will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton’s
dedication of the Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick.
The “Golden Legend,” printed by Caxton
in 1484, was in effect a translation from “La
Legende Doree,” made before the year 1380 by
Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue mentions that
he had previously translated into French “Le
miroir des hystoires du monde,” at the request
of “Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne, royne de France."[15]
This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some changes
of name and other alterations, amongst which is a reference
to “the book of the chesse” as one of
his works. The “Legenda Aurea” of
Jacobus de Voragine is, of course, the original source
of De Vignay’s “Legende Doree,”
and Caxton’s “Golden Legend.”
Ferron and de Vignay were avowedly translators.
Their original was Jacques de Cessoles. The name
of this author has been tortured into so many fantastic
forms that one may almost despair of recovering the
original. Caesolis, Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis,
Cesolis, Cessole, Cessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, de Cezolis,
de Cossoles, de Courcelles, Sesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis,
de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de Thessolonica
are different manners of spelling his surname, and
the two last are certainly masterpieces of transformation.
Prosper Marchand has amused himself by collecting
some vain speculations of previous writers as to the
age, country, and personality of Jacques de Cessoles.
Some counted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst
others again boldly asserted that he was a Greek!
He lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning
of the fourteenth century, and having joined the Dominican
order, was a “Maitre en Theologie” of
that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed
to him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists.
It is more than probable that his name would have
been much less widely known but for the happy accident
that turned his attention to the game of chess.
It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit
of the age he saw in it an allegory of the various
components of the commonwealth. The men who were
merely killing time were perhaps flattered at the
thought that they were at the same time learning the
modes of statecraft. Then, as now, the teachers
of morality felt that a song might reach him who a
sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use in the
pulpit whatever aids came handy. The popular stories,
wise saws, and modern instances, were common enough
on the lips of the preachers, and such collections
as the “Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of
ingenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached.
An appropriate instance is furnished by it in the
following quaint fashion of moralizing the chess play:—
Page 11
“Antonius was a wys emp_er_our
regnyng in the cite of Rome, the which vsid moche
to pley with houndis; and aftir at pley, all e day
aftir he wolde vse e chesse. So yn a day, as
he pleide at e chesse, & byheld the kyng fette
yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme lowe, among
aufyns and pownys, he thought erwith at
hit wold be so with hi_m_, for he shuld dey, and
be hid vndir erth. And erfore he devided
his Reame in thre p_ar_ties; and he yaf oo part
to e kyng of Ier_usa_l_e_m; e secunde p_ar_t vnto
e lordis of his Reame or his empire; and the thrid
p_ar_tie vnto the pore people; & yede him self
vnto the holy londe, and ther he endid his lyf
in peas.
MORALITE.
Seth now, good sirs; this emp_er_our,
at lovith so wele play, may be called eche worldly
man at occupieth him in vanytes of the world; but
he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did
the emp_er_oure. the chekir or e chesse hath viij.
poyntes in eche p_ar_tie. In eu_er_y pley
beth viij. kyndes of men, s_cil_. man, woman, wedewer,
wedowis, lewid men, clerk_es_, riche men, and pou_er_e
men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, at
goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he
goth aside, he takith ano_er_; so by a pou_er_e
man; he hath not, but when he comyth to e deth
with pacience, en shall he be a kyng in heuen,
w_i_t_h_ e kyng of pore men. But if he grucche
ayenst his neighbour of his stat, and be a thef,
and ravissh at wher he may, en he is ytake, and
put in to the p_re_son of helle. The secund,
f_cil_. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward
and douneward; [he] betokenyth wise men, the whiche
by deceyuable eloquence & takyng of money deceyueth,
& so he is made oonly. The iij. scil. e
kny3t, hath iij. poyntes, & goth erwith;
[he] betokenyth gentilmen at rennyth aboute, &
ravisshith, and ioyeth for her kynrede, & for habundaunce
of richesse. The fourth, s_cil._ e rook, he holdith
length & brede, and takith vp what so is in his way;
he betokenyth okerers and false m_er_chaunt3, at
rennyth aboute ouer all, for wynnyng & lucre, &
rechith not how thei geten, so that thei haue hit.
The fifthe is e quene, that goth fro blak to blak,
or fro white to white, and is yset befide e kyng,
and is ytake fro the kyng. This quene bytokenyth
virgyns and damesels, at goth fro chastite to synne,
and beth ytake by the devill, for glovis or such man_e_r
yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey and
mynystre; and he goth forth, and bakward ayen,
& in either side, & takith ouer all; so sone discendith
in to e world, and ascendith to god by praiers;
But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne,
an is hit to e man chekmate. And erfore
let vs not charge of oure estatis, no more an is
w_i_t_h_ e men, when ei be put vp in e poket; then
hit is no charge who be above or who be byneth;
and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to
e ioy of heven. And at graunt vs, qui viuit
&c.”
Page 12
It is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques
de Cessoles found texts for sundry sermons on the
game that formed so favourite a diversion of clergy
and laity. The favour with which these discourses
were received no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican
father. At the request of some of those who heard
them he began to write down the substance of his sermons.
The result was the “Liber de moribus Hominum
et officiis Nobilium ac Popularium super ludo scachorum,”
which immediately attained great popularity.
This is shown by the bibliography of Dr. A. Van der
Linde in a striking manner, for he has described two
hundred codices to be found in the various public libraries
of Europe.[16]
The difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception
as to the life and personality of Cessoles, Ferron,
and De Vignay are well shown in an article by M.C.
Leber.[17] Dr. Ernst Koepke, who has reexamined the
evidences as to Cessoles, holds that he was a Lombard.[18]
The chief source from which Cessoles took his material
was the treatise “De Regimine Principum”
of Egidius Romanus.
He was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna,
and his Christian name appears to have been Guido,
but his designations have undergone some curious transformations.
Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido Colonna went
at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his
birthplace, he became known as AEgidius Romanus, with
the French form of Gilles de Rome. He was an
ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas Aquinas,
and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church
led him to desire admission to the Dominican order,
but a difficulty intervened from the circumstance
that he had already contracted ties which bound him
to the order of St. Augustine. To this untoward
accident may probably be attributed no little of the
extension of the philosophical doctrine of Aquinas;
for Colonna, unable or unwilling to be relieved of
the vows that bound him to the Augustinians, preached
eagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations of his
friend and master. In the controversy with the
Franciscans, those whom he had indoctrinated were
valuable allies to the Thomists, for their aid, coming
from an independent organization, appeared to carry
the weight of impartiality, and to be unassailable
on the plea of partisan interest. In the year
1287 there was a general convocation of the order of
St. Augustine at Florence, and at this assembly it
was decreed that the doctors of the order should teach
in conformity with the decisions arrived at by Colonna.
To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme,
of which he was an able, persistent, and vigorous
exponent. Many tracts by him remain in print
and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus
acquired gained him the name of doctor fundamentarius
and doctor fundatissimus. His lectures
at Paris attracted to him the attention of Philippe
le Hardi, who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted
Page 13
with the education of his son, who was afterwards
known to hiftory as Philippe le Bel. It was whilst
occupied with this royal youth that the thought of
composing or compiling—and the terms were
in practice interchangeable in those days—occurred,
and the result was the treatise “De regimine
Principum libri iii.” Philippe le Hardi,
if not an educated man himself—and there
are doubts as to whether he could write his own name—was
laudably anxious that his heir should have the best
instruction that could be obtained. It cannot
well be claimed that the able, handsome, and unscrupulous
Philippe was any great credit to his preceptor.
The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably
owed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders
of the “right divine of kings to govern wrong,”
than to the soberer precepts of Colonna. That
Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may
be inferred from his employment of Jehan de Meung
to translate the military treatise of Vegetius Flavius
Renatus, a compilation of the second century of the
present era, which was so popular in the middle ages
that it was translated by Caxton into English.
Still better evidence is the translation made for
the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose stoical
philosophy must have had a special appropriateness
for those times of political storm and stress, when
the fickleness of fortune must have been a matter
of only too common repute. Guido Colonna was elected
by his admiring brethren the general of the order in
1292, and took up his residence at Bourges, its metropolitan
seat.
In this honourable office he continued his literary
labours, and to this period are assigned the greater
part of his numerous works. He died at Avignon
in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where
his effigy in black marble, with his epitaph, remained
until the French revolution.[19] It would be superfluous
to enumerate his philosophical writings, for they
would have no interest in the present day. His
commentary on Aristotle “De Anima,” it
may be observed, was dedicated to Edward I. His name
is now chiefly remembered because his work on the
rule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in
which Jacques de Cessoles moralized the fashionable
game of the chess.
One interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna’s
work is the translation of it made into English verse
by Thomas Occleve.[20] He wrote it in 1411 or 1412,
and its object was to obtain the payment of an annuity
from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but
the payment of which was very irregular. The
book was dedicated to the Prince of Wales. After
mentioning his purpose to translate from the (apocryphal)
letter of Aristotle to Alexander and “Gyles of
Regement of Prynces,” he proceeds:—
“There is a booke, Jacob de
Cessoles,
Of the ordre of Prechours,
made, a worthy man,
That the Chesse moralisede
clepede is,
In whiche I purpose eke to
labour ywis
And here and there, as that
my litelle witte
Afforthe may, I thynke translate
it.
Page 14
And al be it that in that
place square
Of the lystes, I meane the
eschekere,
A man may learn to be wise
and ware;
I that have avanturede many
a yere,
My witte therein is but litelle
the nere,
Save that somewhat I know
a Kynges draught,
Of other draughts lernede
have I naught.”—(p. 77.)
“In those days,” says Warton, “ecclesiastics
and schoolmen presumed to dictate to kings and to
give rules for administering states, drawn from the
narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the
pedantries of a cloister. It was probably recommended
to Occleve’s notice by having been translated
into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator
about the year 1390.[21]
Having thus traced the stream back to its fountain,
we return to Caxton. The story of his life has
been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most essential
facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated
here. He was born in the Weald of Kent, and it
has been conjectured that the manor of Caustons, near
Hadlow, was the original home of the family.
He was apprenticed to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer,
who was afterwards Lord Mayor. The entry in the
books of the Mercers’ Company leads to the inference
that Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the
death of Large, in 1441, Caxton went abroad, for he
tells us that in 1471 he had been resident outside
England for thirty years. About 1462 or 1463
he was Governor of the English Nation or Merchant Adventurers
at Bruges. This was a position of great influence,
and it is thought to have enabled the loyal mercer
to give good service to Edward IV., who was an exile
in 1470. Caxton’s marriage was not much
later than 1469, and it is conjectured that this led
him to enter the service of the Duchess of Burgundy.
She had literary tastes, and at her request he translated
the “Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes”
of Raoul Le Fevre. It was the demand for copies
of this that exhausted Caxton’s calligraphic
patience, and led to his employment of a printer.
The incident may have been casual, but it led to great
results. It has been said that he learned the
printers’ art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes
that he entered its mystery at Bruges under Colard
Mansion, with whom he appears to have had some partnership.
Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton returned to
England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of
his sister, Duchess of Burgundy, and the friendship
of the King’s brother-in-law, Earl Rivers.
Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton’s
press, he was printer, publisher, translator, and something
of author as well. He set in good earnest about
the work that is still going on—of making
the best accessible literature widely and commonly
known. This useful career was only ended by his
death. The exact date is not known, but it was
probably late in 1491. He left a married daughter.
Caxton was a good business man. He was also a
sincere lover of literature, and he was at his favourite
work of translation only a few hours before the final
summons came.
Page 15
The quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter
of much doubt. It may be that the archaic forms
give an additional flavour to his style, since they
present few difficulties to the modern reader, and
yet sound like echoes from the earlier periods of
the language. Generally he is content to follow
his author with almost plodding fidelity, but occasionally
he makes additions which are eminently characteristic.
His author having remarked:—“Il nest
an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant grieue Rome ne ytalie
com~e fait le college Des notaires publiques Car ilz
ne sont mie en accort ensemble”—Caxton
improves the passage thus:—
“For ther is no thynge at this
day that so moche greueth rome and Italye as doth
the college of notaries and aduocates publicque.
For they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland
what hurte doon the aduocats. men of law.
And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y’e
royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/
how torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/
how ete they the peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/
I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many
pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in
englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange
to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche.
comyn place. cheker. ressayt and helle And the
bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte to a grete
multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit
shold be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd.
For they entende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt
and not to the comyn/”
Another addition is the brief passage in the first
chapter of the fourth tract in which the “good
old times” are lamented and contrasted with the
decadence of the then present—now the four
centuries past.
“Alas what haboundance was some
tymes in the royames. And what prosite/ In
whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/
how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/
how was renomed the noble royame of Englond Alle
the world dredde hit And spack worship of hit/
how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte
me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth
in the royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure
in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well
the same is grete therof I pray god saue that noble
royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours
to the gouernours of the same &c./”
The concluding paragraph of the book is also due to
Caxton.
“And therfore my ryght redoubted
lord I pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain
lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & tabounde
in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his
lordes in such wyse y’t his noble royame
of Englond may prospere & habounde in vertues/
and y’t synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/
the royame defended good men rewarded malefactours
punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure
that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously
Page 16
In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray
peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames/
and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche
wise that euery man eschewe synne/ and encrece
in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your good grace to
resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the
hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym
that is your most humble seruant/ in gree and thanke
And I shall praye almighty god for your longe lyf
& welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow thaccomplisshement
of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs
Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the
yer of our lord god. a. thousand foure honderd
and lxxiiii”
This was struck out in the second edition, and the
following briefer farewell substituted:—
“Thenne late euery man of
what condycion he be that redyth or herith
this litel book redde take therby
ensaumple to amend hym.
Explicit per Caxton.”
The alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence
of our first English printer’s fastidiousness
as an author.
The bibliography of the editions, translations, and
imitations of Cessoles is long and intricate.
Details of MSS. have not been thought necessary.
They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde.
The treatise on the rule of princes of Colonna has
been taken as furnishing the matter which Jacques
de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the attractive
form of a description of the game of chess. The
editions of the Latin text are followed by particulars
of the translations into French, English, Spanish,
Italian, and other languages. Each title has
appended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority
it is given.
These are as follows:—
Hain.—Repertorium Bibliographicum
... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart, 1826.
Ebert.—A General Bibliographical
Dictionary, from the German of Frederic Adolphus Ebert.
Oxford, 1837. 4 vols.
Graesse.—Tresor de Livres rares
et precieux: par Jean George Theodore Graesse.
Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols.
Brunet.—Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles
Brunei. Paris, 1860.
Linde.—Geschichte und Literatur
des Schachspiels von Antonius van der Linde.
Berlin, 1874.
Das erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880)
zusammengestellt von Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin,
1881.
Dr. van der Linde’s work is so complete that,
for the most part, it has been thought sufficient
to give his name, even when older authorities have
been consulted.
COLONNA.
(See ante, p. xxviii.)
AEgidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s.
l. 1473. Folio.
This Ebert and Graesse conjecture to have been printed
by G. Zainer. They describe it as the first edition
of a work frequently reprinted, and say that the last
edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and
had on the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas
as author. Hain mentions editions at Rome—Stephanum
Plannck, 1482, folio; Venetiis, 1498.
Page 17
* * * *
*
(French translation.)
Miroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles
de Rome du regime et gouvernement des rois etc.
(by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec est compris
le secret de Aristote appelle le secret des secrets,
et les noms des rois de France com bien de temps ils
out regne. Paris, 1517. Folio.
(Graesse.)
This was printed by Guillaum Eustace: “On
les v=et au palais au Tiers pillier Et a la me neufue
nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei” (Brunef).
Ebert mentions a French translation as having been
printed at Paris, in 1497; but Brunet, in the article
on Aristotle, gives a somewhat minute account of the
book, to show that it is not that of Colonna.
* * * *
*
(Spanish translation.)
Regimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par
Don fray Gil de Roma de la orden de s[=a]t Augustin.
E fizolo trasladar de latin en rom[=a]ce do Bernardo
obispo de osma etc. Suilla—a espenses
de Maestre Conrado aleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores
de libros, fue impresso per Meynardo Ungut alememo:
& Stanislas Polono companeros. Acabaron se a
veynte dias del mes de octubre Ano del senor de Mill
& quarto cientos & nouenta & quarto [1494] folio.
(Hain, Brunet, Graeffe.)
Ebert notes that there was an edition under the name
of Th. Aquino at
Madrid, 1625, 4to.
(Catalan translation.)
Regiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau
Spindaler emprentador. 1480. Folio.
(Graeffe.)
Regiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan
Luchner. 1498. Fol.
(Brunei, Graeffe.)
(Italian translation.)
Ebert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni.
Firenze, 1577, 8vo.
(Graeffe.)
(English translation.)
De regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written
in the reign of Henry IV. Edited for the first
time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., &c.
Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B.
Nichols. 1860. 4to.
(See ante, p. xxxii., for notice of another
Early English version.)
CESSOLES.
(See ante, p. xxiv.)
Incipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis
ac morum nominu= et officium viror’ nobili[=u]
quor’ si quis formas menti impresserit bellum
ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere.
(E)Go frater iacobus de thessolonia multor’
fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi
schacor’. Folio. 40 leaves.
There is neither date, place, nor printer’s
name given; but it is considered to have been the
work of Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt, at
Utrecht (Ultrajectus), about 1473.
(Linde, Graesse.)
Incipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque
nobilium virorum, philosophorum et antiquorum.
Explicit tabula super ludum Scacchorum. Deo gratias.
4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A—H.
Page 18
This is in black letter, and has neither date nor
place.
(Linde.)
Incipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit
doctrina vel morum informatio, accepta de modo et
ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to.
(Linde.)
Incipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus’
de cessolis ordinis fratr[=u] predicatorum qui intitulatur
liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium super
ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas
Paulini de suardis Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij.
die xxiij. Mensis augusti. Folio. 24 leaves.
(Linde, Graesse.)
Jacobi de Cessolis Ord. Praed. Informatio
morum, excerpta ex modo et ratione ludi Scacchorum;
sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et super
eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio.
(Linde, Graesse.)
Tractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus
per singulos homin[=u] status. 4to. Anno 1505.
On leaf 31b:—
“Ad
lectorum
Qum paucis rigidos possis
compescere mons
Accipe: quod offert hiberna
ex arce Johannes
Scacherii munus: sapiens
Philometer et illud
Tradidit. ut regis babilonis
crimina mergat
Hunc tibi si soties capiet
te lectio frequens
Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina
vite.”
No place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna,
by Joh.
Winterburg.
(Linde, Graesse.)
Jacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft
Koepke, Mittheilungen, aus den
Handschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg.
Brandenburg a.d.
Havel, 1879, 4to.
(Linde, “Jartausend.”)
(French translation.)
Les jeu des Echez moralise, nouvellement imprime a
Paris (ends). Cy finist le livre des Echez et
l’Ordre de Chevalerie, translate de latin en
francois, imprime nouvellement a Paris; et fut acheve
le vendredy, VI’e jour de septembre, l’an
MVC et IIII, pour Anthoine Verart, libraire jure en
l’universite de Paris, demourant a Paris, a l’imaige
Sainct Jehan l’evangeliste, devant la rue neufve
Nostre Dame, &c. Folio, 102 leaves.
(Linde.)
“On trouve an f. LX un autre traite de
Morale et an f. lxxxij celui de Melibee et de Prudence.
Il y a a la bibl. imp. un exempl. de cette ed. tire
sur velin et orne de 4 Miniatures.”
(Graesse.)
Le Jeu de Echets moralise ... Cy finist le liure
des eschecz et lordre de cheualerie, translattee de
latin en francoys imprime a Paris: et fut acheue
le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq.
Par Michel le noir libraire ... demourant deuant Saint
Denys de la chartre a limaige nostre dame. 90 leaves.
(Linde.)
On trouve a la fin du Livre de l’ordre de
chevalerie le meme Dialogue entre Melibee et Prudence
sous le titre: Ung petit traictie a lenseignement
et au prouffit de tous princes barons & aultres que
le vouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde &
extrait d’une fiction trouvee en escript.
Ce qui a induit Du Verdier (vol. i. p. 556)
en erreur de croire que cette traduction, publiee
en 1505, differe de celle de 1504.
Page 19
(Graesse.)
{_Italian translation_.}
Libro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi
degli huomin et degli officii de nobili. 4to.
“Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres.
Ausser dem
Titelblattbildchen bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen,
welche die von
Cessoles auf dem Schachbrett statuirten Wuerden und
Gewerke darstellen.”
(Linde)
Libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi
degl huomini & degli offitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:)
In comincia un tractato gentile & utile della uirtu
del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi
deglhuomini & degli ufitii denobili: composto
pel Reu[=e]redo Maestro Jacopo dacciesole dellordine
de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso
in Fir[=e]ze per Maestro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII.
Adi primo di Marzo 8vo.
(Linde.)
“Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme
les reimpressions: f. l. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.]
I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherchee pour ses belles
gravures en bois, don’t une partie a ete copiee
par Dibdin, Aedes Althorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13.
II y a une nouvelle edition: Mil. tipogr. di
Giulio Terrario, 1829, gr. in 8 deg., avec des
copies de ces memes figures et des corrections du
texte d’apres des de Florence. On a tire
de cette derniere edition 24 exempl. in carte distinte,
1 sur peau velin d’Augsbourg et 1 in capretti
di Roma.”
(Graesse.)
Opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento
delli huomini & delle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato,
e condition esser si voglia:, Composta per lo Reuerendissimo
Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine di predicatori
sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli
hvomini, & vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata.
M.D. XXXIIII. Stampata in Vineggia per Fransesco
di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo Pasini compagni:
Nelli anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo.
56 leaves.
(Linde.)
Volgarizzamento del libro de’ costumi e degli
officii de’ nobili sopra il giuoco degli scacchi
di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da un
codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla
tipografia del dottore Giulio Ferrario Contrado del
Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162, and
1 leaf.
(Linde.)
Catalan translation.
This does not appear to have been printed. There
is a codex in the Vatican and another at Barcelona.
They are described by Linde. See ante, p. xxviii.
Spanish translation.
Dechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego
del Axedrez. tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado
Reyna Vezino della Villa de Aranda de duero.
En este ano M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves.
Printed at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue.
(Linde.)
German translation.
Ich bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin
ueberwunder worden von der bruder gebet ... (Ends.)
Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten vnd d’ampt
der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves.
Page 20
Without place or year, but printed before the year
1480.
(Linde.)
I (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin
vberwunden worden vo(n) der brueder gebet wegen vn(d)
der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern edlen leut die
mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset
schachzabel. Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch.
vn(d) hab das pracht zenutz menschlichs geschlechts.
Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch menschlicher sitten
vnnd der ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich
das buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln
I.4.7.7. Folio. 40 leaves.
This is believed to have been printed with the type
of G. Zainer at
Augftmrg.
(Linde)
(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens
bin vberwunden worden von der brueder gebet ... (Ends.)
Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher sitten vnd der
ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der Kayserliche(n)stat
anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent.
Folio. 36 leaves.
(Linde.)
Dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel
spils, Vnd menschlicher fitten, Auch von den ampten
der edeln. (Leaf Aiia)
(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s
... (Leaf 39b) Getruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern
in der hochgelobten stat Strassburg vff Sant Egidius
tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio. 39 leaves.
(Linde.)
Jacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis
nobilium ac popularium; oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis,
von den Sitten der Menschen und den Pflichten der
Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v. d.
Lafa. (Schachzeitung, 1870.)
(Linde.)
(German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen.)
Ueber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen
und die Zofinger Handsschrift desselben, von Wilhelm
Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte und Literatur
vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton
Aargau. Herausgegeben von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ...
und Placid Weissenbach. Erster Band. Aarau
1846.)
Dr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS.
of this rhyming version of Cessolis.
(German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel.)
Schachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der
loblichen statt Costentz vo Hanfen schaeffeler.
Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. cccc vn vii iar.
4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii—c ii.
In the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity
of this rhyming treatise, but he is supposed to have
taken much of his material—ready made—from
Ammenhausen.
Schachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst
lich[=e] Schachtzabel Spiels vnderweygung, erclaerung,
vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, were das am ersten
erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch
wie man das kuenstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen
solle, sampt etlich[=e] kunstlich[=e] geteylten spielen
&c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher.
Page 21
“Dein Augen scherpff, nicht
uberseh
Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich
nach speh,
Wie fich gebuert, im Feld
und Heer,
Dein volck das schich an zu
der weer,
Vnd orden das recht an dem
streyt,
Ders ueberlicht, gern vnden
leyt.”
Getruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to.
This second edition was issued by Jacob Koebel, who
printed about 1520.
(Linde.)
Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, gruentlich
bedeutung vund klarer bericht, dasselbig kuenstlich
zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit ein newenn zusatz
ettlicher besonderen Meisterstueck, nach der Current,
welfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener
besondern Regeln des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen.
Franckfurt, 1536. 4to.
(Linde.)
Vnderweifzung, erklaerung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn,
kunstlichenn spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn
Doctor Jacob Mennel... auff dem heiligen Reichsztag
zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507 in Rheimen gedicht, vund
desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch wie
man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen
begreissen mag, offenbart. Frankfurt, 1536, 4to.
This is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr.
van der Linde.
Das Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen
Spiels des Schachzabels’ gruendlich Bedeutung...
Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.]
Dr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint
which appeared in:—Schaltjahr, welches
ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible.
Dritter Band. Stuttgart, 1847.
(German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen.)
There is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook
by Heinrich von Beringer, of which a MS., dated 1438,
is in the Stuttgart library. (Linde.)
(Low German rhyming translation by Stephan.)
Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol
dat valen ouer left de wert ok des schackspeles klock.
(Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. or large 8vo.
“Hir gheyt vth ghemaket
to dude
Dat schackspil der eddelen
lude
Des bokes dichter het stephan.”
(Linde.)
(Dutch Translation.)
(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat
scaecspel (Fol. 2’a) (H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc
boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende vrouwen.
als vande scaec spul. daer nochtant een ygherlyck mensche
van wat staet dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger
leren wt neme(n) mach. nae welcken hi syn leuen sal
regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre sielen (Fol.
67’b), ghebruyken Amen In iaer ons heren dusent
vierhondert ende neghentseuentich. opten anderden
dach van october, soe is dit ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt
en(de) Ghemaect ter goude in hollant. by my gheraert
leeu. Lof heb god Folio.
(Linde.)
Tractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen,
genoemt dat scaekspel, verciert met veele schoone
historien (Ends:) Int iaer ons heren M.CCCC.LXXXIII.
opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat
ghenoecklike bock volmaeckt te Delff in hollant. 4to.
Page 22
(Linde.)
Hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf
edelre heere(n) ende vrouwen, als vanden scaeck spel,
daer nochtans een ieghelijck me(n)sche va wat staet
dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher leerighe(n)
wt nemen mach, nae welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren
tot profijt ende salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint
tot Louen in de Borchstrate in den Lupaert by my Anthonis
Maria Bergaigne ghesworen boecprinter. Int iaer
ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van
Augustus. 8vo. 120 leaves.
(Linde.)
(Scandinavian rhyming translation.)
De ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis
nobilium ac popularium. Poema suecanum vetustum.
e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg. Universitatis
Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord.
phil. Lund. p.p. Ernestus Rietz et Augustus
Ludovicus Sjoeberg, scanus in Academia Carolina die
vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lundae, Typis Berlingianis.
MDCCCXLVIII. 8vo.
Fourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in
the Jena Library.
There is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version
of Cessolis dated 1492, and another dated 1492 in
the Kopenhagen University Library.
(Linde.)
(English translation.)
The Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P.
The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per
Caxton. folio.
The Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing
the present Estate of this Kingdome. London.
1643, 4to.
This title is given by Lowndes, but examination only
would show whether it is in any way an imitation of
Caxton.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile
reprint of the second edition, with remarks by Vincent
Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith, 1855. folio.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced
in facsimile from a copy in the British Museum.
With a few remarks on Caxton’s Typographical
Productions. By Vincent Figgins. London:
John Russell Smith. 1860.
The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile
reproduction of the first work printed in England,
from the copy in the British Museum. London:
Truebner and Co. 1862. fol.
Caxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman,
Bath, 10th March, 1877. 4to. Pp. 4.
This contains an extract from the “Game of the
Chess” in four columns:—i. Caxton’s
spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the
same represented by the Phonetic alphabet. 3.
Modern spelling. 4. Phonetic spelling.
The Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the
duties of life. The First Book Printed in England,
by William Caxton in the year 1474. Reprinted
in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in
Caxton’s orthography, and a fac-simile page
of the original work. Second edition. London,
F. Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872
[1879].
Page 23
The printing of this book began in 1872, when the
title-page and earlier sheets were worked, but it
was not finished until May, 1879. This is the
second time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book
in his reformed orthography. The first issue
was in 1855. Although the title-page repeats
the old belief that “The Game of Chess”
was the first book printed in England, and gives the
date of 1474, it is really a reprint of the second
edition of Caxton.
(Sloane’s version.)
The Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818.
4to.
This is printed from a MS. which is believed to have
been written about the beginning of the sixteenth
century. The work is in verse, and ends:
“Heir endis y’e buke of y’e Chess,
Script per manu Jhois Sloane.” Only forty
copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the
Auchinleck Press.
(Linde. Lowndes.)
The “Game and Play of the Chess” is an
interesting specimen of mediaeval English literature.
It is so near our own time that the language prefents
few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms,
and yet it is so remote as to seem like the echo of
an unknown world. The distinctly dogmatic portions
of the book are but few, and their paucity is indeed
a matter of some surprise, since it is in effect a
detailed treatise on practical ethics, and is, in
part if not wholly, systematized from the discourses
of one distinguished preacher, who had borrowed much
of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic.
The author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine,
but at the guidance of life, though he no doubt assumes
that his hearers are all faithful and orthodox sons
of the Church.[22]
The ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds
an interesting expression. The sharp lines of
demarcation between class and class are stated with
the frankness that comes of a belief that the then
existing social fabric was the only one possible in
the best of worlds. There is no doubt in the
author’s mind as to the rightful position of
king and baron, of bishp and merchant. The “rights
of man” had not been invented, apparently, and
the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern,
would have perplexed the souls of Cessoles and his
translators. They had no more doubt as to the
divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan has
of the divine right of the grand lama. The Buddhist
thinks he has secured the continuous re-appearance
of supernatural wisdom in human form, and the regular
transmission of political ability in the same family
was the ideal for which the devotees of mediaeval despotism
had to hope. Nothing could be further from the
aspirations of our author than a race of mere palace
kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence.
The king was to be the ruler and leader of his people.
The relation and interdependence of the several classes
is emphatically proclaimed, and the claims of duty
are urged upon each.
Page 24
The book enables us to gauge the literary culture
of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries.
Poor as it may now seem, it belonged, in those days,
to the “literature of power,” and had great
influence. The form is one which lent itself readily
to poetic and historic illustration, and indeed demanded
such treatment. The authors and translators were
chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics.
Caxton, the representative of the new time when literature
was to be the common heritage, was filled to overflowing
with the best literature then accessible. A writer
of the present century, probably borrowing his sentiment,
has defined originality to be undetected imitation.
Such refinements were unknown to Cessoles and his
contemporaries. A writer took whatever suited
his purpose from any and every source that was open
to him. A quotation was always as good as an original
sentiment, and sometimes much better. Why should
a man take the trouble of laboriously inventing fresh
phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were
the very words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready
to hand? Why seek modern instances when the great
storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius Maximus was ready
to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given,
mostly it may be imagined from a sense of the value
of the authority of the names thus cited. Whatever
the intention of the writer, the effect is to show
us what were the authors known, studied, and quoted
in the middle ages.
The authors named are:—Saint Ambrose (2
references), Anastasius (1), Avicenna (2), Saint Augustine
(9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2), Boethius
(3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian
(2), “Crete” (1), Diomedes (1), Florus
(1), Galen (1), Helinand (4), Hippocrates (4), Homer
(1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1), Josephus
(4), Livy (2), Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1),
Ovid (6), Paulus Diaconus (1), Petrus Alphonsus (2),
Plato (4), Quintilian (3), Sallust (1), Seneca (15),
Sidrac (1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1), Theophrastus
(1), “Truphes of the Philosophers” (2),
Turgeius Pompeius (1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian
(7), Varro (1), Virgil (2), “Vitas Patrum”
(2).
It will be seen that the great classical writers are
but poorly represented, and the main dependence has
been upon the later essayists, and chiefly upon Valerius
Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals enforced
in this book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the
writer had more to work from than Valerius, Seneca,
and St. Augustine, with occasional quotations such
as memory would supply from other sources. The
verification of all these quotations would not repay
the labour it would involve; but in most cases where
the experiment has been tried, the result has been
fairly creditable to the old author.
Page 25
The biblical allusions may be taken as typical.
There are references to the “bible,” “holy
scripture,” “Ecclesiastes,” and “Canticles.”
There also occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain,
Noah, Ham, Lot, David, Abner, Joab, Abishai, Solomon,
Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius, Cyrus, Tobias,
John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are
not all literally exact. Solomon had not a very
good opinion of his fellow-men; but the comprehensive
estimate of the number of fools with which he is credited
on p. 3 is not to be found in the writings canonically
attributed to him. The quotation from the Canticles
on p. 25 may be compared with the translation in the
Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas de Hereford, A.
D. 1380. This passage is rendered: “His
left hond is vndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal
biclippe me” ("Song of Solomon,” ii. 6).
Clip is still current in Lancashire, in the sense of
embrace.
The extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue
to the second edition opens, is no doubt intended
for the following passage: “All Scripture
is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable
for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction
in righteousness” (2 Tim. iii. 16).
In the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem
to hear an echo of the words: “For all
the Athenians and strangers that were there spent
their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to
hear some new thing " (Acts xvii. 21).
The most curious reference to a biblical personage
is that relating to Evilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles
seems to have been the first to associate the name
of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of
the game of chess. The biblical references to
Evilmerodach are few; they throw no light on the reason
of his selection by the mediaeval scribe for a bad
pre-eminence of parricide. The epithet of joli
applied to the king has an odd effect, followed as
it is by the narrative of his most unfilial conduct.
Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread.
Lydgate evidently hesitates between the divided authority
of Guido—that is, Colonna, the author of
the Troy book—and Cessoles, whom he quotes
through Jacobus de Vitriaco.[23]
Amongst the authors not identified are “Crete”
(p. 133), and Diomedes (p. 10). The account of
the origin of chess attributed to the last is amplified
a little further on. The legend that Palamedes
invented a game of this kind at the siege of Troy
is emphatically rejected by our author, who pins his
fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became
the received opinion, as may be gathered from the unhesitating
language of Polydore Vergil in a passage which is
thus rendered by John Langley:—“The
chesse were invented the year of the world 3635, by
a certain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare to a
Tyrant, that Majesty or Authority without strength,
assistance & help of his subjects, was casual feeble
& subject to many calamities of fortune; his intent
was to break the fierce cruelty of his heart, by fear
of such dangers as might come to passe in the life
of man.” [24]
Page 26
The curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations
of King Bocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171)
was a favourite science book of the middle ages.
It is probably of oriental origin, but there are editions
in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian,
and English. By way of question and answer very
decided statements are made on a wide variety of topics
of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The
particular part referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi:
“Pourquoy sacostent les hommes charnellement
aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne le font pas?"[25]
John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni
Andrea, who died at the plague of Bologna in 1347.
His learning gained him such titles as rabbi doctorum
and normaque morum. His commentaries on
the decretals were frequently reprinted. He gave
the name of “Novellae” to this work after
the name of his mother and daughter. His code
of morality contained no prohibition of literary theft,
for his additions to the “Speculum Juris”
of Durand are said to have been taken bodily from
Oddrale. In the same magnificent manner he appropriated
the treatise “De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio”
of Anguissola. His daughter Novella was a learned
woman, and became the wife of Giovanni Calderino,
a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino,
wrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter,
son-in-law, and grandson appear to have all been experts
in the canon law.[26]
The reference to the “first book of the Truphes
of the Philosophers by figure” does not convey
a very definite idea as to the particular work intended.
It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character,
for one extract describes the fountain of the syrens
(p. 122), and the other is an anecdote, which though
told here of Julius Caesar (p. 71), is really the
story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with
Augustus Caesar. It occurs also in the “Gesta
Romanorum,” where the emperor is named Agyos.
“Helmond” (p. 33, &c.) is intended for
Helinand, who died some time after 1229. After
a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus,
where he is represented as reciting his heroic verses
before the king and his surrounding, he became a monk
of the Cistercian Abbey of Froidmont. One of
his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject
of death. The “Flores Helinandi” are
said to have been popular as well as his “Chronique.”
He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and
of the life of St. Gereon, published by the Bollandists,
and of other works still inedited. He is sometimes
confounded with another French monk of the same name,
who lived in the eleventh century, and was an inmate
of the monastery at Persigne in Maine. This second
Helinand was the author of commentaries or glosses
on the Apocalypse and Exodus.[27] The first-named
has been credited with the authorship of “Gesta
Romanorum.” The grounds for this are very
slight. “On a longtemps ignore le nom de
Page 27
l’auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage
du 68^e dialogue du livre intitule ‘Dialogus
creaturarum’ nous le revele par ces mots:
Elimandus in gestis romanorum."[28] But, as
Sir F. Madden and Mr. Herrtage have pointed out, the
name of “Gesta Romanorum” was given to
any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation
of Livy, by Robert Gaguin, has been catalogued as
a version of the “Gesta.” The reference
cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.[29]
Many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces
of ancient history, such as the friendship of Damon
and Pythias, the sword of Damocles, the chastity of
Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the fable of
the Dog and the Shadow, &c. Others current in
the middle ages had great popularity, and even in
our own days occasionally renew their youth.
The story of John of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found
in Occleve’s translation of Colonna. Mr.
Thomas Wright remarks: “This story, under
different forms, was a very common one in the middle
ages. One version will be found in my ‘Latin
Stories,’ p. 28. It will hardly be necessary
to remark that the story of King Lear and his daughters
is another version."[30]
The story appears also in some modern compilations.
In one instance it is given as the will of Jehan Connaxa,
of Antwerp, about 1530.[31] The incident is given
in the following form in the popular collection known
as the “Percy Anecdotes":[32]—
“An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired
an easy fortune, had two handsome daughters, between
whom, on their marriage, he divided all his property,
on condition that he should pass the summer with one
and the winter with the other. Before the end
of the first year, he found sufficient grounds to
conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest to
either; of this, however, he took no notice, but hired
a handsome lodging, in which he resided a few weeks;
he then applied to a friend, and told him the truth
of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred livres,
and the loan of fifty thousand, in ready money, for
a few hours. His friend very readily complied
with his request; and the next day the old gentleman
made a very splendid entertainment, to which his daughters
and their husbands were invited. Just as dinner
was over, his friend came in a great hurry; told him
of an unexpected demand upon him, and desired to know
whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres.
The old man told him, without any emotion, that twice
as much was at his service, if he wanted it; and going
into the next room, brought him the money. After
this, he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings;
his daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more
in one house than the other; and after three or four
years spent with them, he died; when, upon examining
his cabinet, inftead of livres, there was found a note
containing these words: ’He who has suffered
by his virtues, has a right to avail himself of the
vices of those by whom he has been injured; and a
father ought never to be so fond of his children as
to forget what is due to himself.’”
Page 28
Amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by
Giovanni Brevio, published as part of his “Rime”
in 1545. Piron’s comedy of “Les Fils
Ingrats,” also known as “L’Ecole
des Peres,” appeared in 1728. “The
story,” adds Dunlop, “is also told in the
’Pieuses Recreations d’Angelin Gazee,’
and is told in the ‘Colloquia Mensalia’
of Luther, among other examples to deter fathers from
dividing their property during life among their children—a
practice to which they are in general little addicted."[33]
There is yet another verfion of the story in John
of Bromyard’s “Summa Predicantium.”
After describing the discovery of the club it says,
“in quo Anglice scriptum erat”—
“Wyht fuyle a betel
be he smetyn,
That al the werld hyt mote
wyten,
That gyfht his sone al his
thing,
And goht hym self a beggyn.”
Mr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he
is inclined to think that the story and verses had
some connection with “a superstition not yet
forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his ‘Remains
of Gentilism’” (Thorn’s “Anecdotes
and Traditions,” p. 84)—“The
Holy Mawle, which they fancy was hung behind the church
door, which when the father was seaventie, the sonne
might fetch to knock his father in the head, as effete
and of no more use."[34]
Herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct
to some Indian tribes.
The incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a
soul (p. 151), is in the “Gesta Romanorum.”
The anecdote how a son induced his father to become
a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the “Vitas
Patrum” is also in the “Gesta Romanorum,”
and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to give
rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental
source.[35] The story of two merchants quoted from
Petrus Alphonsus is also in the “Gesta Romanorum.”
It is the foundation of Lydgate’s “Two
Friends,” and is beyond doubt an Eastern importation.
In a MS. of the “Speculum Laicorum,” described
by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one
of the merchants into an Englishman.[36]
The story quoted from “Paul, the historiagraph
of the Lombards” (p. 46), is also given in the
“Gesta Romanorum.” Mr. Herrtage says
it is “evidently founded on the classical legend
of Tarpeia.” The narrative in the chess-book
is taken from Paulus Diaconus.[37]
The stratagem by which deposited money was recovered
from a dishonest trustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus
Alphonsus, and is also in the “Gesta Romanorum.”
The story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was
a favourite with our forefathers. It is given
by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of a fabliau
which is given by Meon.[38]
Page 29
The somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been
adopted by Demosthenes (p. 103) will remind some readers
of a passage in the life of St. Francis of Assisi.
“He had given up,” says Mrs. Oliphant,
“without hesitation, as would appear, all the
indefinite sweetness of youthful hopes. But,
nevertheless, he was still young, still a man, with
human instincts and wishes, the tenderest nature, and
an imagination full of all the warmth and grace of
his age and his country. It does not appear that
he ever put into words the musings which caught him
unawares—the relics of old dreams or soft
recollections which now and then would steal into
his heart. But one night suddenly he rose from
the earthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out
into the night in an access of rage and passion and
despair. A certain brother who was praying in
his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window,
saw him heap together seven masses of snow in the
clear moonlight. ’Here is thy wife,’
he said to himself; ’these four are thy sons
and daughters, the other two are thy servant and thy
handmaid; and for all these thou art bound to provide.
Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them, lest
they perish with cold. But if the care of so many
trouble thee, be thou careful to serve our Lord alone.’
Bonaventura, who tells the story, goes on, with the
true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, ’the
tempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man
returned victorious to his cell.’ The piteous
human yearning that is underneath this wild tale,
the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with
a strange attempt, not less piteous than the longing,
at self-consolation—all the struggle and
conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least
for a moment, by that sudden plunge into the snow,
and wild, violent, bodily exertion, are either lost
upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he fears to
do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness
of the possibility of such thoughts. But it is
a very remarkable peculiarity of Francis’s history,
that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony
downwards, is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous
delight, only Francis, in his pure dreams, is tempted
by the modest joys of wife and children—the
most legitimate and tenderest love."[39]
The reader must not expect any historical exactitude
or critical spirit from our author. For his purpose
a narrative was just as useful whether true or false,
but it probably never occurred to him to question the
exact truth of any statement that he found written
in a book. The murder of Seneca (p. 9) is certainly
not the least of the many crimes which stain the memory
of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not
exactly described by the mediaeval scribe. Whether
the philosopher and former tutor was implicated in
the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted, but some ambiguous
phrases he had used were reported to the Emeror, whose
messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning.
Page 30
The reply of Seneca was either unsatisfactory or the
tyrant had decided to be rid of his former guide.
As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man
was expected to be his own executioner, and Seneca
opened his veins and allowed the life to ooze from
them with a stoicism that was certainly heroic if
not untainted by theatrical display. The character
of Seneca will ever remain one of the puzzles of history,
for the grave moralist was accessory to the murder
of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of licentiousness,
and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three
hundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud.
The statements of Dion Cassius as to the misdeeds
of the philosopher must be weighed against the absence
of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages
of Tacitus.
The Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus,
who was probably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple
of Aristippus. He was banished from the (supposed)
place of his birth, and was shielded at Athens by
Demetrius Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have
shared. Whilst in the service of Egypt he was
sent as an ambassador to Lysimachus, whom he offended
by the directness and plainness of his speech.
The offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion,
and he replied in a phrase which became famous, “Threaten
thus your courtiers, for it matters not to me whether
I rot on the ground or in the air."[40] The king’s
threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards
at Corinth, and is believed to have died at Cyrene.
That he was condemned to drink hemlock is a statement
cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes Laertius (Aristippus,
xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with Lysimachus
would easily be perverted into a belief that he had
been put to death for the freedom with which he exercised
his biting wit.
The Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus
of Abdera, of whom the anecdote is told. He was
a man whose knowledge and wisdom won even the respect
of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition
that he deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic
abstraction is mentioned by Cicero, Aulus Gellius,
and others, but it is hardly necessary to account
for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so remarkable.
The transformations of some of the names are peculiar.
At p. 12 we read of Defortes. The philosopher
disguised under this strange name appears to be Socrates.
The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed
to Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was
addressed was not Xanthippe, but was a disciple named
Apollodorus, whose understanding was not equal to
his admiration.
The statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself
is made both by Jerome (Ep. 68) and in the
Ecclesiastical History of Socrates (iv. 29).
Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the
age of four, as the result of disease. He learned
the alphabet by wooden letters, and by application
and force of character became learned in all the learning
of his time. Is this a real anticipation of the
use of raised letters for the blind? What would
be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so acquired
in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic,
and music for which he was famous? He owed to
Athanasius his position as head of the Catechetical
School of Alexandria.
Page 31
The readers of “Cymbeline” will remember
the passage in the concluding scene:—
“The piece of tender
air, thy virtuous daughter,
Which we call mollis aer;
and mollis aer
We term it mulier;
which mulier, I divine,
Is this most constant wife:
who even now,
Answering the letter of the
oracle,
Unknown to you unsought, were
clipp’d about
With this most tender air.”
This quaint piece of etymology will be found at p.
123 of the present volume.
There is an interesting personal reference in the
following passage which has not, it is believed, been
pointed out:—
“And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as
haue theyr goodes comune & not propre is most acceptable
to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious men as
monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe
hem & kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid
too/ For in trouth I haue my self ben conuersant in
a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which haue
all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer
than an other/ in so moche that yf a man gaf to a
frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for hym in his masse/
as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his
ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous
and deuoute freris And yf that lyf were not the beste
and the most holiest/ holy church wold neuer suffre
hit in religion.”
This description by the busy merchant of the “best
life” might serve to point anew the distinction
between the real and the ideal, and perhaps not to
the advantage of the latter.
Nothing has yet been said as to the place of this
book in the history of chess, and, indeed, it must
be confessed that it has very little practical bearing
on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess
of to-day was connected with the latrunculi
and with the amusement said to have been invented
by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air
of modern criticism. The student of the history
of chess may now follow its fortunes under the safe
guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects unhesitatingly
the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes,
of an antiquity of 5,000 years.[41] The game of chess,
which, whilst remaining an amusement, has acquired
the dignity of a science, is one that Europe owes
to India, where it was probably invented not earlier
than five centuries before Christ; the triumphant
progress of Islam aided in the extension of this oriental
pastime. It was known at the courts of Nicephorus
at Conftantinople and his contemporary Haroun-al-Rashid
at Bagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne
also was acquainted with it, but there is no good
evidence for that legend. It was known in Spain
in the tenth century, since the library of the learned
caliph Hakam II. of Cordova contained some Arabic
MSS. on the game. By the middle of the eleventh
century it was common in the western world. In
1061 a Florentine bishop is said to have been ordered
Page 32
by Cardinal Damiani to expiate the offence of playing
chess in public by three recitations of the Psalter,
by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by
giving them liberal alms. The gradual developments
of the game in Europe are illustrated in detail by
Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is
comparatively modern, and refults from the enlargement
of the powers of the Queen (originally the Vizier
or minister) and of the Bishop (formerly the Alfil
or Elephant). The greater powers of these pieces
came into play between 1450 and 1500, but the period
of transition was prolonged to a much later date in
some cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano may be regarded
as the founder of the modern school. The player
of to-day on consulting the elementary directions
given in this book (p. 159, et seq.), will
see how greatly the present play exceeds in complexity
and scientific interest the moves that excited the
enthusiasm of Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to
the composition of the book of the chess which has
had such long and widespread popularity.
Incidentally his book is a monument in the history
of chess, but it was never intended to make its primary
object that of teaching the game. The author’s
aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to
win men to a sober life and to the due performance
of individual and social duties, that the preacher
exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike
the reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history
and legend of chroniclers, pagan and Christian, and
the words of prophets and poets. As a memorial
of the literature and learning of the middle ages,
it must always possess a permanent value. From
it we may learn, and always with interest, what was
the literary taste and social ideal of the thirteenth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. There is,
doubtless, ample room for dissatisfaction with that
ideal, but it is not without some bright aspects.
Possibly there are modern realms that are not any
happier now than they would be if governed in strict
accordance with the rules laid down by the earnest
author of the game and play of the chess.
* * * *
*
It only remains for the editor to thank the friends
who have interested themselves in his work. Mr.
J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual scholarly
courtesy and liberality in the communication of books
and references. To Mr. R.C. Christie, the
Chancellor of the Diocese of Manchester, a similar
acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and
Mr. W.R. Credland, of the Manchester Free Library,
on this, as on many other occasions, have not only
given the editor many facilities for his work, but
some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited.
The index is chiefly the work of the editor’s
eldest daughter.
[DEDICATION.]
Page 33
[42] To the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous
prince George duc of Clarence Erle of warwyck and
of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant
of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace
of god kynge of England and of france/ your most humble
servant william Caxton amonge other of your seruantes
sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye
upon your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted
prynce/. For as moche as I haue understand and
knowe/ that y’e are enclined unto the comyn
wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles
lordes and comyn peple of his noble royame of Englond/
and that y’e sawe gladly the Inhabitants of
y’e same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable
and honeste maners. In whiche your noble persone
wyth guydyng of your hows haboundeth/ gyuyng light
and ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue put me
in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in
to myn handes out of frensh in to englisshe/ In which
I fynde thauctorites. dictees. and stories of auncient
Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse men
whiche been recounted & applied unto the moralite of
the publique wele as well of the nobles as of the
comyn peple after the game and playe of the chesse/
whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord I haue
made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble
protection/ not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne
ony thynge ayenst your noblesse/. For god be
thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange
regions as with in the royame of england gloriously
unto your honour and lande/ which god multeplye and
encrece But to thentent that other of what estate
or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd
lityll book/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought
to doo/ wherfor my right dere redoubted lord I requyre
& supplye your good grace not to desdaygne to resseyue
this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well of
me your humble and unknowen seruant as of a better
and gretter man than I am/. For the right good
wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the
best wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte
and dede/ And for more clerely to procede in this
sayd book I haue ordeyned that the chapitres ben sette
in the begynnynge to thende that y’e may see
more playnly the mater wherof the book treteth &c.
[PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.]
The holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt Poule
sayth in his epystle. Alle that is wryten is
wryten unto our doctryne and for our lernyng.
Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to
wryte and compyle many notable werkys and historyes
to the ende that it myght come to the knowlege and
vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which
the nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng to the same saith
Salamon. that the nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And
emong alle other good werkys. It is a werke of
ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late
vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not
lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye.
Page 34
Th[=e]ne emonge whom there was an excellent doctour
of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of
thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended
the fame and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed.
which at suche tyme as J was resident in brudgys in
the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which
whan J had redde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye
for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes
And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/
ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self
to translate it in to our maternal tongue/ And whan
I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ I dyde doo
sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche
anone were depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys
sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto
every astate and degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte
it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as
longen to the playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees
ben comprysed/ besechyng al them that this litel werke
shal see/ here/ or rede to have me for excused for
the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in to our englisshe/
And where as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and
in so doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke/ and
I shal pray for them/ that god of his grete mercy
shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse in heven/
to the whiche he brynge us/ that wyth his precious
blood redemed us Amen
[TABLE.]
This booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees/
The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe
of the chesse,/ and conteyneth .iii. chapitres
The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was
founden
The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe
The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit
was made and founden
The second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and
conteyneth .v. chapitres
The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge
and of suche thinges as apperteyn to a kynge
The .ii. chapitre treteth of y’e quene & her
forme & maners
The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and
her offices and maners
The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices
The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices
The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn
peple And hath .viii. chapitres
The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of
the erthe
The .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall
[43] The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth &
notaries
The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers
[44] The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries
[45] The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers
[46] The .vii. is of y’e gardes of the citees
& tollers & cuftomers
[47] The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours
The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them
And hath .viii. chapitres
Page 35
The first is of the eschequer
The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge
The thirde of the yssue of the quene
The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns
The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes
The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks
The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn
peple
And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion.
And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.
BOOK I.
[Illustration]
This first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth
under what kynge the play of the chesse was founden
and maad.:.
Amonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may
be in a man the first and y’e grettest is whan
he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese and make wroth
god by synne/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/
whan he reccheth not/ ner taketh hede unto them that
repreue hym and his vices/ but fleeth them/ In suche
wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche dide do slee
his maister seneque For as moche as he might not suffre
to be repreuid and taught of hym In lyke wyse was
somtyme a kynge in babiloine that was named Evilmerodach
a Jolye man with oute Justice and so cruell that he
dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces/
And gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes
that men calle wultres And was of suche condicion
as was Nero/ And right well resemblid and was lyke
unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche on a tyme wold
do flee alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For
as moche as they coude not telle hym his dreme that
he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit lyke
as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/
Under this kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and
playe of the chesse founden/ Trewe it is that some
men wene/ that this playe was founden in the tyme
of the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo
For this playe cam to the playes of the caldees as
dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth That amonge
the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all
other playes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the
tyme of Alixandre the grete in to Egipte And so unto
alle the parties toward the south/ And the cause wherfore
thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the thirde
chapitre.
[Illustration]
This second chapitre of the first tra3tate sheweth
who fonde first the playe of the chesse.
Thys playe fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche
was named in Caldee Exerses or in greke philometor/
which is as moche to saye in english as he that loveth
Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed
gretly amonge the grekes and them of Athenes whiche
were good clerkys and philosophers also renomed of
theyr connynge. This philosopher was so Juste
and trewe that he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe
and be a fals flaterer wyth the sayd kynge. For
Page 36
whan he behelde the foull and synfull lyf of the kynge/
And that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete
cruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym/
he put hym self in paryll of deth/ And louyd and chees
rather to dye than lenger to lyue: The euyll
lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell
beste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ For he
destroyeth hym that displesith hym/ And therfore reherceth
valerius/ that ther was a wise man named theodore
cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for
as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll lyf
And all way as he was in the torment he said to y’e
kynge/ upon thy counceyllours & them that ben cladd
in thy clothynge & robes were more reson that this
torment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye
to the The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly/
of my self I make no force whether I dye on the lande
or on the water or otherwyse &c as who sayth he recched
not to dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon
the philosophre put out his owen eyen be cause he
wold not see that no good myght come to the euyll
and vicyous peple wyth out right And also defortes
the philosophre as he went toward his deth/ his wyf
that folowed after hym saide that he was dampned to
deth wrongfully/ than he answerd and sayd to her/ holde
thy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye
to dye by a wronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than
that I had deseruyd to dye.
[Illustration.]
The thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth
wherfore the playe was founden and maad.
The causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre/
the first was for to correcte and repreue the kynge
.For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe this playe
And the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court
playe wyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled gretly of
the beaulte and nouelte of the playe/ And desired
to playe agaynst y’e philosopher/ The philosopher
answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon.
But yf he first lerned the playe/ The kynge said hit
was reson and that he wold put him to the payne to
lerne hit Than the philosopher began to teche hym and
to shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse
borde and the chesse meyne/ And also the maners and
condicions of a kynge of the nobles and of the comun
peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid
and drawen. And how he shold amende hymself &
become vertuous And whan this kynge herde that he
repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym upon payne of deth to
tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/
And he answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest
and most thinge that I desire is that thou haue in
thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf And that may
I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd
and that had/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple
Thus than I desire y’t thou haue other gouernement
than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon thy self
first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon
Page 37
other by force and not by right Certaynly hit is not
ryght that a man be mayster ouer other and comandour/
whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and that
his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye
by force and wylle may not longe endure/ Than thus
may thou see oon of the causes why and wherfore I
haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to
correcte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous
lyuynge/ .For alle kynges specyally ought to here
her corrygeours or correctours and her corrections
to hold and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius
reherceth that the kynge Alixandre had a noble and
renomed knyght that sayd in repreuynge of Alixandre
that he was to moche couetous and in especyall of
the honours of the world/ And sayd to hym yf the goddes
had maad thy body as greet as is thy herte Alle the
world coude not holde the/. For thou holdest
in thy right hand alle the Oryent/ And in thy lyfte
hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ or thou art
a god or a man or nought/ yf thou be god doo than
well and good to the peple as god doth/ And take not
from them that they ought to haue and is theyres. yf
thou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And than
thou shalt doo noon euyll/ yf thou be nought forgete
thy self/ ther is no thynge so stronge and ferme/
but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe
hit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/
yet somtyme a lityll birde eteth hym/ The seconde
cause wherfore this playe was founden and maad/ was
for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque saith
unto lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture
of a man lyuyng/ and varro saith in his sentences
that in lyke wise as men goo not for to goo/ the same
wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo
well and good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher
fonde this playe for to kepe the peple from ydlenes/.
For there is moche peple. Whan so is that they
be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them
to ease and ydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many
euyllys and grete synnes And by this ydlenes the herte
is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde
cause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe
and to here noueltees and tydynges. For this
cause they of atthenes studyed as we rede/ and for
as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth
otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges/ therfore
we rede that [48] democrion the phylosopher put oute
his owen eyen/ for as moche as he myght haue the better
entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made
blynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was
dydymus bisshop of Alixandrye/ that how well that
he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/ that gregore
nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres
to other/ came for to be his scolers & lerned of hym
And saynt Anthonie The grete heremyte cam for to see
hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other thynges/ he demanded
hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was blynde
and sawe not. And he answerd that he was gretly
Page 38
abasshid for that he supposid not that he was not
displesid in that he had lost his sight/ And saynt
Anthonye answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith
the that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn
betwene the and bestes. And thou knowest well
that thou hast not loste that thynge that is comyn
bitwene the and the angellis And for thise causes forsayd
the philosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes
and thoughtes/ and to thinke only on this playe as
shall be said & appere in this book after.
BOOK II.
[Illustration]
The seconde tractate/ the first chapiter treteth
of the forme of a kynge of his maners and of his estate.
The kynge must be thus maad. For he must sitte
in a chayer clothed in purpure/ crowned on his heed
in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte hande
an apple of gold/. For he is the most grettest
and hyest in dignyte aboue alle other and most worthy.
And that is signefyed by the corone/. For the
glorye of the peple is the dignite of the kynge/ And
aboue all other the kynge ought to be replenysshid
with vertues and of grace/ and thys signefieth the
purpure. For in lyke wyse as the robes of purpure
maketh fayr & enbelysshith the body/ the same wise
vertues maketh the sowle/ he ought alleway thenke
on the gouernement of the Royame and who hath thadmynystracion
of Justice/ And thys shuld be by hym self pryncipally.
This signefieth the appell of gold that he holdeth
in his lyfte honde/ And for as moche as hit apperteyneth
unto hym to punysshe the rebelles hath he y’e
sceptre in his right hand And for as moche as mysericorde
and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge in his trone/
Therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr
For whan a kynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd
of his peple late hym be gouerned by debonarite And
valerius saith that debonairte percyth the hertes
of straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the
hertes of his enemyes/ wherof he reherceth that philostratus
that was due of athenes had a doughter/ whom a man
louyd so ardantly/ that on a tyme as he sawe her wyth
her moder/ sodaynly he cam and kyssed her/ wherof the
moder was so angry and soroufull that she wente and
requyred of her lord the duc/ that his heed myght
be smyten of/ The prynce answerd to her and sayde/
yf we shold slee them that loue us/ what shall we doo
to our enemyes that hate us/ Certaynly this was thanswer
of a noble & debonair prynce That suffred that villonye
don to his doughter and to hymself yet more This prince
had also a frende that was named Arispe that sayd on
a tyme as moche villonye unto the prynce as ony man
miht saye And that might not suffise hym/ but he scracchid
hym in the visage/ The prynce suffryd hym paciently
in suche wyse as thowh he had doon to hym no vilonye
but curtoysye And whan his sones wold haue auengid
this vilonye/ he comanded them that they shold not
be so hardy so to do The next day folowyng arispe
Page 39
remembrid of the right grete vilonye that he had don
to his frende and lord wythoute cause. He fyll
in dispayr and wold haue slayn hym self/ whan the
duc knewe and understode that/ he cam to hym and sayd
ne doubte the nothynge And swore to hym by his fayth/
that also well he was and shold be his frende fro
than forthon as euery he had ben to fore yf he wold
And thus he respited hym of his deth by his debonairte.
And in lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom
was reported that they of tarente had said grete vilonye
of hym. For whiche cause he maad alle them to
come to fore hym And demanded of them yf they had so
sayd. Than oon of them answerd and sayd/ yf the
wyn and the candellys had not fayllyd/ thys langage
had ben but a Iape/ In regarde of that we had thought
to haue doon/ Than the kynge began to lawhe/ for they
had confessid that suche langage as was sayd and spoken
was by dronkenship/ And for this cause of debonairte
the peple of tarante toke for a custome that the dronken
men shold be puuysshyd/ And the sobre men preyfed.
The kynge than thus ought to loue humylyte and hate
falsite after the holy scripture that speketh of euery
man generally/ For the kynge in his royame representeth
god/ And god is verite/ And therfore hym ought to
saye no thynge but yf hit were veritable and stable.
Valerius reherceth that Alixandre wyth alle his ooste
rood for to destroye a cyte whyche was named lapsare/
whan than a phylosophre whiche had to name Anaximenes
which had ben to fore maistre & gouernour of Alixandre
herd and understood of his comyng Cam agayn Alixandre
for to desire and requyre of hym. And whan he
sawe Alixandre he supposid to haue axid his requefte/
Alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to hym
to fore he axid ony thynge by his goddes. That
suche thynge as he axid or requyryd of hym/ he wold
in no wyse doon/ Than the philosopher requyred hym
to destroye the cyte/ whan Alixandre understood his
desire/ and the oth that he had maad/ he suffrid the
cyte to stande and not to be destroyed For he had
leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn
and doo agaynst his oth/ Quyntilian saith that no grete
man ne lord shold not swere/ but where as is grete
nede/ And that the symple parole or worde of a prynce
ought to be more stable than the oth of a marcha[=u]t/
Alas how kepe the prynces their promisses in thise
dayes/ not only her promises but their othes her fealis
and wrytynges & signes of their propre handes/ alle
faylleth god amende hit &c. A kynge also ought
to hate alle cruelte/ For we rede that neuer yet dyed
ony pietous persone of euyll deth ne cruell persone
of good deth Therfore recounteth valerius that ther
was a man named theryle a werke-man in metall/ that
made a boole of coppre and a lityll wyket on the side/
wherby men myght put in them that shuld be brent therin/
And hit was maad in suche manere/ that they that shold
be put and enclosid therin shold crye nothinge lyke
to the wys of a man but of an oxe. And this made
Page 40
he be cause men shold haue the lasse pite of them.
Whan he had made this hole of copper/ he presented
hit unto a kynge which was callyd philarde that was
so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but
in cruelte And he told hym the condicion of the bole/
Whan philarde herde and understode this/ he alowed
and preysed moche the werke/ And after sayde to hym/
thou that art more cruell than I am/ thou shalt assaye
& prove first thy sente and yeft/ And so made hym
to goo in to the boole and dye an euyll deth/ Therfore
faith Ouide ther is no thinge more raisonable than
that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto
other Also the kynge ought souerainly kepe Iustice/
who maketh or kepeth a royame with oute Iustice/ of
verray force ther muste be grete robberye and thefte
Therfor reherceth saint Augustyn in a book which is
intituled the cyte of god/ that there was a theef
of the see named diomedes that was a grete rouar and
dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to fore
Alixander whiche dide hym to be taken & brought to
fore hym/ and he demanded hym wherfore he was so noyous
& cruell in the see And he answerd to hym agayn/ for
as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world/ so
am I another in y’e see/ but for as moche as
the euyll y’t I doo is in oon galeye or tweyne
therfore I am callyd a theef/ but for as moche as
thou dost in many shippis and with grete puyssance
and power/ therfore art thou callyd an emperour/ but
yf fortune were for me in suche wyse/ I wold be come
a good man and better than I now am/ but thou/ the
more richer and fortunat that thou art/ the more worse
art thou/ Alixander sayd to hym I shall change thy
fortune in suche wyse as thou ne saye/ that thou shalt
doo hit by pouerte/ but for euyll and mauaiste/ And
so he made hym ryche/ And thys was he that afterward
was a good prynce and a good Iusticyer/ The kynge
ought to be soueraynly chaste/ And this signefyeth
a quene that is only on his ryght syde For hit is
to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a
good man Iuste. trewe & of good maners and condicions/
that his children shall folowe gladly the same/ for
a good sone & a trewe ought not to forsake & goo fro
y’e good condicions of his fader. For certes
hit is agaynst god and nature in partie whan a man
taketh other than his propre wyf/ And that see we
by birdes/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder
the charge in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge
fowlis and birdis/. For some maner of fowlis
kepen them to theyr femeles only/ As hit appereth
by storkes dowues and turtils/ But tho fowles that
norisshith not their birdes haue many wyues and femelles/
As the cock that no thynge norisshith his chekens/
And therfore amonge alle the bestes that been/ Man
and woman putteth most theyr entente and haue moste
cure & charge in norisshyng of their children/ And
therfore doon they agaynst nature in partye whan they
leue theyr wyues for other women/ Of this chastete
reherceth valerius an example and faith that ther was
Page 41
a man of rome which was named scipio affrican.
For as moche as he had conquerd affricque how well
that he was of rome born. Whan he was of .xxxiiii.
yer of age he conquerd cartage And toke moche peple
in Ostage/ Amonge whom he was presented wyth a right
fair mayde for his solas and playsir whiche was assurid
and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman of cartage
whiche was named Indiuicible/ And anon as this gentill
scipio knewe that Notwythstandyng that he was a prynce
noble & lusty Dyde do calle anon the parents and kynnesmen
of them And deliuerid to them their doughter wyth
oute doyng of ony vilonye to her/ and y’e raensom
or gold that they had ordeyned for their doughter/
gaf hit euery dele In dowaire to her And the yong
man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes
of hym/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble
peple unto the loue & alliance of the romayns/ And
this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge &c.
[Illustration]
The seconde chapitre of the seconde book treteth
of the forme and maners of the Quene.
Thus ought the Quene be maad/ she ought to be a fair
lady sittynge in a chayer and crowned wyth a corone
on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of gold & a mantyll
aboue furrid wyth ermynes And she shold sytte on the
lyfte syde of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge
of her husbonde/ lyke as it is sayd in scripture in
the canticles/ her lyfte arme shall be under my heed
And her ryght arme fhall[49] be clyppe and enbrace
me/ In that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by grace
gyuen to the kynge by nature and of ryght. For
better is to haue a kynge by succession than by election/
For oftentymes the electours and chosers can not ne
wyll not accorde/ And so is the election left/ And
otherwhyle they chese not the beste and most able
and conuenyent/ but hym that they best loue/ or is
for them most proffytable/ But whan the kynge is by
lignage and by trewe succession/ he is taught enseygned
and nourrishid in his yongth in alle good & vertuous
tacches and maners of hys fader/ And also the prynces
of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst
a kynge hauynge a sone for to regne after hym And so
a Quene ought to be chaste. wyse. of honest peple/
well manerd and not curyous in nourisshynge of her
children/ her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet
and werkes but also in spekynge that is to wete that
she be secrete and telle not suche thynges as ought
to be holden secrete/ Wherfore it is a comyn prouerbe
that women can kepe no counceyle And accordyng therto
Macrobe reherceth in the book of the dremes of Scipio.
That ther was a child of rome that was named papirus
that on a tyme went with his fader whiche was a senatour
into the chambre where as they helde their counceyll
And that tyme they spak of suche maters as was comanded
and agreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their
heedes And so departed And whan he was comen home
from the senatoire and fro the counceyll with his
fader/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll
Page 42
and wherof they spack and had taryed so longe there
And the childe answerd to her and sayd he durst not
telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was defended
upon payn of deth Than was the moder more desirous
to knowe than she was to fore/ And began to flatere
hym one tyme And afterward to menace hym that he shold
saye and telle to her what hit was And whan the childe
sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no
wife He made her first promise that she shold kepe
hit secrete And to telle hit to none of the world/
And that doon/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd
to her/ that the senatours had in counceyll a grete
question and difference whiche was this/ whether hit
were better and more for the comyn wele of rome/ that
a man shold have two wyuys/ or a wyf to haue two husbondes/
And whan she had understonde this/ he defended her
that she shold telle hit to none other body And after
this she wente to her gossyb and told to her this
counceyll secretly/ And she told to an other/ And
thus euery wyf tolde hit to other in secrete And thus
hit happend anone after that alle the wyues of rome
cam to the senatorye where the senatours were assemblid/
And cryed wyth an hye voys/ that they had leuer/ and
also hit were better for the comyn wele that a wyf
shold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues/ The
senatours heerynge this. were gretly abasshid and
wist not what to saye/ ner how to answere/ tyll at
laste that the child papire reherced to them all the
caas and feet how hit was happend And whan the senatours
herd & understood the mater they were gretly abasshid/
and comended gretly y’e Ingenye & wytte of the
child that so wisely contriued the lye rather than
he wolde discouere their co[=u]ceyll/ And forthwith
made hym a senatour/ and establisshid & ordeyned fro
than forthon that no childe in ony wise sholl entre
in to y’e counceyll hous amonge them with their
faders exept papirus/ whome they wold y’t he
shold alwey be among them/ also a quene ought to be
chaste/ for as she is aboue all other in astate &
reuer[=e]ce so shold she be ensample to all other in
her liuyng honestly/ wherof Ierome reherceth agaynst
Ionynyan/ that ther was a gentilman of rome named
duele/ and this man was he y’t first fond y’e
maner to fight on y’e water/ and had first victorie/
this duele had to his wif one of the best women &
so chaste/ that euery woman might take ensample of
her/ And at y’t tyme the synne of the flesshe
was the grettest synne y’t ony might doo agaynst
nature/ And this sayd good woman was named ylye/ and
so it happend that this duele becam so olde that he
stowped & quaqued for age And on a tyme one of his
aduersaries repreuyd & reprochid hym sayng that he
had a stynkynge breth/ And forthwyth he wente home
to his wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her why
and wherfore she had not told his defaulte to hym that
he myght haue founden remedye to haue ben purgid therof/
And she answerd that as for as moche as she supposid
that euery man had that same faute as well as he.
Page 43
For she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth but her husbondes/
O moche was this woman to be preysed & haue a singuler
lawde wenynge that this defaulte had not ben only
in her husbonde/ wherfore she suffrid hit paciently
in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute sonner
by other than by her/ Also we rede that ther was a
wedowe named anna/ whiche had a frende that counceyllid
her to marye/ For she was yong fayr and riche/ to
whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise
For yf I shold haue an husbond as I haue had and that
he were as good as he was/ I shold euer ben a ferd
to lose hym/ lyke as I lost that other/ And than shold
I lyue all wey in fere & drede/ whiche I wyll not And
yf hit happend me to haue awors/ what shold hyt prouffite
me to haue an euyll husbond after a good. And
so she concluded that she wold kepe her chastete.
Saynt Austyn reherceth in the book de Civitate dei
that in rome was a noble lady gentill of maners &
of hyghe kynrede named lucrecia/ And had an husbonde
named colatyne/ whiche desired on a tyme the Emours
sone named Torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and
he was callid sixte for to come dyne and sporte hym
in his castell or manoir And whan he was entrid amonge
many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia/ And whan this
Emours sone had seen & aduertised her deportes. her
contenance. her manere. and her beaulte/ he was all
rauysshid and esprised wyth her loue forthwyth And
espyed a tyme whan her husbonde collatyn wente unto
the ooste of themour/ and camm to the place where
as lucresse was with her felawship/ whom she receyuyd
honorably/ and whan tyme came to goo to bedde and
slepe she made redy a bedde ryally for hym as hit
apperteyned to the emperours sone And this sixtus espyed
where lucresia laye. And whan he supposyd & knewe
that euery body was in his first sleep/ he cam to
the bedde of lucresse and that oon hand sette on her
breste and in that other hand a naked swerd/ and sayd
to her/ lucresse holde thy pees and crye not/ For
I am sixte tarquynus sone/ for yf y’u speke
ony worde thou shalt be dede/ And for fere she held
her pees/ Than he began to praye and promise many
thinges And after he menaced & thretenyd her that
she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll/ And whan
he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd
to her yf thou do not my wyll/ I shall slee the and
o[=o]n of thy seruantes and shall leye hym all ded
by thy syde And than I shall saye that I haue slayn
yow for your rybawdrye/ And lucresse that than doubted
more the shame of the world than the deth consentid
to hym/ And anone after as the Emours sone was departid/
the ladye sente l*res to her husbond her fader her
brethern & to her frendes/ and to a man callid brute
conceyllour & neuewe to tarquyn/ And sayd to them/
that yesterday sixte the emp*ours sone cam in to myn
hous as an enemye in likenes of a frende/ & hath oppressid
me And knowe y’u colatyn that he hath dishonorid
thy bedde And how well y’t he hath fowled & dishonored
my body/ yet myn herte is not/ wherfore I beseche
Page 44
the of pardon foryfnes & absolucion of the trespas
but not of the payne/ and he y’t hath doon this
synne to me hit shall ben to his meschance yf y’e
doo your deuoir/ And be cause no woman take ensample
of lucresse and lyue after the trespaas/ but that
she in lyke wyse take ensample also of the payne And
forthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen
or robe/ she roof her self unto the herte And deyde
forthwyth to fore them/ And than brute the counseillr
And her husbond collatyn and alle her other frendes
swore by the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer
reste vnto the tyme that they had put out of rome
tarquyn and and alle his lignee/ And that neuer after
none of them shold come to dignite/ And alle this was
doon. For they bare the dede corps thurgh the
cyte and meuyd the peple in suche wyse/ that tarquyn
was put in exyle And fixte his sone was slayn/ A Quene
ought to be well manerd & amonge alle she ought to
be tumerous and shamefast/ For whan a woman hath loste
shamefastnes/ she may ner can not well be chaast/
Wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast
haue no conscience of luxurye/ And saynt Ambrose saith
that oon of the best parements and maketh a woman
most fayr in her persone/ is to be shamefast/ Senecque
reherceth that ther was oon named Archezille whiche
was so shamefast That she put in a pelow of fethers
a certain some of money/ and put hit vnder y’e
heed of a pour frende of heeris/ whiche dissimyled
his pouerte and wold not ner durst not be a knowen
of his pouerte For for shame she durst not gyue hit
openly/ but had leuer that he shold fynde hit/ than
that she had gyuen hit hym/ Wherfore otherwhile men
shold gyue & helpe her frendes so secretly That they
knowe not whens hit come/ For whan we kepe hit secret
and make no boost therof/ our deedes and werkes shall
plese god and them also/ A Quene ought to be chosen
whan she shall be wedded of the most honest kynrede
and peple/ For oftentymes the doughters folowen the
tacches and maners of them that they ben discended
from/ Wherof Valerius maximus sayth that ther was one
that wold marye/ whiche cam to a philosopher and axid
counceyll what wif he might best take He answerd that
he shold take her that thou knowe certaynly that her
moder and her grauntdame haue ben chaast and well
condicioned/ For suche moder/ suche doughter comunely/
Alfo a quene ought to teche her childern to ben contynent
and kepe chastite entyerly/ as hit is wreton in ecclesiastes/
yf thou haue sones enseigne and teche them/ And yf
thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite/ For
helemonde reherceth that euery kynge & prynce ought
to be a clerke for to comande to other to studye and
rede the lawe of our lord god/ And therfore wrote
themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo
lerne hys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall/
And saide amonge other thynges that a kynge not lettryd
resembleth an asse coroned/ Themperour Octauian maad
his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme. to sprynge
and lepe. to Iufte. to playe wyth the axe and swerde/
Page 45
And alle maner thynge that apperteyneth to a knyght/
And his doughters he made hem to lerne. to sewe. to
spynne. to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth/
And alle other werkis longynge to women And whan his
frendes demanded wherfore he dyde so/ he answerd how
well that he was lord & syre of alle the world/ yet
wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and
whether they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo/
and therfore yf they conne a good crafte they maye
alleway lyue honestly/ The Quene ought to kepe her
doughters in alle chastyte/ For we rede of many maydens
that for theyr virginite haue ben made quenes/ For
poule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth
y’t ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche
had .iii. sones & two doughters And hit happend that
the kynge of hongrye cantanus assaylled a castell
where she behelde her enemyes And amonge all other
she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly
man/ Anone she was esprised and taken wyth his loue/
And that so sore/ that forthwith she sent to hym that
she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym yf he wold
take her to his wyf and wedde her And he agreed therto/
and sware that he wold haue her to his wyf on that
condicion/ whan than the kynge was in the castell/
his peple toke men and women and alle that they fonde/
her sones fledde from her/ of whom one was named Ermoaldus
and was yongest/ and after was duc of boneuentan/ And
syn kynge of the lumbardis. And the two susters
toke chikens And put hem vnder her armes next the
flessh and bytwene her pappes/ that of the heete &
chaffyng the flessh of the chikens stanke. And
whan so was that they of hongrye wold haue enforcid
& defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde
away and so lefte hem sayng/ fy how these lombardes
stynke/ and so they kept their virginite/ wherfore
that one of them afterward was Quene of france And
that other Quene of Aleman/ And hit happend than that
the kynge Catanus toke acordynge to his promyse the
duchesse/ and laye with her one night for to saue
his oth And on the morn he made her comune unto alle
the hongres/ And the thirde day after he dyde doo put
a staf of tre fro the nether part of her/ thurgh her
body vnto her throte or mouthe/ for be cause of the
lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and sayd
suche husbond/ suche wyf &c And this sufficeth of the
Quene.
The thirde chapitre of the seconde tractate treteth
of the alphyns her offices and maners.
The Alphyns ought to be made and formed in manere
of Iuges syttynge in a chayer wyth a book open to
fore their eyen/ And that is be cause that some causes
ben crymynell/ And some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons
and other temporell thynges and trespaces/ And therfore
ought to be two Iuges in the royame/ one in the black
for the first cause/ And that other in whyte as for
the seconde/ Theyr office is for to counceyll the
kynge/ And to make by his comandements good lawes And
to enforme alle the royame in good and vertuous maners/
Page 46
And to Iuge and gyue sentence well and truly after
the caas is had/ And to counceyll well and Iustely
alle them that are counceyll of hem/ wyth oute hauynge
of ony eye opene to ony persone/ And to estudye diligently
in suche wyse and to ordeygne alle that/ that ought
to be kept be obseruyd be faste and stable/ So that
they be not founde corrupt for yeft for favour ne for
lignage ne for enuye variable And as touchynge the
first poynt Seneque sayth in the book of benefetes
that the poure Dyogenes was more stronge than Alixandre/
For Alixandre coude not gyue fo moche as Diogenes
wold reffuse.
Marcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus.
That whan he had besiegid & assayllyd them of amente
And boneuentans whiche herde that he was poure/ they
toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit
to hym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue
his assault and siege/ And whan they cam with the
present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the erthe
and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree
and of wode and dyde than her message/ to whom he
answerd and sayde that they shold goo hoome and saye
to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth better
to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold
wynne hym/ For by bataylle he shall not be ouercome
and vaynquysshid Nor be gold ne siluer he shal not
be corrupt ne corompid Often tymes that thynge taketh
an euyll ende that is vntrewe for gold and siluer/
And that a man is subgett vnto money may not be lord
therof/ helimond reherceth that [50] demoncene demanded
of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of
a cause for his clyent/ And he answerd a marck of gold.
[51] Demoscenes answerd to hym agayn that he had wonne
as moche for to hold his pees and speke not Thus the
tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben yllous and
domegeable/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne
thy cause for wyth money and yeft thou shall wynne
And oftetymes they selle as welle theyr scilence/
as theyr vtterance/ Valerius reherceth that the senatours
of rome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that
one was poure/ And that other riche and couetous/
whiche of hem bothe were moft apte for to sende to
gouerne and Iuge the contre of spayne/ and scipion
of affricque sayd that none of them bothe were good
ner prouffitable to be sente theder/ For that one
hath no thynge And to that other may nothynge suffise
And despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice
in a Iuge/ For a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny
For he is seruant & bonde vnto money/ and not lord
therof. But pouerte of herte & of wylle ought
to be gretly alowed in a Iuge Therfore we rede that
as longe as the romayns louyd pouerte they were lordes
of all the world For many ther were that exposed alle
their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was most
prouffitable for the comynaulte that they were so poure
that whan they were dede they were buryed & brought
to erthe with the comyn good/ And theyr doughters
were maryed by the comandement of the senatours/ But
Page 47
syn that they despised pouerte/ And begonne to gadre
rychesses/ And haue maad grete bataylles/ they haue
vsed many synnes And so the comyn wele perysshid/
For there is no synne but that it regneth there/ Ther
is none that is so [52] synfull as he that hath alle
the world in despyte/ For he is in pees that dredeth
no man/ And he is ryche that coueyteth no thynge/
Valere reherceth that he is not ryche that moche hath/
But he is ryche that hath lytyll and coueyteth no
thynge/ Than thus late the Iuges take hede that they
enclyne not for loue or for hate in ony Iugement/
For theophrast saith that alle loue is blynde ther
loue is/ ther can not ryght Iugement by guyen/ For
alle loue is blynde And therfore loue is none euyn
Iuge For ofte tymes loue Iugeth a fowll & lothly woman
to be fayr And so reherceth quynte curse in his first
book that the grete Godaches sayth the same to Alixandre
men may saye in this caas that nature is euyll For
euery man is lasse auysed and worse in is owne feet
and cause than in an other mans/ And therfore the Iuges
ought to kepe hem well from yre in Iugement/ Tullius
sayth that an angry & yrous sone weneth that for to
doo euyll/ is good counceyll/ and socrates saith y’t
.ii. thinges ben contraryous to co[=u]ceyll/ and they
ben haftynes & wrath/ and Galeren sayth in Alexandrye/
yf yre or wrath ouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue
Iugement/ weye all thinge in y’e balance so
that thy Iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste/
ne fauour of persone torne not thy corage. Helemond
reherceth that Cambyses kynge of perse whiche was
a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys Iuge/ whiche for
enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and
agaynst right/ wherfore he dide hym to be flain all
quyk/ and made the chayer or fiege of Iugement to
be couerid wyth his skyn/ And made his sone Iuge and
to sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader/ to
thende that the sone shold Iuge rightwysly/ And abhorre
the Iugement & payne of his fader/ Iuges ought to
punysshe the defaultes egally And fullfille the lawe
that they ordeyne/ Caton sayth accomplisshe and do
the lawe in suche wyse as thou hast ordeyned and gyuen.
Valerius reherceth that calengius a consull had a
sone whiche was taken in adwultrye. And therfore
after the lawe at that tyme he was dampned to lose
bothe his eyen The fader wold y’t the lawe shold
be acc[=o]plisshid in his sone with out fauour/ but
all the cyte was meuyd herewyth And wold not suffre
hit/ but in the ende his fader was vaynquysshid by
theyr prayers/ And ordeyned that his sone shold lese
oon eye whiche was put oute And he hymself lost an
other eye/ And thus was the lawe obserued and kept/
And the prayer of the peple was accomplisshid We rede
y’t ther was a counceyllour of rome that had
gyen counceill to make a statute/ that who some euer
that entrid in to the senatoire/ & a swerd gyrt aboute
hym shold be ded/ Than hit happend on a tyme that
he cam from with out and entrid in to the senatoyre
& his swerd gyrt aboute hym/ wherof he took n[=o]n
Page 48
heede/ and [=o]n of the senatours told hym of hit/
and whan he knewe hit & remembrid the statute/ he
drewe oute his swerd & slewe hymself to fore them/
rather to dye than to breke the lawe/ for whos deth
all the senatours made grete sorowe/ but alas we fynde
not many in thise dayes that soo doo/ but they doo
lyke as anastasius saith that the lawes of some ben
lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take no grete
bestes & fowles but lete goo & flee thurgh. But
they take flyes & gnattes & suche smale thynges/ In
lyke wise the lawes now a dayes ben not executed but
vpon the poure peple/ the grete and riche breke hit
& goo thurgh with all And for this cause sourden bataylles
& discordes/ and make y’e grete & riche men
to take by force and strengthe lordshippis & seignouries
vpon the smale & poure peple/ And this doon they specially
that ben gentill of lignage & poure of goodes And causeth
them to robbe and reue And yet constrayned them by
force to serue them And this is no meruayll/ for they
that drede not to angre god/ ner to breke the lawe
and to false hit/ Falle often tymes by force in moche
cursednes and wikkidnes/ but whan the grete peple doo
acordinge to the lawe/ and punysh the tr[=a]nsgressours
sharply The comyn peple abstayne and withdrawe hem
fro dooyng of euyll/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr
example/ And the Iuges ought to entende for to studie/
for y’t yf smythes the carp[=e]ntiers y’e
vignours and other craftymen saye that it is most
necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit And gloryfye
them in their connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable
Than shold the Iuges studie and contemplaire moche
more than they in that/ that shold be for the comyn
wele/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme
that they do no thynge they doo more than they that
laboure For they doo spirytuell and also corporall
werkis/ and therfore amonge Artificers ther is no
plesant reste/ But that reson of the Iuges hath maad
and ordeyned hit/ And therfore angelius in libro actiui
atticatorum de socrate sayth That socrates was on
a tyme so pensyf that in an hole naturell daye/ He
helde one estate that he ne meuyd mouth ne eye ne
foote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd.
And whan one demanded hym wherfore he was fo pensyf/
he answerd in alle worldly thynges and labours of
the fame And helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of the
world And valerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght
was so age wye and laborous in pensifnes of the comyn
wele/ that whan he was sette at table for to ete/
he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself.
And therfore his wys y’t was named mellye whom
he had taken more to haue her companye & felawship
than for ony other thynge/ Fedde hym to thende that
he shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes/ Dydymus
sayd to Alix-andrie we ben not deynseyns in the world
but stra[=u]gers/ ner we ben not born in the world
for to dwell and abyde allway therein/ but for to
goo and passe thurgh hit/ we haue doon noon euy dede/
but that it is worthy to be punysshid and we to suffre
payne therfore And than we may goon with opon face
and good conscience And so may we goo lightly and
appertly the way that we hope and purpose to goo This
suffiseth as for the Alphyns.
Page 49
[Illustration]
The fourth chapitre of the seconde book treteth
of the ordre of cheualerye and knyghthode and of her
offices and maners.
The knyght ought to be made alle armed upon an hors
in suche wyse that he haue an helme on his heed and
a spere in his ryght hande/ and coueryd wyth his sheld/
a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde/ Cladd wyth an
hawberk and plates to fore his breste/ legge harnoys
on his legges/ Spores on his heelis on his handes
his gauntelettes/ his hors well broken and taught
and apte to bataylle and couerid with his armes/ whan
the knyghtes ben maad they ben bayned or bathed/ that
is the signe that they shold lede a newe lyf and newe
maners/ also they wake alle the nyght in prayers and
orysons vnto god that he wylle gyue hem grace that
they may gete that thynge that they may not gete by
nature/ The kynge or prynce gyrdeth a boute them a
swerde in signe/ that they shold abyde and kepe hym
of whom they take theyr dispenses and dignyte.
Also a knyght ought to be wise, liberall, trewe, stronge
and full of mercy and pite and kepar of the peple
and of the lawe/ And ryght as cheualrye passeth other
in vertu in dignite in honour and in reu[=e]rece/ right
so ought he to surmounte alle other in vertu/ For
honour is no thing ellis but to do reuer[=e]ce to
an other sone for y’e good & vertuo’9 disposicion
y’t is in hym/ A noble knyght ought to be wyse
and preuyd to fore he be made knyght/ hit behoued
hym that he had longe tyme vsid the warre and armes/
that he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne the other
For syn that a knyght is capitayn of a batayll The
lyf of them that shall be vnder hym lyeth in his hand
And therfore behoueth hym to be wyse and well aduysed/
for some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth than
strengthe or hardynes of a man that is not proued
in Armes/ For otherwhyle hit happeth that whan the
prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in his
hardynes and strength And wole not vse wysedom and
engyne for to renne vpon his enemyes/ he is vaynquysshid
and his peple slayn/ Therfore saith the philosopher
that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns &
gouernours For as moche as ther is no certainte in
her wysedom. Alexandra of macedone vaynquysshid
and conquerid Egypte Iude Caldee Affricque/ and Affirye
vnto the marches of bragmans more by the counceyll
of olde men than by the strength of the yong men/ we
rede in the historye of rome y’t ther was a
knyght whiche had to name malechete that was so wyse
and trewe that whan the Emour Theodosius was dede/
he made mortall warre ayenst his broder germain whiche
was named Gildo or Guye For as moche as this said
guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute leue and
wyll of the senatours. And this sayd guye had
slayn the two sones of his broder malechete/ And dide
moche torment vnto the cristen peple And afore that
he shold come in to the felde ayenst his broder Emyon/
he wente in to an yle of capayre And ladde with hym
alle the cristen men that had ben sente theder in
Page 50
Exyle And made hem alle to praye wyth hym by the space
of thre dayes & thre nyghtis/ For he had grete truste
in the prayers of good folk/ & specially that noman
myght counceyll ne helpe but god/ and .iii. dayes
to fore he shold fight saynt Ambrofe whiche was ded
a lityl to fore apperid to hym/ and shewde hym by
reuelacion the tyme & our that he shold haue victorie/
and for as moche as he had ben .iii. dayes and .iii
nyghtes in his prayers & that he was assewrid for
to haue victorie/ He faught with .v. thousand men ayenst
his broder y’t had in his companye .xxiiii. thousand
men And by goddes helpe he had victorie And whan the
barbaryns y’t were comen to helpe guion fawe
y’e disconfiture they fledde away/ and guion
fledd also in to affricque by shiipp/ and whan he
was ther arryued he was sone after stranglid/ These
.ii. knyghtes of whom I speke were two bredern germayns/
whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn
weele/ In likewise Iudas machabe’9 Ionathas
& symon his bredern put hem self in the mercy and
garde of our lord god And agayn the enemyes of the
lawe of god with lityll peple in regard of the multitude
that were agayn them/ and had also victorye/ The knights
ought to ben trewe to theyr princes/ for he that is
not trewe leseth y’e name of a knight Vnto a
prince trouth is the grettest precious stone whan
it is medlid with Iuftice/ Paule the historiagraph
of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a knight
named enulphus and was of the cyte of papye that was
so trewe to his kynge named patharich/ that he put
hym in parill of deth for hym/ For hit happend that
Grymald Due of [53] buuentayns of whom we haue touched
to fore in the chapitre of the Quene/ Dyde do flee
Godebert whiche was kynge of the lombardes by the
hande of Goribert duc of Tauryn/ whiche was discended
of the crowne of lombardis And this grimald was maad
kynge of lombardis in his place/ and after this put
& bannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche
was broder vnto the kynge Godebert/ that for fere
and drede fledd in to hongrye/ And than this knyght
Enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn
of his lord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde/
and that he had licence to come out of hongrye where
he was all wey in paryll. and so he cam and cryed
hym mercy And the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle
and to lyue honestly in his contree/ allway forseen
that he toke not vpon hym and named hymself kynge/
how well he was kynge by right This doon a litill
while after/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges/ thought
in hymself how he myght brynge this patharich vnto
the deth And alle this knewe well the knyght enulphus/
whiche cam the same nyght with his squyer for to visite
his lord And made his squyer to vnclothe hym & to
lye in the bedde of his lord And made his lord to ryse
and clothe hym wyth the clothis of his squyer/ And
in this wyse brought hym oute/ brawlynge and betynge
hym as his seruant by them that were assigned to kepe
the hows of patharik y’t he shold not escape
Page 51
Whiche supposid that hit had ben his squyer that he
entretid so outragiously/ & so he brought hym to his
hous whiche Ioyned with the walles of the toun/ And
at mydnyght whan alle men were asleepe/ he lete a
doun his maistre by a corde/ whiche toke an hors oute
of the pasture And fled vnto the cyte of Aast and
ther cam to the kynge of fraunce/ And whan hit cam
vnto the morn. Hit was founden that Arnolphus
and his squyer had deceyvyd the kynge and the wacchemen/
whom the kyng comanded shold be brought to fore hym
And demanded of them the maner how he was escaped And
they told hym the trouthe/ Than the kynge demanded
his counceyll of what deth they had deseruyd to dye
that had so doon and wrought agayn the wylle of hym/
Some sayde that they shold ben honged/ and some sayd
they shold ben slayn And other sayd that they shold
be beheedid. Than sayd the kynge by that lord
that made me/ they ben not worthy to dye/ but for to
haue moche worship and honour/ For they haue ben trewe
to theyr lord/ wherfore the kynge gaf hem a grete
lawde and honour for their feet And after hit happend
that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe
the traytre Goribalde that by trayson had slayn his
lord at a feste of seynt Iohn in his Cyte of Tauryn
wherof he was lord and duc/ Thus ought the knyghtes
to love to gyder/ And eche to put his lyf in aventure
for other/ For so ben they the strenger And the more
doubted/ Lyke as were the noble knyghtes Ioab and
Abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and Amonytes/
And were so trewe that oon to that other that they
vaynquysshid theyr enemies And were so Ioyned to gyder
that yf the siryens were strenger than that one of
them/ that other helpe hym/ we rede that damon and
phisias were so ryght parfyt frendes to gyder that
whan Dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle had Iuged
one to deth for his trespaas in the cyte of syracusane
whom he wold haue executed/ he desired grace and leue
to goo in to hys contre for to dispose and ordonne
his testament/ And his felawe pleggid hym and was sewrte
for hym vpon his heed that he shold come agayn.
Wherof they that sawe & herd this/ helde hym for a
fool and blamed hym/ And he said all way that he repentid
hym nothynge at all/ For he knewe well the trouth of
his felawe And whan the day cam and the oure that
execusion shold be doon/ his felawe cam and presented
hymself to fore the Iuge/ And dischargid his felawe
that was plegge for hym/ wherof the kynge was gretly
abasshid And for the grete trouthe that was founden
in hym He pardonyd hym and prayd hem bothe that they
wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe/
Lo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought
to doubte the deth for his frende/ Lo what it is to
doo for a frende/ And to lede a lyf debonayr And to
be wyth out cruelte/ to loue and not to hate/ whiche
causeth to doo good ayenst euyll And to torne payne
into benefete and to quenche cruelte Anthonyus sayth
that Julius Cesar/ lefte not lightly frenshippe and
Amytye/ But whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and
Page 52
maynteyned hit alleway/ Scipion of Affricque sayth
that ther is no thynge so stronge/ as for to mayntene
loue vnto the deth The loue of concupiscence and of
lecherye is sone dissoluyd and broken/ But the verray
true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now a dayes
is selde founden/ where shall thou fynde a man in
thyse dayes that wyll expose hymself for the worshippe
and honour of his frende/ or for the comyn wele/ selde
or neuer shall he be founden/ Also the knyghtes shold
be large & liberall For whan a knyght hath regarde
vnto his singuler prouffit by his couetyse/ he dispoylleth
his peple For whan the souldyours see that they putte
hem in paryll. And theyr mayster wyll not paye
hem theyr wages liberally/ but entendeth to his owne
propre gayn and proussryt/ than whan the Enemyes come
they torne sone her backes and flee oftentymes/ And
thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete
money than victorye that his auaryce is ofte tymes
cause of his confusion Than late euery knyght take
heede to be liberall in suche wyse that he wene not
ne suppose that his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge
or gayn/ And for thys cause he be the lasse louyd of
his peple/ And that his aduersarye wythdrawe to hym
them by large gyuynge/ For oftetyme bataylle is auaunced
more for getynge of siluer. Than by the force
and strengthe of men/ For men see alle daye that suche
thynges as may not be achieuyd by force of nature/
ben goten and achieuyd by force of money/ And for
so moche hit behoueth to see well to that whan the
tyme of the bataylle cometh/ that he borowe not ne
make no tayllage/ For noman may be ryche that leuyth
his owne/ hopyng to gete and take of other/ Than all
waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be comyn amonge
them exept theyr Armes. For in lyke wyse as the
victorie is comune/ so shold the dispoyll and botye
be comune vnto them And therfore Dauid that gentyll
knyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre
made a lawe/ that he that abode behynde by maladye
or sekenes in the tentes shold haue as moche parte
of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle/ And
for the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge
of Israell/ Alexander of Macedone cam on a tyme lyke
a symple knyght vnto the court of Porus kynge of Inde
for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the knyghtes
of the court/ And the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully/
And demanded of hym many thynges of Alexander and of
his constance and strengthe/ nothynge wenynge that
he had ben Alexander But antygone one of his knyghtis
and after he had hym to dyner And whan they had feruyd
Alexander in vayssell of gold and siluer with dyuerce
metes &c. After that he had eten suche as plesid
hym he voyded the mete and toke the vayssell and helde
hit to hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys/
wherof he was accusid vnto the kynge After dyner than
the kynge callid hym and demanded hym wherfore he
had taken his vayssell And he answerd/ Syre kynge
my lord I pray the to vnderstande and take heede thy
Page 53
self and also thy knyghtes/ I haue herd moche of thy
grete hyenes And y’t thou art more myghty and
puyssant in cheualrye & in dispensis than is Alexander/
and therfore I am come to the a pour knyght whiche
am named Antygone for to serue the/ Than hit is the
custome in the Courte of Alexandre/ that what thynge
a knyght is seruyd wyth all is alle his/ mete and
vayssell and cuppe And therfore I had supposid that
this custome had ben kept in thy court for thou art
richer than he/ whan the knyghtes herd this/ an[=o]n
they lefte porus/ and wente for to serue alixandre/
and thus he drewe to hym y’e hertes of them by
yeftes/ whiche afterward slewe Porus that was kynge
of Inde/ And they made Alexandra kynge therof Therfore
remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid and shette
purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye. Ouyde sayth
that he that taketh yeftes/ he is glad therwyth/ For
they wynne wyth yeftes the hertes of the goddes and
of men For yf Iupiter were angrid/ wyth yestes he
wold be plesid/ The knyghtes ought to be stronge not
only of body but also in corage. Ther ben many
stronge and grete of body/ that ben faynt and feble
in the herte/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid
and ouercomen/ how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile/
And so we beleue that they that be not ouer grete
ne ouer lityll ben most corageous & beste in batayll.
We rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a batayll
agayn them of polipe/ And he was warned and had a reuelacion
of the goddes/ that they shold haue the victorie of
whom the prynce shold be slayn in the batayll/ And
the prince whiche was of a grete corage and trewe
herte Toke other armes of a poure man/ And put hymself
in the fronte of the batayll to thende that he might
be slain And so he was/ for the right trewe prince
had leuer dye Than his peple shold be ouercomen/ And
so they had the victorye/ Certes hyt was a noble and
fayr thynge to expose hym self to the deth for to
deffende his contrey. But no man wold doo so/
but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge therfore/
Therfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles
gloriously that ben slain in the warre for the comyn
wele A knyght ought also to be mercifull and pyetous
For ther is nothynge y’t maketh a knyght so
renomed as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he
may slee/ For to shede and spylle blood is the condicion
of a wylde beste and not the condicion of a good knyght
Therfore we rede that scylla that was Duc of the Romayns
wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the Romayns
wyth Inne that were contrayre to hym/ In so moche
that in the batayll of puylle he slewe .xviii. thousand
men/ And in champanye .lxx. thousand. And after
in the cyte he slewe thre thousand men vnarmed And
whan one of his knyghtes that was named Quyntus catulus
sawe this cruelte sayd to hym/ Sesse now and suffre
them to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth whom we
haue ben victorious And wyth whom we ought to lyue/
For hit is the most hyest and fayr vengeance that
a man may doo/ as to spare them & gyue hem her lyf
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whome he may slee Therfore Joab ordeyned whan absalom
was slayn/ he sowned a trompette/ that his peple shold
no more renne & slee theyr aduersaryes. For ther
were slayn aboute .xx. thousand of them/ and in lyke
wyse dide he whan he faught ayenst Abner And Abner
was vaynquysshid and fledde. For where that he
wente in the chaas he comanded to spare the peple
The knyghtes ought to kepe the peple/ For whan the
peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis/ the knyghtes
ought to kepe the wacche/ For this cause the romayns
callyd them legyons And they were made of dyuerce
prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente to kepe
the peple/ And the peple shold entende to theyre werke/
For no crafty man may bothe entende to his craft &
to fighte/ how may a crafty man entende to hys werke
sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept And right
in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y’e
peple in tyme of peas in lyke wise the peple ought
to pourveye for theyr dispensis/ how shold a plowman
be sewre in the felde/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly
wacche to kepe hem/ For lyke as the glorye of a kynge
is vpon his knyghtis/ so hit is necessarye to the
knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and comyn peple
be defended and kepte/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe
the peple in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees
and gete and gadre the costis and expensis of them
bothe/ we rede that Athis sayd to dauid whiche was
a knyght/ I make the my kepar and defendar alleway.
Thus shold the knightes haue grete zele that the lawe
be kept/ For the mageste ryall ought not only to be
garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth good lawes/ And
therfore shold they laboure that they shold be well
kept Turgeus pompeyus reherceth of a noble knyght
named Ligurgyus that had made auncyent lawes the whiche
the peple wold not kepe ne obserue/ For they semed
hard for them to kepe And wold constrayne hym to rapele
& sette hem a part whan the noble knight sawe that
He dyde the peple to vnderstande that he had not made
them/ but a god that was named Apollo delphynus. had
made them/ And had comanded hym that he shold do the
peple kepe them/ Thise wordes auayled not/ they wold
in no wyse kepe them/ And than he sayd to them that
hit were good that er the said lawes shold be broken
that he had gyuen to them that he shold goo and speke
wyth the god Appollo/ For to gete of hym a dispensacion
to breke hem/ And that the peple shold kepe & obserue
them tyll that he retorned agayn/ The peple acorded
therto & swore that they shold kepe them to the tyme
he retorned Than the knighte wente in to grece in exyle
& dwellid ther alle his lyf/ And whan he shold dye
he comanded that his body shold be cast in the see/
For as moche as yf his body shold be born theder/
the people shold wene to be quyt of theyr oth/ And
shold kepe no lenger his lawes that were so good &
resonable/ & so the knight had leuer to forsake his
owne centre & to dye so than to repele his lawes And
his lawes were suche/ The first lawe was that y’e
peple shold obeye & serue the princes/ And the princes
Page 55
shold kepe the peple & do Iustice on the malefactours
The second lawe that they shold be all sobre/ For he
wiste well that the labour of cheualrye is most stronge
whan they lyue sobrely/ The thirde was y’t noman
shold bye ony thynge for money but they shold change
ware for ware & one marchandyse for an other/ The
fourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner
kepe hit more than they wold donge or fylthe/ The
fyfthe he ordeyned for the comyn wele alle thynge
by ordre/ that the prynces myght meue and make bataylle
by her power, to the maistres counceillours he comysid
the Iugementis. And the Annuell rentes/ to the
senatours the kepynge of the lawe/ And to the comyn
peple he gaf power to chese suche Iuges as they wold
haue/ The sixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold
be departid egally & all thinge shold be comyn And
none richer than other in patry-monye/ The seuenth
that euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly/
that riches shold not be cause of luxurye whan they
ete secretly/ The eygthe that the yonge peple shold
not haue but o[=n] gowne or garment in the yere/ The
nynth that men shold sette poure children to laboure
in the felde/ to thende that they shold not enploye
theyr yongthe in playes and in folye/ but in labour/
The tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute
dowayre/ In suche wyfe that no man shold take a wyf
for moneye/ The xi. that men shold rather take a wyf
for her good maners and vertues than for her richesses/
The twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and
auncyent men for theyr age and more for theyr wysedom
than for her riches this knyght made none of thyse
lawes/ but he first kepte hem.
[Illustration]
The fyfthe chapitre of the second book of the forme
and maners of the rooks.
The rooks whiche ben vicaires and legats of the kynge
ought to be made lyke a knyght vpon an hors and a
mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer holdynge a staf
in his hande/ & for as moche as a kyng may not be in
alle places of his royame/ Therfore the auctorite of
hym is gyuen to the rooks/ whiche represent the kynge/
And for as moche as a royame is grete and large/ and
that rebellion or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse
in oon partye or other/ therfore ther ben two rooks
one on the right side and that other on the lifte
side They ought to haue in hem. pyte. Iuftice.
humylite. wilfull pouerte. and liberalite/ Fyrst Iustice
for hit is most fayr of the vertues/ For it happeth
oftetyme that the ministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll
subuerte Iuftice and do no ryght/ Wherfore the kynges
otherwhyle lose theyr royames with out theyr culpe
or gylte/ For an vntrewe Iuge or officyer maketh hys
lord to be named vnIufte and euyll And contrarye wyse
a trewe mynestre of the lawe and ryghtwys/ causeth
the kynge to be reputed Iuste and trewe/ The Romayns
therfore made good lawes/ And wolde that/ that they
sholde be Iufte and trewe/ And they that establisshid
them for to gouerne the peple/ wold in no wyse breke
Page 56
them/ but kepe them for to dye for them/ For the auncyent
and wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make
and ordeygne that lawe that is not Iuste Wherof Valerius
reherceth that ther was a man that was named Themistides
whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes and sayd
that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable
for them/ But he wolde telle hyt but to But to one
of them whom that they wold/ And they asligned to
hym a wyse man named Aristides/ And whan he had vnderstand
hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll And
sayd that the counceyll of Themystides was well prouffitable/
but hit was not Iuste/ how be hit y’e may reuolue
hit in your mynde/ And the counceyll that he sayd
was this/ that ther were comen two grete shippis fro
lacedome and were arryued in theyr londe. And
that hit were good to take them/ And whan the counceyll
herde hym that sayde/ that hit was not Iuste ner right/
they lefte hem alle in pees And wold not haue adoo
with alle/ The vicarye or Iuge of the kynge ought
to be so Iuste/ that he shold employe alle his entente
to saue the comyn wele And yf hit were nede to put
his lyf and/ lose hit therfore/ we haue an ensample
of marcus regulus wherof Tullius reherceth in the
book of offices And saynt Augustyn also de ciuitate
dei/ how he faught agayn them of cartage by see in
shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken/ Than hit happend
that they of cartage sente hymm in her message to
rome for to haue theyr prisoners there/ for them y’e
were taken/ and so to cha[=u]ge one for an other And
made hym swere and promyse to come agayn/ And so he
cam to rome And made proposicion tofore the senate
And demanded them of cartage of the senatours to be
cha[=u]ged as afore is sayd And than the senatours
demanded hym what counceyll he gaf Certayn sayd he
I co[=u]ceyll yow that y’e do hit not in no
wise For as moche as the peple of rome that they of
cartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and
brusid in the warre as I am my self/ But they that
y’e holde in prison of their peple is alle the
flour of alle their folke/ whiche counceyll they toke/
And than his frendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd
hym to abide there and not retorne agayn prysoner
in to cartage/ but he wold neuer doo so ner abide/
but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth How well that he
knewe that he went toward his deth For he had leuyr
dye than to breke his oth Valeri9 reherceth in the
sixth book of one Emelye duc of the romayns/ that
in the tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes/ The
scole maystre of the children deceyuyd the children
of the gentilmen that he drewe hym a lityll and a
lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche.
And sayd to the duc Emelie/ that by the moyan of the
children that he had brought to hym/ he shold haue
the cyte/ For theyr faders were lordes and gouernours.
Whan Emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym Thou
that art euyll and cruell And thou that woldest gyue
a gyfte of grete felonnye and of mauuastye/ thou shalt
ner hast not founden here Duc ne peple that resembleth
Page 57
the/ we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll & warre
As in our contres & other places/ and we wole obserue
and kepe them vnto euery man as they ought to be kept
And we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y’t wole
defende them And not ayenst them y’t can not
saue their lyf whan their contre is taken/ as thise
lityll children/ Thou hast vaynquysshid them as moche
as is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by
subtilnes and not by armes/ but I that am a romayn
shall vainquysshe them by craft and strengthe of armes/
And anon he comanded to take the said scole maister/
And to bynde his handes behynde hym as a traytour
and lede hem to the parentis of the children And whan
the faders & parentis sawe the grete courtosie that
he had don to them They opend the yates and yelded
them vnto hym/ we rede that hanyball had taken a prince
of rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse suffrid hym
to gon home/ and to sende hym his raunson/ or he shold
come agayn within a certain tyme And whan he was at
home in his place/ he sayde that he had deceyuyd hym
by a false oth And whan the senatours knewe therof/
they constrayned hym to retorne agayn vnto hanyball/
Amos florus tellyth that the phisicien of kynge pirrus
cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye And promyfid
hym yf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold
enpoysone pirrus his maister/ whan fabricius vnderstode
this He dyde to take hym and bynde hym hande & foote/
and sente hym to his maistre and dyde do saye to hym
word for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid
hym to doo/ And whan pirrus vnderstode this he was
gretly ameruaylled of the loyalte and trouth of fabrice
his enemye/ and sayd certaynly that the sonne myghte
lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours/ than
fabrice shold be letted to holde loyalte and trouthe/
yf they than that were not cristen were so Iuste and
trewe and louyd their contrey and their good renomee/
what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that
cure lawe is sette alle vpon loue and charyte/ But
now a dayes ther is nothynge ellys in the world but
barate Treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye Men kepe
not theyr couenantes promyses. othes. writynges. ne
trouthe/ The subgettis rebelle agayn theyr lorde/
ther is now no lawe kepte. nor fidelite/ ne oth holden/
the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and wole
not be subget/ they ought to be pietous in herte/ whiche
is auaillable to all thinge ther is pite in effecte
by compassion/ and in worde by remission and pardon/
by almesse/ for to enclyne hymself to the poure For
pite is nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a
debonaire herte for to helpe alle men/ Valerius reherceth
that ther was a Iuge named sangis whiche dampned a
woman that had deseruyd the deth for to haue her heed
smyten of or ellis that she shold dye in prison/ The
Geayler that had pite on the woman put not her anone
to deth but put her in the pryson/ And this woman
had a doughter whiche cam for to se and conforte her
moder But allway er she entryd into the pryson the
Page 58
Iayler serchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke
to her moder/ but that she shold dye for honger/ Than
hit happend after this that he meruaylled moche why
this woman deyd not/ And began to espye the cause why
she lyuyd so longe/ And fonde at laste how her doughter
gaf souke to her moder/ And fedde her with her melke.
whan the Iayler aawe this meruaill/ he wente & told
the Iuge/ And whan the Iuge sawe this grete pite of
the doughter to the moder he pardoned her and made
her to be delyuerid oute of her pryson what is that/
that pite ne amolisshith/ moche peple wene that it
is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter shold
gyue the moder to souke/ hit were agayn nature but
the children shold be kynde to fader and moder/ Seneca
sayth that the kynge of bees hath no prykke to stynge
with as other bees haue. And that nature hath
take hit away from hym be cause he shold haue none
armes to assaylle them And this is an example vnto
prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion/ Valerius
reherceth in his .v. book of marchus martellus that
whan he had taken the cyte of siracusane. And
was sette in the hyest place of the cyte/ he behelde
the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte/
he wepte and sayde/ thou oughtest to be sorofull/
for so moche as thou woldest haue no pite of thy self/
But enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of
a right debonaire prynce. Also he recounteth whan
pompeye had conqueryd the kynge of Germanye that often
tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns And that he
was brought to fore hym bounden/ he was so pietous
that he wold not suffre hym to be longe on his knees
to fore hym/ but he receyuyd hym cortoysly And sette
the crowne agayn on his heed and put hym in thestate
that he was to fore/ For he had oppynyon that hit was
as worshipfull and fittynge to a kynge to pardone/
as to punysshe. Also he reherceth of a co[=u]ceyllour
that was named poule that dide do brynge to fore hym
a man that was prisonner And as he knelid to fore hym
he toke hym vp fro the ground & made hym to sytte
beside hym for to gyue hym good esperance and hoope
And sayd to the other stondynge by/ in this wyse.
yf hit be grete noblesse that we shewe our self contrarye
to our enemyes/ than this fete ought to be alowed
that we shew our self debonair to our caytyfs & prisonners
Cesar whan he herde the deth of cathon whiche was
his aduersarye sayde that he had grete enuye of his
glorye. And no thinge of his patrimonye/ and therfore
he lefte to his children frely all his patrimonye
Thus taught vyrgyle and enseygned the gloryus prynces
to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome. And saynt
Augustin de ciuitate dei saith thus Thou emperour gouerne
the peple pietously And make peas ouerall/ deporte
and forbere thy subgets/ repreue & correcte the prowde/
for so enseyne And teche the the lawes/ And hit was
wreton vnto Alexander/ that euery prynce ought to be
pyetous in punysshynge/ and redy for to rewarde/ Ther
is no thynge that causeth a prynce to be so belouyd
Page 59
of hys peple/ As whan he speketh to hem swetly/ and
co[=u]ersith with hem symply/ And all this cometh of
the roote of pyte/ we rede of the Emperour Traian
that his frendes repreuyd hym of that he was to moche
pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than
an emperour ought to be/ And he answerd that he wold
be suche an emperour as euery man desired to haue
hym/ Also we rede of Alixander that on a tyme he ladde
his oost forth hastely/ and in that haste he beheld
where satte an olde knight that was sore acolde Whom
he dide do arise and sette hym in his owne sete or
siege/ what wondre was hit though y’e knightes
desired to serue suche a lord that louyd better theyr
helth than his dignite/ The rookes ought also to be
humble & meke After the holy scripture whiche saith/
the gretter or in the hier astate that thou arte/
so moche more oughtest thou be meker & more humble
Valerius reherceth in his .vii. book that ther was
an emperour named publius cesar/ That dide do bete
doun his hows whiche was in the middis of y’e
market place for as moche as hit was heier than other
houses/ for as moche as he was more glorious in astate
than other/ Therfore wold he haue a lasse hous than
other And scipion of affrique that was so poure of
vol[=u]tarie pouerte y’t whan he was dede/ he
was buried at y’e dispencis of y’e comyn
good/ They shold be so humble y’t they shold
leue theyr offices/ and suffre other to take hem whan
her tyme comyth/ & doo honour to other/ for he gouerneth
wel y’e royame y’t may gouerne hit whan
he will Valeri’9 saith In his thirde book that
fabyan the grete had ben maistre counceyllour of his
fader his grauntsire/ And of his grauntsirs fader
& of alle his antecessours And yet dide he alle his
payne and labour/ that his sone shold neuer haue that
office after hym/ but for nothynge that he mystrusted
his sone/ For he was noble and wise and more attemprid
than other/ but he wold that the office shold not all
way reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans Also
he reherceth in his seuenth book that they wold make
the sayd fabyan emour/ but he excused hym and sayd
that he was blynde and myght not see for age/ but
that excusacion myght not helpe hym/ Than sayd he to
hem/ seke y’e and gete yow another/ For yf y’e
make me your emour I may not suffre your maners/ nor
y’e may not suffre myn/ Ther was a kynge of so
subtyll engyne That whan men brought hym the crowne/
to fore that he toke hit/ he remembrid hym a lityll
and saide/ O thou crowne that art more noble than
happy For yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that
thou art full of paryls of thoughte and of charge/
yf thou were on the grounde/ he wolde neuer lyfte
ner take the vp/ Remembre the that whan thou art most
gloryous/ than haue some men moste enuye on the/ and
whan thou haste moste seignourye and lordships than
shalt thou haue moste care. thought and anguysshes/
Vaspasian was so humble that whan Nero was slayn alle
the peple cryed for to haue hym emour/ and many of
his frendes cam & prayde hym that he wold take hit
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vpon hym/ so at the last he was constrayned to take
hit vpon hym. And sayd to his frendes Hit is better
and more to preyse and alowe for a man to take thempire
agaynst his wil/ than for to laboure to haue hit and
to put hym self therin/ Thus ought they to be humble
and meke for to resseyue worship/ Therfore sayth the
bible that Ioab the sone of Saryre that was captayn
of the warre of the kynge Dauid/ whan he cam to take
and wynne a Cyte/ He sente to Dauid and desired hym
to come to the warre/ that the victorye shold be gyuen
to Dauid/ And not to hym self/ Also they ought to
be ware that they chaunge not ofte tymes her officers/
Josephus reherceth that the frendes of tyberyus meruaylled
moche why he helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr
offices wyth oute changynge/ And they demanded of hym
the cause/ to whom he answerd/ I wold chaunge them
gladly/ yf I wyste that hit shold be good for the
peple/ But I sawe on a tyme a man that was roynyous
& full of soores/ And many flyes satte vpon the soores
and souked his blood that hit was meruaylle to see/
wherfore I smote and chaced them away. And he
than said to me why chacest and smytest away thyse
flyes that ben full of my blood/ And now shallt thou
late come other that ben hongrye whiche shall doon
to me double payne more than the other dide/ for the
prikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half/ than
of y’e fulle And therfore sayde he I leue the
officiers in their offices. for they ben all riche/
and doo not so moch euyl & harme As the newe shold
doo & were poure yf I shold sette hem in her places/
They ought also to be pacyent in herynge of wordes
& in suffrynge payne on her bodyes/ as to the first
One said to alisander that he was not worthy to regne.
specially whan he suffrid that lecherie and delyte
to haue seignoire in hym/ he suffrid hit paciently/
And answerd none otherwyse but that he wolde corrette
hym self. And take better maners and more honeste
Also hit is reherced that Iulius cezar was ballyd
wherof he had desplaysir so grete that he kempt his
heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward
for to hyde the bare to fore. Than sayd a knyght
to him Cezar hit is lighther And sonner to be made
that thou be not ballid/ than that I haue vsid ony
cowardyse in the warre of rome/ or hereafter shall
doo ony cowardyse/ he suffrid hit paciently and sayd
not aword/ Another reproched hym by his lignage And
callyd hym fornier/ he answerd that hit is better that
noblesse begynne in me/ than hit shold faylle in me/
Another callid hym tyraunt/ he answerd yf I were one.
thou woldest not saie soo A knight callid on a tyme
scipion of affricque fowle & olde knyght in armes And
that he knewe lityll good And he answerd I was born
of my moder a lityll child and feble and not a man
of armes. And yet he was at alle tymes one of
the best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd.
Another sayd to vaspasian/ And a wolf shold sonner
change his skyn and heer/ than thou sholdest cha[=u]ge
thy lyf For the lenger thou lyvest the more thou coueytest
Page 61
And he answerd of thyse wordes we ought to laughe.
But we ought to amende our selfe And punysshe the
trespaces. Seneque reherceth that the kynge Antygonus
herde certayn peple speke and saye euyll of hym/ And
therwas betwene hem nomore but a courtyne/ And than
he sayde make an ende of your euyll langage leste
the kynge here yow/ for the courtyne heereth yow well[54]
I nowhe. Than as towchynge to the paynes that
they ought to suffre paciently Valerius reherceth that
a tyrant dide do tormente Anamaximenes & thretenyd
hym for to cutte of his tonge. To whom he sayd
hit is not in thy power to doo soo/ and forthwyth he
bote of his owne tonge/ And shewed hit wyth his teth
and casted hit in the visage of the Tyrant Hit is
a grete vertu in a man that he forgete not to be pacyent
in corrections of wronges/ Hit is better to leue a
gylty man vnpunysshyd/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath
or yre Valerius reherceth that archita of tarente
that was mayster to plato sawe that his feldes & lande
was destroyed and lost by the necligence of his seruant
To whom he sayd yf I were not angry with the I wold
take vengeance and turmente the/ Lo there y’e
may see that he had leuer to leue to punysshe/ than
to pugnysshe more by yre & wrath than by right And
therfore sayth seneque/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest
to doo whan y’u art angry/ For whan thou art
angry thou woldest doo alle thynges after thy playsir/
And yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre/ than muste
thyn yre ouercome the/ After thys ought they to haue
wylfull pouerte/ lyke as hit was in the auncyent prynces/
For they coueyted more to be riche in wytte and good
maners than in moneye/ And that reherceth Valerius
in his .viii. booke that scipion of Affryque was accused
vnto the Senate that he shold haue grete tresour/
And he answerd certes whan I submysed affryque in
to your poeste/ I helde no thynge to myself that I
myght faye this is myn save only the surname of affryque/
Ner the affryquans haue not founden in me ner in my
broder ony auarice/ ner y’t we were so couetouse
that we had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of name
than of rychesses/ And therfore sayth seneque that
the kynge Altagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels
of erthe/ And some sayde he dyde hit for couetyse/
But he sayde that hit was better and more noble thynge
to myne in good maners than in vayssell And whan some
men demanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so/
he answerd I am now kynge of secylle/ and was sone
of a potter/ and for as moche as I doubte fortune.
For whan I yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder/
I was sodaynly made riche/ wherfore I beholde the
natiuyte of me and of my lignage/ whiche is humble
& meke/ And alle these thynges cometh of wilfull pouerte/
for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to
his owen/ And of thys pouerte speketh saynt Augustyn
in the booke of the cyte of god That they that entende
to the comyn prouffyt. sorowe more that wilfull pouerte
is lost in rome/ than the richesses of rome/ For by
the wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners
Page 62
kept entierly/ thus by this richesse pouerte is not
only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte ner the maners/
but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys
couetyse and by felonnye that is worse. than ony other
enemye And of the cruelte of the peple of rome speketh
the good man of noble memorye Iohn the monke late
cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the
chapitre gens sancta where he sayth/ that they ben
felo[=u]s ayenst god. contrarye to holy thynges. traytres
one to that other. enuyous to her neyghbours. proude
vnto straungers. rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr souerayns
Not suffringe to them that ben of lower degree than
they and nothinge shamfast to demande thinges discouenable
and not to leue tyll they haue that they demande/
and not plesid but disagreable whan they haue resseyuyd
the yeft They haue their tonges redy for to make grete
boost/ and doo lityll/ They ben large in promysynges/
And smale gyuers/ they ben ryght fals deceyuours/
And ryght mordent and bitynge detractours/ For whiche
thynge hit is a grete sorowe to see the humylite the
pacyence And the good wisedom that was woute to be
in this cyte of rome whiche is chief of alle the world
is peruertid & torned in to maleheurte and thise euylles/
And me thynketh that in other partyes of crestiante
they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll/ They
may saye that this is after the decretale of seygnourye
and disobeysance/ that sayth That suche thynges that
the souerayns doo/ Is lightly and sone taken in ensample
of theyr subgets/ Also thise vicayres shold be large
and liberall/ In so moche that suche peple as serue
them ben duly payd and guerdoned of her labour/ For
euery man doth his labour the better and lightlyer
whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded/
And we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian was so
large and so liberall/ That he gaf and promysyd somewhat
to euery man/ And whan hys moste pryuy frendes demanded
of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue/ he
answerd for as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce
that ony man shold departe sorowfull or tryste fro
hym/ Than hit happend on a day that he gaf ner promysid
no thynge to ony man And whan hit was euen auysed
hymself/ he sayd to hys frendes/ O y’e my frendes
thys day haue I lost for this day haue I don no good,’
And also we rede of Iulius Cefar that he neuer saide
in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way
be sayde come come/ For I loue allway to be in youre
companye/ And he knewe well that hit was lasse payne
& trauayll to the knyghtes whan the prynce is in her
companye that loueth hem & c[=o]forted hem And also
we rede of the same Iulius cesar in the booke of truphes
of phylosophers/ that ther was an Auncyent knyght
of his that was in paryll of a caas hangynge to fore
the Iuges of rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and
said to hym to fore all men that he shold be his aduocate
And cesar deliueryd and assigned to hym a right good
aduocate And the knyght sayd to hym O cesar I put
no vicaire in my place whan thou were in parill in
Page 63
y’e batayll of assise/ But I faught for the.
And than he shewed to hym the places of his woundes
that he had receyuyd in the batayll And than cam cesar
in his propre persone for to be his aduocate & to plete
his cause for hym/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes/
but doubted that men shold saye that he were proude
And that he wold not do for them that had seruyd hym
They that can not do so moche/ as for to be belouyd
of her knyghtes/ can not loue the knyghtes And this
sufficeth of the rooks.
BOOK III.
[Illustration]
The thirde tractate of the offices of the comyn
peple. The fyrst chapitre is of the office of
the labourers and werkemen.
For as moche as the Noble persone canne not rewle
ne gouerne with oute y’e seruyce and werke of
the peple/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the oeuurages
and the offices of the werkemen/ Than I shall begynne
fyrst at the fyrst pawne/ that is in the playe of
the chesse/ And signefieth a man of the comyn peple
on fote For they be all named pietous that is as moche
to saye as footemen And than we wyll begynne at the
pawne whiche standeth to fore the rooke on the right
side of the kinge for as moche as this pawne apperteyneth
to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the kynge and
other officers vnder hym of necessaryes of vitayll/
And this maner a peple is figured and ought to be
maad in the forme & shappe of a man holdynge in his
ryght hande a spade or shouell And a rodde in the
lifte hand/ The spade or shouell is for to delue &
labour therwith the erthe/ And the rodde is for to
dryue & conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto her pasture
also he ought to haue on his gyrdell/ a crokyd hachet
for to cutte of the supfluytees of the vignes & trees/
And we rede in the bible that the first labourer that
euer was/ was Caym the firste sone of Adam that was
so euyll that he slewe his broder Abel/ for as moche
as the smoke of his tythes went strayt vnto heuen’/
And the smoke & fumee of the tythes of Caym wente
downward vpon the erthe And how well that this cause
was trewe/ yet was ther another cause of enuye that
he had vnto his broder/ For whan Adam their fader
maried them for to multyplie y’e erthe of hys
lignye/ he wolde not marye ner Ioyne to gyder the two
that were born attones/ but gaf vnto caym her that
was born wyth Abel/ And to Abel her that was born
with caym/ And thus began thenuye that caym had ayenst
abel/ For his wyf was fayrer than cayms wyf And for
this cause he slough abel with the chekebone of a
beste/ & at that tyme was neuer no maner of yron blody
of mannes blood/ And abel was y’e first martier
in tholde testament/ And this caym dide many other
euyl thinges whiche I leue/ for hit apperteyneth not
to my mater/ But hit behoueth for necessite y’t
some shold labour the erthe after y’e synne of
adam/ for to fore er adam synned/ the erthe brought
forth fruyt with out labour of handes/ but syn he
synned/ hit muste nedes be labourid with y’e
Page 64
handes of men And for as moche as the erthe is moder
of alle thynges And that we were first formed and
toke oure begynnyng of the erthe/ the same wyse at
the laste. she shall be the ende vnto alle vs and to
alle thynges/ And god that formed vs of the erthe
hath ordeyned that by the laboure of men she shold
gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth/ and first
the labourer of y’e erthe ought to knowe his
god that formed and made heuen & erthe of nought And
ought to haue loyaulte and trouth in hymself/ and
despise deth for to entende to his laboure And he ought
to gyue thankyngis to hym that made hym And of whom
he receyueth all his goodes temporall/ wherof his
lyf is susteyned/ And also he is bounden to paye the
dismes and tythes of alle his thynges And not as Caym
dyde. But as Abell dyde of the beste that he
chese allway for to gyue to god & to plese hym/ For
they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre
and gyue to god the tienthes of her goodes/ they ought
to be aferd and haue drede that they shall falle in
necessite And y’t they might be dispoyllyd or
robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or
happen in the contrey And hit is meruayll though hit
so happen For that man that is disagreable vnto god
And weneth y’t the multiplynge of his goodes
temporell cometh by the vertu of his owne co[=u]ceyll
and his wytte/ the whiche is made by the only ordenance
of hym that made alle. And by the same ordenance
is soone taken away fro hym that is disagreable/ and
hit is reson that whan a man haboundeth by fortune
in goodes/ And knoweth not god/ by whom hit cometh/
that to hym come some other fortune by the whiche
he may requyre grace and pardon And to knowe his god/
And we rede of the kynge Dauid that was first symple
& one of the comyn peple/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed
and sette hym in grete astate/ he lefte and forgate
his god/ And fyll to aduoultrye and homicyde and other
synnes/ Than anon his owne sone Absalom assaylled &
began to persecute hym And than whan he sawe that fortune
was contrarye to hym/ he began to take agayn his vertuous
werkis and requyred pardoun and so retorned to god
agayn. We rede also of the children of ysrael
that were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry
& thrusty that they prayd & requyred of god for remedy/
Anon he changed his wyll & sente to hem manna/ & flessh
&c./ And whan they were replenesshid & fatte of the
flessh of bestes & of the manna/ they made a calf of
gold and worshippid hit. Whiche was a grete synne
& Inyquyte/ For whan they were hongry they knewe god/
And whan theyre belyes were fylde & fatted/ they forgid
ydoles & were ydolatrers. After this euery labourer
ought to be faythfull & trewe That whan his maystre
delyuereth to hym his lande to be laboured/ that he
take no thinge to hymself but that hym ought to haue
& is his/ but laboure truly & take cure and charge
in the name of his maistre/ and do more diligently
his maisters labours than his owen/ for the lyf of
y’e most grete & noble men next god lieth in
Page 65
y’e handes of the labourers/ and thus all craftes
& occupacions ben ordeyned not only to suffise to
them only/ but to the comyn/ And so hit happeth ofte
tyme that y’e labourer of the erthe vseth grete
and boystous metes/ and bringeth to his maister more
subtile & more deyntous metes/ And valerius reherceth
in his. vi. book that ther was a wife & noble maistre
y’t was named Anthoni9 that was accused of a
caas of aduoultrye/ & as the cause henge to fore the
Iuges/ his accusers or denonciatours brought I labourer
that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan
his maistre wente to doo the aduoultrye/ this same
seruant bare the lanterne. wherof Anthonyus was sore
abasshyd and doubted that he shold depose agaynst
hym But the labourer that was named papirion sayd to
his maister that he shold denye his cause hardyly
vnto the Iuges For for to be tormentid/ his cause
shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym/ ner no thynge shold
yssue out of his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or
greuyd And than was the labourer beten and tormentid
and brent in many places of his body But he sayd neuer
thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed/ But
the other that accused his maister were punysshid And
papiryon was deliuerid of his paynes free and franc/
And also telleth valerius that ther was another labourer
that was named penapion/ that seruyd a maister whos
name was Themes which was of meruayllous faith to his
maystre For hit befell that certain knyghtes cam to
his maisters hows for to slee hym And anone as papiryon
knewe hit/ he wente in to his maisters chambre And
wold not be knowen For he dide on his maisters gowne
and his rynge on his fynger/ And laye on his bedde
And thus put hym self in parill of deth for to respite
his maisters lyf/ But we see now a dayes many fooles
that daigne not to vse groos metes of labourers.
And flee the cours clothynge And maners of a seruant
Euery wise man a seruant that truly serueth his maister
is free and not bonde/ But a foole that is ouer proude
is bonde/ For the debilite and feblenes of corage that
is broken in conscience by pryde Enuye. or by couetyse
is ryght seruytude/ yet they ought not to doubte to
laboure for feere and drede of deth/ no man ought
to loue to moche his lyf/ For hit is a fowll thynge
for a man to renne to the deth for the enemye of his
lyf/ And a wyse man and a stronge man ought not to
flee for his lyf/ but to yssue For ther is no man
that lyueth/ but he must nedes dye. And of this
speketh claudyan and sayth that alle thoo thynges
that the Ayer goth aboute and enuyronned. And
alle thynge that the erthe laboureth/ Alle thyngys
that ben conteyned wyth in the see Alle thynges that
the floodes brynge forth/ Alle thynges that ben nourysshid
and alle the bestes that ben vnder the heuen shall
departe alle from the world/ And alle shall goo at
his comandement/ As well Kynges Prynces and alle that
the world enuyronned and gooth aboute/ Alle shall
goo this waye/ Than he ought not to doubte for fere
of deth. For as well shail dye the ryche as the
Page 66
poure/ deth maketh alle thynge lyke and putteth alle
to an ende/ And therof made a noble versifier two
versis whiche folowe Forma. genus. mores. sapi[=e]cia.
res. et honores/ Morte ruant subita sola manent merita/
Wherof the english is Beaulte. lignage. maners. wysedom.
thynges & honoures/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth/
no thynge shal abide but the merites/ And herof fynde
we in Vitas patrum. that ther was an erle a riche
& noble man that had a sone onely/ and whan this sone
was of age to haue knowlech of the lawe/ he herde
in a sermone that was prechid that deth spareth none/
ne riche ne poure/ and as well dyeth y’e yonge
as the olde/ and that the deth ought specially to be
doubted for .iii. causes/ one was/ y’t noman
knoweth whan he cometh/ and the seconde/ ner in what
state he taketh a man/ And the thirde he wote neuer
whither he shall goo. Therfore eche man shold
dispise and flee the world and lyue well and hold
hym toward god And when this yong man herde this thynge/
he wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse
vnto an hermytage/ and whan his fader had loste hym
he made grete sorowe/ and dyde do enquere & seke hym
so moche at last he was founden in the hermitage/
and than his fader cam theder to hym and sayde/ dere
sone come from thens/ thou shalt be after my deth
erle and chyef of my lignage/ I shall be lost yf thou
come not out from thens/ And he than that wyste non
otherwise to eschewe the yre of his fader bethought
hym and sayde/ dere fader ther is in your centre and
lande a right euyll custome yf hit plese yow to put
that away I shall gladly come out of this place and
goo with yow The fader was glad and had grete Ioy And
dema[=u]ded of hym what hit was And yf he wold telle
hym he promysid him to take hit away and hit shold
be left and sette aparte. Than he sayde dere
fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey
as the olde/ do that away I pray yow/ Whan his fader
herde that he sayde Dere sone that may not be ner
noman may put that away but god only/ Than answerd
the sone to the fader/ than wylle I serue hym and dwelle
here wyth hym that may do that. And so abode
the childe in the hermytgage & lyuyd there in good
werkes After this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to
entende to his laboure and flee ydlenes/ And thou oughtest
to knowe that Dauid preyseth moche in the sawlter
the treve labourers and sayth/ Thou shalt ete the
labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid/ and he
shall do to the good And hit behoueth that the labourer
entende to his labour on the werkedayes for to recuyell
and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his labour/ And also
he ought to reste on the holy day/ bothe he and his
bestes. And a good labourer ought to norysshe
and kepe his bestes/ And this is signefied by the
rodde that he hath. Whiche is for to lede and
dryue them to the pasture/ The fiste pastour that euer
was/ was Abel whiche was Iuste and trewe/ and offryd
to god the bestes vnto his sacrefice/ And hym ought
he to folowe in craft & maners But no man that vseth
Page 67
the malice of Caym may ensue and folowe Abel/ And thus
hit apperteyneth to the labourer to sette and graffe
trees and vygnes/ and also to plante and cutte them
And so dyde noe whiche was the first that planted
the vygne after y’e deluge and flood For as Iosephus
reherceth in y’e book of naturell thinges Noe
was he that fonde fyrst the vygne/ And he fonde hym
bitter and wylde/ And therfore he toke .iiii. maners
of blood/ that is to wete the blood of a lyon. the
blood of a lamb, the blood of a swyne. and the blood
of an ape and medlid them alto geder with the erthe/
And than he cutte the vygne/ And put this aboute the
rootes therof. To thende that the bitternes shold
be put away/ and that hyt shold be swete/ And whan
he had dronken of the fruyt of this vygne/ hit was
so good and mighty that he becam so dronke/ that he
dispoylled hym in suche wise y’t his pryuy membres
might be seen/ And his yongest sone cham mocqued and
skorned hym And whan Noe was awakid & was sobre &
fastinge/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them
the nature of the vygne and of the wyn/ And told to
them the caufe why y’t he had put the blood
of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and that
they shold knowe well y’t otherwhile by y’e
strength of the wyn men be made as hardy as the lyon
and yrous And otherwhile they be made symple & shamefast
as a lambe And lecherous as a fwyn/ And curyous and
full of playe as an Ape/ For the Ape is of suche nature
that whan he seeth one do a thynge he enforceth hym
to doo the same/ and so doo many whan they ben dronke/
they will medle them wyth alle officers & matiers that
apperteyne no thynge to them/ And whan they ben fastynge
& sobre they can scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne
thynges And therfore valerian reherceth that of auncyente
and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as moche
as by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or
vilonye And as Ouide sayth/ that the wyns otherwhyle
apparaylle the corages in suche manere that they ben
couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the hertes
to doo well/ They make the poure riche/ as longe as
the wyn is in his heed And shortly dronkenshyp is
the begynnynge of alle euyllys/ And corrompith the
body/ and destroyed the fowle and mynusshith the goodes
temporels/ And this suffyseth for the labourer.
[Illustration]
The seconde chapitre of the thirde tractate treteth
of the forme and maner of the second pawne and of
the maner of smyth.
The seconde pawne y’t standeth to fore the knyght
on the right side of the kynge hath the forme and
figure of a man as a smyth and that is reson For hit
apperteyneth to y’e knyghtes to haue bridellys
sadellys spores and many other thynges made by the
handes of smythes and ought to holde an hamer in his
right hande. And in his lyfte hand a dolabre and
he ought to haue on his gyrdell a trowell For by this
is signefied all maner of werkemen/ as goldsmithes.
marchallis, smithes of all forges/ forgers and makers
of monoye & all maner of smythes ben signefyed by
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[55] the hamer/ The carpenters ben signefyed by the
dolabre or squyer/ And by the trowell we vnderstande
all masons & keruars of stones/ tylers/ and alle them
that make howses castels & tours/ And to alle these
crafty men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe. wise
and stronge/ and hit is nede y’t they haue in
hemself faith and loyaulte/ For vnto the goldsmythes
behoueth gold & siluer And alle other metallys. yren
& steel to other/ And vnto the carpenters and masons/
ben put to theyr edifices the bodyes and goodes of
the peple/ And also men put in the handes of the maronners
body and goodes of the peple/ And in the garde and
sewerte of them men put body & sowle in the paryls
of the see/ and therfore ought they to be trewe/ vnto
whom men commytte suche grete charge and so grete
thynges vpon her fayth and truste. And therfore
sayth the philosopher/ he that leseth his fayth and
beleue/ may lose no gretter ne more thynge. And
fayth is a fouerayn good and cometh of the good wyll
of the herte and of his mynde And for no necessite
wyll deceyue no man/ And is not corrupt for no mede.
Valerius reherceth that Fabius had receyuyd of hanybal
certayn prysoners that he helde of the romayns for
a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to paye
to the sayd hanyball/ And whan he cam vnto the senatours
of rome and desired to haue y’e money lente
for hem They answerd that they wold not paye ner lene
And than fabius sente his sone to rome & made hym to
selle his heritage & patrimonye/ and fente the money
that he resseyuyd therof vnto hanibal/ And had leuer
& louyd better to be poure in his contrey of herytage/
than of byleue and fayth/ But in thyfe dayes hit were
grete folye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple
but yf they had ben preuyd afore For oftentymes men
truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at theyr
nede/ And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen
ben souerainly prouffitable vnto the world And wyth
oute artificers and werkmen the world myght not be
gouerned/ And knowe thou verily that alle tho thynges
that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see/ ben
made and formed for to do prouffit vnto the lignage
of man/ for man was formed for to haue generacion/
that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other And
here in ought we to folowe nature/ For she shewed to
vs that we shold do comyn prouffit one to an other/
And y’e first fondement of Iustice is that no
man shold noye or greue other But that they ought doo
the comyn prouffit/ For men saye in reproche That I
see of thyn/ I hope hit shall be myn But who is he
in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the comyn prouffit
than to his owne/ Certaynly none/ But all way a man
ought to haue drede and feere of his owne hows/ whan
he seeth his neyghbours hous a fyre And therfore ought
men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit/ for men otherwhile
sette not be a lityll fyre And might quenche hit in
the begynnyng/ that afterward makyth a grete blasyng
fyre. And fortune hath of no thinge so grete
playsir/ as for to torne & werke all way/ And nature
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is so noble a thynge that were as she is she wyll susteyne
and kepe/ but this rewle of nature hath fayllid longe
tyme/ how well that the decree sayth that alle the
thynges that ben ayenst the lawe of nature/ ought
to be taken away and put a part And he sayth to fore
in the .viii. distinction that the ryght lawe of nature
differenceth ofte tymes for custome & statutes establisshid/
for by lawe of nature all thinge ought to be comyn
to euery man/ and this lawe was of old tyme And men
wene yet specially y’t the troians kept this
lawe And we rede that the multitude of the Troians
was one herte and one sowle/ And verayly we fynde
that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same/
And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue
theyr goodes comune & not propre is most acceptable
to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes
freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem &
kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/
For in trouth I haue my self ben conuersant in a religio’9
hous of white freris at gaunt Which haue all thynge
in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/
in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii. d or
.iiii. d to praye for hym in his masse/ as sone as
the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his ouerest
or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and
deuoute freris And yf that lyf were not the beste
and the most holiest/ holy church wold neuer suffre
hit in religion And acordynge thereto we rede in plato
whiche sayth y’t the cyte is well and Iustely
gouernid and ordeyned in the whiche no man maye saye
by right, by cuftome. ne by ordenance/ this is myn/
but I say to the certaynly that syn this custome cam
forth to say this is myn/ And this is thyn/ no man
thought to preferre the comyn prouffit so moche as
his owen/ And alle werkemen ought to be wise & well
aduysyd so that they haue none enuye ne none euyll
suspecion one to an other/ for god wylle that our humayne
nature be couetous of two thynges/ that is of Religion.
And of wysedom/ but in this caas ben some often tymes
deceyued For they take ofte tymes religion and leue
wisedom And they take wysedom and reffuse religion
And none may be vraye and trewe with oute other For
hit apperteyneth not to a wyse man to do ony thynge
that he may repente hym of hit/ And he ought to do
no thynge ayenst his wyll/ but to do alle thynge nobly,
meurely. fermely. and honestly And yf he haue enuye
vpon ony. hit is folye For he on whom he hath enuye
is more honest and of more hauoir than he whiche is
so enuyous/ For a man may haue none enuye on an other/
but be cause he is more fortunat and hath more grace
than hym self/ For enuye is a sorowe of corage y’t
cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another
man And knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte
shall neuer haue enuye of an other/ But thenuyous
man seeth and thynketh alleway that euery man is more
noble/ And more fortunat that hymself And sayth alleway
to hymself/ that man wynneth more than I/ and myn neyghebours
Page 70
haue more plente of bestes/ and her thynges multiplye
more than myn/ and therfore thou oughtest knowe that
enuye is the most grettest dedely synne that is/ for
she tormenteth hym that hath her wythin hym/ wyth
oute tormentynge or doyng ony harme to hym/ on whome
he hath enuye. And an enuyous man hath no vertue
in hymself/ for he corrumpeth hymself for as moche
as he hateth allway the welthe and vertues of other/
and thus ought they to kepe them that they take none
euyll suspec[=o]n For a man naturally whan his affection
hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth that he doth/
hit semeth to hym verily that it is doon. And
hit is an euyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion
on hymfelf/ For we rede that dionyse of zecyll a tyrant
Was so suspecionous that he had so grete fere and
drede For as moche as he was hated of all men/ that
he putte his frendes oute of theyr offices that they
had/ And put other strangers in theyr places for to
kepe his body/ and chese suche as were ryght Cruell
and felons/ And for fere and doubte of the barbours/
he made hys doughters to lerne shaue and kembe/ And
whan they were grete. He wold not they shold
vse ony yron to be occupied by them/ but to brenne
and senge his heeris/ and manaced them and durst not
truste in them/ And in lyke wyse they had none affiance
in hym And also he dyde do enuyronne the place where
he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell/
And he entryd by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after
hym/ And hys knyghtes laye wyth oute wyth his gardes
whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys forteresse/
And whan plato sawe thys Dionyse kynge of cezille thus
enuyronned and set aboute wyth gardes & wacche-men
for the cause of his suspecion sayd to hym openly
to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so moche euyll
& harme/ that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche
peple/ And therfore I saye that hit apperteyneth not
to ony man that wylle truly behaue hym self in his
werkis to be suspecyous/ And also they ought to be
stronge and seure in theyr werkes/ And specyally they
that ben maysters and maronners on the see/ for yf
they be tumerous and ferdfull they shold make a ferde
them that ben in theyr shippis/ that knowe not the
paryls/ And so hit might happene that by that drede
and fere alle men shold leue theyr labour/ And so
they myght be perisshid and despeyred in theyr corages/
For a shippe is soone perisshid and lost by a lityll
tempest/ whan the gouernour faylleth to gouerne his
shippe for drede/ And can gyue no counceyll to other
than it is no meruayll/ thangh they be a ferd that
ben in his gouernance/ And therfore ought be in them
strengthe force and corage/ and ought to considere
the peryls that might falle/ And the gouernour specially
ought not to doubte/ And if hit happen that ony paryll
falle/ he ought to promyse to the other good hoope/
And hit apperteyneth well/ that a man of good and hardy
corage be sette in that office/ In suche wyse that
he haue ferme and seure mynde ayenst the paryls that
oftetymes happen in the see/ and with this ought the
maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in
god/ and to be of good reconforte & of fayr langage
vnto them that he gouerneth in suche paryls/ And this
sufficeth to yow as touchynge the labourers.
Page 71
[Illustration]
The thirde chapitre of the thirde book treteth
of the office of notaryes aduocats skryueners and
drapers or clothmakers.
The thirde pawne whiche is sette to fore the Alphyn
on the right side ought to be figured as a clerk And
hit is reson that he shold so be/ For as moche as
amonge y’e comon peple of whom we speke in thys
book they plete the differencis contencions and causes
otherwhile the whiche behoueth the Alphins to gyue
sentence and Iuge as Iuges And hit is reson that the
Alphin or Iuge haue his notarye/ by whom y’e
processe may be wreton/ And this pawne ought to be
made and figured in this mamere/ he muste be made
like a man that holdeth in his right hand a pair of
sheres or forcetis/ and in the lifte hand a grete
knyf and on his gurdell a penuer and an ynkhorn/ and
on his eere a penne to wryte wyth And that ben the
Instrumentis & the offices that ben made and put in
writynge autentyque/ and ought to haue passed to fore
the Iuges as libelles writtes condempnacions and sentences/
And that is signefied by the scriptoire and the penne
and on that other part hit appertayneth to them to
cutte cloth. shere. dighte. and dye/ and that is signefied
by the forcettis or sheres/ and the other ought to
shaue berdes and kembe the heeris/ And the other ben
coupers. coryers. tawiers. skynners. bouchers and
cordwanners/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that
he holdeth in his hand and some of thise forsayd crafty
men ben named drapers or clothmakers for so moche
as they werke wyth wolle. and the Notayres. skynners.
coryours. and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes/
As parchemyn velume. peltrye and cordewan/ And the
Tayllours. cutters of cloth, weuars. fullars. dyers/
And many other craftes ocupye and vse wulle/ And alle
thyse crafty men & many other that I haue not named/
ought to doo theyr craft and mestyer/ where as they
ben duly ordeyned Curyously and truly/ Also ther ought
to be amonge thyse crafty men amyable companye and
trewe/ honest contenance/ And trouthe in their wordes/
And hit is to wete that the notaries ben right prouffitable
and ought to be good & trewe for the comyn And they
ought to kepe them fro appropriynge to themself that
thynge y’t apperteyneth to the comyn And yf
they be good to them self/ they ben good to other.
And yf they be euyll for themself/ they ben euyll
for other And the processes that ben made to fore
the Iuges ought to ben wreton & passid by them/ and
hit is to wete that by their writynge in the processis
may come moche prouffit And also yf they wryte otherwyse
than they ought to doo/ may ensewe moche harme and
domage to the comyn Therfore ought they to take good
heede that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the
content of the sentence. For than ben they first
forsworn And ben bounden to make amendes to them that
by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged/ And also ought
they to rede visite and to knowe the statutes. ordenances
and the lawes of the cytees of the contre/ where they
Page 72
dwelle and enhabite/ And they ought to considere yf
ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst right
and reson/ and yf they fynde ony thinge contraire/
they ought to admoneste and warne them that gouerne/
that suche thynges may be chauged into better astate/
For custome establisshid ayenst good maners and agaynst
the fayth/ ought not to be holden by right. For
as hit is sayd in the decree in the chapitre to fore/
alle ordenance made ayenst ryght ought to be holden
for nought Alas who is now that aduocate or notaire
that hath charge to wryte and kepe sentence that putteth
his entente to kepe more the comyn prouffit or as
moche as his owen/ But alle drede of god is put a
back/ and they deceyue the symple men And drawen them
to the courtes disordinatly and constrayned them to
swere and make othes not couenable/ And in assemblyng
the peple thus to gyder they make moo traysons in
the cytees than they make good alyances And otherwhile
they deceyue their souerayns/ whan they may doo hit
couertly For ther is no thynge at this day that so
moche greueth rome and Italye as doth the college
of notaries and aduocates publicque For they ben not
of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon
the aduocats. men of lawe. And attorneyes of
court to the comyn peple of y’e royame as well
in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne
they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete
they the peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/ I suppose
that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys
and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf
they were nombrid all that lange to the courtes of
the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. cheker.
ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/
hit shold amounte to a grete multitude And how alle
thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold be vttrid & told/
hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to
theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/
how well they ought to be of good wyll to gyder/ and
admoneste and warne the cytes eche in his right in
suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue one
with an other And tullius saith that frendshippe and
good wyll that one ought to haue ayenst an other for
the wele of hym that he loueth/ wyth the semblable
wylle of hym/ ought to be put forth to fore alle other
thynges/ And ther is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke
to the bees that maken honye ne so couenable in prosperite
and in aduersite as is loue/ For by loue gladly the
bees holden them to gyder/ And yf ony trespace to
that other anone they renne vpon the malefactour for
to punysshe hym/ And verray trewe loue faylleth neuer
for wele ne for euyll/ and the most swete and the
most confortynge thynge is for to haue a frende to
whom a man may saye his secrete/ as well as to hym
self/ But verayly amytye and frendship is somtyme
founded vpon som thinge delectable And this amytye
cometh of yongthe/ in the whiche dwelleth a disordinate
heete.
Page 73
And otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste/ And
this amytie is vertuouse/ Of the whiche tullius faith
y’t ther is an amytie vertuous by the whiche
a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth
by rayson For for to do to hym a thynge dishonneste
it is ayenst the nature of verray frendshipe & amytie/
And thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a man ought
not to doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn
prouffit ner agaynst his fayth ne ayenst his oth/
for yf alle tho thynges that the frendes desire and
requyre were accomplisshid & doon/ hit shold seme
that they shold be dishoneste coniuracions/ And they
myght otherwhile more greue & hurte than prouffit
and ayde/ And herof sayth seneque that amytie is of
suche wylle as the frende wylle/ And to reffuse that
ought to be reffusid by rayson/ And yet he sayth more,
that a man ought to alowe and preyse his frende to
fore the peple/ and to correcte and to chastyse hym
pryuyly. For the lawe of amytie is suche For a
man ought not to demande ner doo to be doon to his
frende no vyllayns thynge that ought to be kept secrete
And valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge and an
euyll excufacion/ yf a man conffesse that he hath done
ony euyll for his frende ayenst right and rayson/
And sayth that ther was a good man named Taffile whiche
herde one his frende requyre of hym a thynge dishonnefte
whiche he denyed and wold not doo And than his frende
sayth to hym in grete dispyte/ what nede haue I of
thy frendship & amytie whan thou wylt not doo that
thynge that I requyre of the And Taffile answerd to
hym/ what nede haue I of the frendship and of the amytie
of the/ yf I shold doo for the thynge dishonefte And
thus loue is founded otherwhile vpon good prouffitable/
and this loue endureth as longe as he seeth his prouffit
And herof men faye a comyn prouerbe in england/ that
loue lasteth as longe as the money endureth/ and whan
the money faylleth than there is no loue/ and varro
reherceth in his smmes/ that y’ riche men ben
alle louyd by this loue/ for their frendes ben lyke
as y’e huse whiche is aboute the grayn/ and
no man may proue his frende so well as in aduersite/
or whan he is poure/ for the veray trewe frende faylleth
at no nede/ And seneque saith y’t some folowe
the empour for riches/ and so doon y’e flies
the hony for the swetenes/ and the wolf the karayn
And thise companye folowe the proye/ and not the man
And tullius saith that Tarquyn y’e proude had
a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus/ and
this neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had
sente hym in exyle/ And than sayd he first that he
parceyuyd & knewe his frendes whiche were trewe &
untrewe/ and y’t he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme
whan he was puyssant for to doo their wyll/ and sayd
well that the loue that they had to hym/ endured not
but as longe as it was to them prouffitable/ and therfore
ought till the ryche men of the world take hede/ be
they Kynges Prynces or ducs to what peple they doo
prouffit & how they may and ought be louyd of theyr
Page 74
peple/ For cathon sayth in his book/ see to whom thougyuyst/
and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr prouffit/
whiche faylleth and endureth not/ may better be callyd
and said marchandyse than loue/ For yf we repute this
loue to our prouffit only/ and nothynge to the prouffyt
of hym that we loue/ It is more marchandyse than loue/
For he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he doth
to vs/ and therfor saith the versifier thise two versis
Tempore felici multi murmerantur amici Cum fortuna
perit nullus amicus erit/ whiche is to saye in English
that as longe as a man is ewrous and fortunat he hath
many frendes but whan fortune torneth and perisshith,
ther abideth not to hym one frende/ And of this loue
ben louyd the medowes, feldes, Trees and the bestes
for the prouffit that men take of them/ But the loue
of the men ought to be charyte, veray gracious and
pure by good fayth/ And the veray trewe frendes ben
knowen in pure aduersite/ and pers alphons saith in
his book of moralite that ther was a philosophre in
arabye that had an onely sone/ of whom he demanded
what frendes he had goten hym in his lyf. And
he answerd that he had many And his fader sayd to
hym/ I am an olde man/ And yet coude I neuer fynde
but one frende in alle my lyf/ And I trowe verily
that it is no lytyll thynge for to haue a frende/
and hit is well gretter and more a man to haue many/
And hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and
preue his frende er he haue nede And than comanded
the philosopher his sone/ that he shold goo and slee
a swyne/ and putte hit in a sack/ and fayne that hit
were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his
frendes for to burye hit secretly/ And whan the sone
had don as his fader comanded to hym and had requyred
his frendes one after an other as a fore is sayd/
They denyed hym/ And answerd to hym that he was a vylayne
to requyre & desire of them thynge that was so peryllous
And than he cam agayn to his fader and sayd to hym
how he had requyred alle his frendes/ And that he
had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede
And than his fader said to hym that he shold goo and
requyre his frende whiche had but one/ and requyre
hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede And whan he
had requyred hym/ Anone he put oute alle his mayne
oute of his hows/ And whan they were oute of the waye
or a slepe he dide do make secretly a pytte in the
grounde/ And whan hyt was redy and wold haue buryed
the body/ he fonde hit an hogge or a swyne and not
a man/ And thus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a
veray trewe frende of his fader/ And preuyd that his
frendes were fals frendes of fortune/ And yet reherceth
the sayd piers Alphons/ That ther were two marchantes
one of Bandach and that other of Egipte whiche were
so Joyned to gyder by so grete frendshippe that he
of Bandach cam on a tyme for to see hys frende in
Egipte/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably And
thys marchant of Egipte had in his hows a fayr yonge
mayden whom he shold haue had in maryage to hymslf/
Page 75
Of the whiche mayde thys marchant of Bandach was esrysd
wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke/
And that men supposid hym to dye. And than the
other dyde doo come the phisicyens whiche sayd that
in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue/
Than he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman
in hys hows that he louyd and made alle the women
of his hows to come to fore hym/ And than he chees
her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that
he was seek for the loue of her/ Than hys frende sayd
to hym Frende conforte your self/ For trewly I gyue
her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre that is gyuen
to me wyth her/ And had leuer to suffre to be wyth
oute wyf than to lese the body of his frende And than
he of Bandach wedded the mayde. And wente wyth
his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his contrey
And after this anone after hit happend that the marcha[=n]t
of Egipte be cam so poure by euyll fortune/ that he
was constrayned to feche and begge his brede by the
contrey in so moche that he cam to bandach. And
whan he entrid in to the toun hit was derke nyght that
he coude not fynde the hows of his frende/ but wente
and laye this nyght in an olde temple/ And on the
morn whan he shold yssue oute of the temple/ the officers
of the toun arestid hym and sayd that he was an homycide
and had slayn a man whiche laye there dede And an[=o]n
he confessid hit wyth a good wylle/ And had leuyr
to ben hangid/ than to dye in that myserable and poure
lyf that he suffrid And thus whan he was brought to
Iugement And sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym
as an homicide/ his frende of bandach cam and sawe
hym and anone knewe y’t this was his good frende
of Egipte And forthwyth stept in and sayde that he
hymself was culpable of the deth of this man/ and
not that other/ and enforced hym in alle maners for
to delyuer and excuse that other/ And than whan that
he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe
this thynge/ he considerid in hym sels that these
two men were Innocente. of this feet/ And doubtynge
the dyuyn Iugement he cam to fore the Iuge and confessid
alle the feet by ordre/ And whan the Iuge sawe and
herd alle this mater/ and also the causes he considerid
the ferme and trewe loue that was betwene the two
frendes And vnderstode the cause why that one wold
saue that other/ and the trouth of the fayte of the
homicide And than he pardoned alle the feet hoolly
and entierly/ and after the marchant of bandach brought
hym of egipte wyth hym in to his hous/ and gaf to hym
his suster in mariage/ and departid to hym half his
goodes/ And so bothe of hem were riche/ And thus were
they bothe veray faythfull and trewe frendes/ Furthermore
Notaires. men of lawe and crafty men shold and ought
to loue eche other And also ought to be contynent chaste
& honeste/ For by theyr craftes they ought so to be
by necessite/ For they conuerse & accompanye them
ofte tyme with women And therfor hit apperteyneth
to them to be chaste and honeste And that they meue
not the women ner entyse them to lawhe/ and Iape by
Page 76
ony disordinate ensignees or tokens/ Titus liuyus
reherceth that the philosopher democreon dyde do put
oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde
the women wyth oute flesshely desire/ And how well
hit is said before that he dide hit for other certayn
cause yet was this one of the pryncipall causes/ And
Valerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome
of ryght excellent beaute/ And how well that he was
ryght chaste/ For as moche as his beaute meuyd many
women to desyre hym/ in so moche that he vnderstode
that the parents and frendes of them had suspecion
in hym/ he dyde his visage to be cutte wyth a knyf
and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for to deforme
his visage/ And had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed/
than the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne/
And also we rede that ther was a Nonne a virgyne dyde
do put oute bothe her eyen For as moche as the beaute
of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her/ whyche eyen
she sente to the kynge in a presente/ And also we rede
that plato the ryght ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte
hys owne lande and Contre. And cheese his mansion
and dwellynge in achadomye a town/ whiche was not
only destroyed but also was full of pestelence/ so
that by the cure and charge and customance of sorowe
that be there suffrid/ myght eschewe the heetes and
occasions of lecherye/ And many of his disciples dyde
in lyke wyse/ Helemand reherceth that demostenes the
philosopher lay ones by a right noble woman for his
disporte/ and playnge with her he demanded of her
what he shold gyue to haue to doo wyth her/ And she
answerd to hym/ a thousand pens/ and he sayd agayn
to her I shold repente me to bye hit so dere/ And
whan he aduysed hym that he was so sore chauffid to
speke to her for tacc[=o]plissh his flesshely defire/
he dispoyled hym alle naked and wente and putte hym
in the middes of the snowe And ouide reherceth that
this thynge is the leste that maye helpe and moste
greue the louers And therfore saynt Augustyn reherceth
in his book de Ciuitate dei that ther was a ryght
noble romayne named merculian that wan and toke the
noble cyte of siracuse And to fore er he dyde do assaylle
hit or befyghte hit/ and er he had do be shedde ony
blood/ he wepte and shedde many teeris to fore the
cyte And that was for the cause that he doubted that
his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe to moche dishonestly
the chastyte of the toun And ordeyned vpon payne of
deth that no man shold be so hardy to take and defoylle
ony woman by force what that euer she were/ After
this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for to be trewe/
and to haue trouthe in her mouthes And that theyr dedes
folowe theyr wordes For he that sayth one thynge and
doth another/ he condempneth hymself by his word Also
they ought to see well to that they be of one Acorde
in good, by entente, by word, and by dede/ so that
they ben not discordant in no caas/ But euery man
haue pure veryte and trouth in hym self/ For god hym
self is pure verite/ And men say comynly that trouthe
Page 77
seketh none hernes ne corners/ And trouthe is a vertu
by the whyche alle drede and fraude is put away/ Men
saye truly whan they saye that they knowe/ And they
that knowe not trouthe/ ought to knowe hit/ And alleway
vse trouthe/ For Saynt Austyn sayth that they that
wene to knowe trouthe/ And lyuyth euyll & viciously
It is folye yf he knoweth hit not/ And also he sayth
in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne
for trouthe. Than for to haue a benefete by falsenes
or by flaterye. And man that is callyd a beste
resonable and doth not his werkes after reson and
trouthe/ Is more bestyall than ony beste brute/ And
knowe y’e that for to come to the trouthe/ Hit
cometh of a raysonable forsight in his mynde/ And
lyenge cometh of an outrageous and contrarye thought
in his mynde/ For he that lyeth wetyngly/ Knoweth
well that hit is agaynst the trouthe that he thynketh/
And herof speketh Saynt Bernard and sayth/ That the
mouthe that lyeth destroyeth the sowle/ And yet sayth
Saynt Austyn in an other place For to saye ony thynge/
And to doo the contrarye. maketh doctryne suspecious/
And knowe y’e veryly that for to lye is a right
perillous thynge to body and sowle For the lye that
the auncyent enemye made Eue & adam to beleue hym/
made hem for to be dampned wyth alle theyr lignage
to the deth pardurable And made hem to be cast oute
of Paradyse terrestre/ For he made them to beleue that
god had not forboden them the fruyt. But only
be cause they shold not knowe that her maister knewe
But how well that the deuyll said thise wordes yet
had she double entente to hem bothe For they knewe
ann as they had tasted of the fruyt that they were
dampned to the deth pardurable/ And god knewe it well
to fore But they supposid well to haue knowen many
other thynges And to belyke vnto his knowleche and
science And therfor fayth saynt poule in a pistyll/
hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe more than behoueth
to saure or knowe/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure
or fobrenes/ And valerian reherceth that ther was a
good woman of siracusane that wold not lye vnto the
kynge of ecylle whiche was named dyonyse And this
kynge was so full of tyrannye & so cruell that alle
the world defired his deth and cursid hym/ Saauf this
woman onely whiche was so olde that she had seen thre
or .iiii. kynges regnynge in the contre/ And euery
mornynge as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god
that he wold gyue vnto the tyrant good lyf and longe
And that she myght neuer see his deth/ And when the
kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her And meruayllid
moche herof For he knewe well that he was fore behated/
And demaunded her/ what cause meuyd her to pray for
hym. And she answerd and said to hym Syre whan
I was a mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our kynge
of whom we coueyted fore the deth And whan he was ded
ther cam after hym a worse/ of whom we coueyted also
the deth/ And whan we were deliueryd of hym/ thou
camst to be our lord whiche arte worste of alle other.
And now I doubte yf we haue one after the he shall
be worse than thou art/ And therfore I shall pray
for the And whan dionyse vnderstod that she was so
hardy in sayynge the truthe/ he durste not doo tormente
her for shame be cause she was so olde.
Page 78
[Illustration]
The fourth chapitre of the thirde book treteth
of the maner of the fourth pawn and of the marchants
or changers.
The fourth pawn is sette to for the kynge And is formed
in the fourme of a man holding in his ryght hand a
balance/ And the weyght in the lifte hand/ And to
fore hym a table And at his gurdell a purse fulle of
monoye redy for to gyue to them that requyre hit And
by this peple ben signefied the marchans of cloth
lynnen and wollen & of all other marchandises And
by the table that is to for hym is signefied y’e
changeurs/ And they that lene money/ And they that
bye & selle by the weyght ben signefyed by the balances
and weight And the customers. tollers/ and resseyuours
of rentes & of money ben signefied by the purse And
knowe y’e that alle they that ben signefied by
this peple ought to flee auaryce and couetyse/ And
eschewe brekynge of the dayes of payement/ And ought
to holde and kepe theyr promyssis/ And ought also to
rendre & restore y’t/ that is gyuen to them to
kepe/ And therfor hit is reson that this peple be
sette to for y’e kynge/ for as moche as they
signefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that
ought all way to be redy to fore y’e kynge/
and to answere for hym to the knightes and other persones
for their wages & souldyes And therfore haue I sayd
that they ought to flee auarice. For auarice
is as moche to say as an adourer or as worshipar of
fals ymages/ & herof saith Tullius that auarice is
a couetise to gete y’t thing that is aboue necessite/
& it is a loue disordinate to haue ony thynge And
it is one of the werst thyngis that is And specially
to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of
the comunete And this vice caufeth a man to do euyll/
And this doynge euyll is whan hit regneth in olde
men And herof saith Seneque That alle wordly thynges
ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce
only/ whiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth
hym But I vnderstande not well the cause wherof this
cometh ne wherfore hit may be And hit is a fowle thynge
and contrarie to reson That whan a man is at ende of
his Iourney for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne
more vitayll than hym behoueth And this may well be
lykened to the auarycious wolf For the wolf doth neuer
good tyll he be dede And thus it is sayd in the prouerbis
of the wisemen/ that thauaricious man doth no good
tyll that he be ded/ And he desireth no thynge but
to lyue longe in this synne For the couetouse man
certaynly is not good for ony thynge For he is euyll
to hymself and to the riche and to the poure.
And fynde cause to gayn saye theyr desire/ and herof
reherceth seneque and sayth that Antigonus was a couetous
prynce/ & whan Tinque whiche was his frende requyred
of hym a besa[=u]t/ he answerd to hym that he demanded
more than hit apperteyned to hym And than tinque constrayned
by grete necessite axid and requyred of hym a peny/
And he answerd to hym that hit was no yefte couenable
for a kynge and so he was allway redy to fynde a cause
Page 79
nought to gyue For he myght haue gyuen to hym a besa[=u]t
as a kynge to his frende/ And the peny as to a poure
man And ther is no thynge so lytyll/ but that the
humanyte of a kynge may gyue hit Auarice full of couetyse
is a maner of alle vices of luxurye And Josephus reherceth
in the book of auncyent histories/ that ther was in
rome a ryght noble lady named Paulyne/ And was of
the most noble of rome/ right honeste for the noblesse
of chastete/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the
women gloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge
man fayr. noble. and riche aboue alle other/ and was
lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis/ And
this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian
And was so ardautly esprysed in her loue that he sente
to her many right riche yeftes/ And made to her many
grete promissis/ but he might neuer torne the herte
of her whiche was on her side also colde and harde
as marbill But had leuer to reffuse his yeftes and
his promisses. Than to entende to couetise &
to lose her chastete/ and we rede also in the historyes
of rome that ther was a noble lady of rome/ whiche
lyuyd a solitarye lyf and was chaste & honeste/ And
had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold/ And had
hid hit in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous/ And
whan she was ded/ the bisshop dyde do burye her in
the churche well and honestly/ And anone after this
gold was founden & born to the bisshop/ And the bisshop
had to caste hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed.
And .iii. dayes men herd her crye & make grete noyse/
and saye that she brennyd in grete payne/ and they
herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y’e chirche/
the neighbours wente to the bisshop & told hym therof/
and y’e bisshop gaf hem leue to open the sepulcre/
and whan they had opend hit/ they fonde all the gold
molten with fyre full of sulphre/ And was poured and
put in her mouth/ and they herd one saye/ thou desiredest
this gold by couetyse take hit and drynke hit/ And
than they toke the body out of the tombe And hit was
cast oute in a preuy place Seneque reherceth in the
book of the cryes of women that auarice is foundement
of alle vices/ And valerian reherceth that auarice
is a ferdfull garde or kepar of rychessis for he that
hath on hym or in his kepynge moche money or other
rychessis/ is allway a ferd to lose hit or to be robbid
or to be slayn therfore/ And he is not ewrous ner
happy that by couetyse geteth hit/ And alle the euyllys
of this vice of auarice had a man of rome named septemulle
For he was a frende of one named tarchus And this septemulle
brente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse/
that he had no shame to smyte of the hede of his frende
by trayson/ For as moche as one framosian had promysed
to hym as moche weyght of pure gold as the heed weyed
And he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte
of rome/ and he wyded the brayn out therof and fyld
hit full of leed for to weye the heuyer This was a
right horrible and cruell auarice Ptolome kynge of
the Egipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere
Page 80
For whan anthonie emperour of rome sawe that he was
right riche of gold and siluer/ he had hym in grete
hate and tormentid hym right cruelly And whan he shold
perishe be cause of his richessis/ he toke alle his
hauoyr and put hit in a shippe And wente wyth alle
in to the hye see to thende for to drowne and perishe
there the shippe and his rychesses be cause Anthonie
his enemye shold not haue hit/ And whan he was there
he durst not perisshe hit ner myght not fynde in his
herte to departe from hit/ but cam and brought hit
agayn in to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward
of deth therfore. And wyth oute doubte he was
not lord of the richesse but the richesse was lady
ouer hym/ And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe that
a man ought to seignorye ouer the riches/ and not for
to serue hit/ and yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse
than she is thy chamberyer/ And yf thou can not departe
from hit and vse hit honestly at thy playsir/ knowe
verily y’t she is thy lady For the richesse neuer
satisfieth the couetouse/ but the more he hath/ the
more he desireth/ And saluste sayth that auarice distourblith
fayth poeste honeste and alle these other good vertues/
And taketh for these vertues pryde. cruelte. And
to forgete god/ And saith that alle thynges be vendable
And after this they ought to be ware that they leue
not to moche/ ner make so grete creances by which
they may falle in pouerte/ For saynt Ambrose saith
upon tobye. pouerte hath no lawe/ for to owe hit is
a shame/ & to owe and not paye is a more shame/ yf
y’u be poure beware how thou borowest/ and thinke
how thou maist paye & rendre agayn yf y’u be
ryche y’u hast none nede to borowe & axe/ &
it is said in the prouerbes y’t hit is fraude
to take/ that y’u wilt not ner maist rendre
& paye agayn/ and also hit is said in reproche/ whan
I leue I am thy frend/ & whan I axe I am thy enemye/
as wo saith/ god at the lenynge/ & the deuyll at rendrynge/
And seneque sayth in his au[c]torites/ that they
y’t gladly borowe/ ought gladly to paye/ and
ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better
be cause they leue hem & ayde hem in her nede/ For
for benefetes & good tornes doon to a man ought to
gyue hym thankinges therfore/ And moche more ought
a man to repaye that Is lente hym in his nede/ But
now in these dayes many men by lenynge of their money
haue made of their frendes enemyes/ And herof speketh
Domas the philosopher and sayth that my frende borowed
money of me/ And I haue lost my frende and my money
attones/ Ther was a marchant of Gene & also a chaungeour/
whos name was Albert gauor/ And this albert was a
man of grete trouth and loyaulte/ for on a tyme ther
was a man cam to hym and said & affermed that he had
delyueryd in to his banke .v. honderd floryns of gold
to kepe whiche was not trouth for he lyed/ whyche
fyue honderd floryns the said Albert knewe not of/
ner coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to
hym due And this lyar coude not brynge no wytnessis/
but began to braye. crye and deffame the said albert
Page 81
And than this Albert callid to hym this marcha[=u]t
and sayd/ Dere frende take here v. honderd florins
whyche thou affermest and sayst that thou hast deliuerid
to me And forthwyth tolde hem and toke hem to hym
And lo this good man had leuer to lose his good than
his good name and renome And this other marchant toke
these florins that he had wrongfully receyuyd/ and
enployed them in diuerce marchandise in so moche that
he gate and encresid and wan with them .xv. thousand
florins And whan he sawe that he approchid toward his
deth/ and that he had no children He establisshid
albert his heyr in alle thingis And sayd that with
the .v. honderd florins that he had receyuyd of albert
falsely/ he had goten all y’t he had in the world
And thus by dyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef
fraudelent/ was made afterward a trewe procurour and
attorney of the sayd albert/ But now in this dayes
ther ben marcha[=u]s that do marchandise with other
mens money whiche is taken to hem to kepe/ And whan
they ben requyred to repaye hit they haue no shame
to denye hit appertly/ wherof hit happend that ther
was a marchant whyche had a good & grete name and
renome of kepynge well suche thynges as was delyueryd
to hym to kepe/ But whan he sawe place and tyme/ he
reteynyd hyt lyke a theef/ So hyt befelle that a marchant
of withoute forth herd the good reporte & fame of
this man/ cam to hym and deliuerid hym grete tresour
to kepe/ And this tresour abode thre yer in his kepynge.
And after this thre yer thys marchant cam & requyred
to haue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym/ And thys
man knewe well that he had no recorde ne wytnes to
preue on hym this duete/ Nor he had no obligacion
ne wrytynge of hym therof/ In suche wyse that he denyed
alle entyerly/ And sayd playnly he knewe hym not.
And whan thys good man herde and vnderstode thys.
he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so ferre
and longe that an old woman mette wyth hym/ And demanded
of hym the cause of hys wepynge/ And he sayd to her/
woman hit apperteyneth no thynge to the Go thy way/
And she prayd hym that he wold telle her the cause
of hys sorowe/ For parauenture she myght gyue hym counceylle
good and prouffytable. And than this man told
to her by ordre the caas of his fortune/ And the old
woman that was wyse & subtyll demanded of hym yf he
had in that cyte ony frende whiche wold be faythfull
and trewe to hym And he sayd y’e that he had
dyuerce frendes/ Than said she goo thou to them and
saye to them that they do ordeyne and bye dyuerce cofres
& chestis/ And that they do fylle them with som olde
thinges of no value/ and that they fayne And saye
that they be full of gold, siluer & other Iewels and
of moche grete tresour/ And than that they brynge them
to this sayd marchant And to saye to hym that he wold
kepe them/ For as moche as they had grete trust and
affiance in hym And also that they haue herd of his
grete trouthe and good renome/ And also they wold goo
in to a fer contre And shold be longe er they retorned
agayn And whilis they speke to hym of this mater/
Page 82
thou shalt come vpon them and requyre hym that he
do deliuere to the/ that thou tokest to hym/ And I
trowe be cause of tho good men that than shall profre
to hym the sayd tresour/ And for the couetise to haue
hit/ he shall deliuere to the thy good agayn/ But
beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben
thy frendes ner of thy knowleche This was a grete
and good co[=u]ceyll of a woman And verily hit cometh
of nature oftentymes to women to gyue counceyll shortly
and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or perillous
and nedeth hasty remedye/ And as y’e haue herd/
this good man dyde And dyde after her counceyll And
cam vpon them whan they spack of the mater to the
marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to
kepe whyche his frendes had fayned and requyred of
hym that he had taken to hym to kepe/ and than an[=o]n
the sayd marchant sayd to hym I knowe the now well.
For I haue auysed me that thou art suche a man/ And
camst to me suche a tyme/ And deliuerest to me suche
a thynge whiche I haue well kept/ And than callyd
his clerck/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge
in suche a place/ and deliuere hit to that good man
For he deliuerid hit to me/ And than the good man
receyuyd his good. And wente his way right Ioyously
and gladd/ And this marchant trycheur and deceyuour
was defrauded from his euyll malice/ And he ne had
neyther that one ne that other ony thynge that was
of value/ And therfore hit Is sayd in prouerbe to
defraude the beguylar is no fraude/ And he that doth
well foloweth oure lord And seneke faith that charyte
enseygneth and techeth that men shold paye well For
good payement is sometyme good confession/ And this
marchant trycheour & deceyuour resembleth & Is lyke
to an hound that bereth a chese in his mouth whan
he swymmeth ouer a watre For whan he is on the watre
He seeth the shadowe of the chese in the watre/ And
than he weneth hit be an other chese/ And for couetyse
to haue that/ he openth his mouth to cacche that/
And than the chese that he bare fallyth doun in to
the watre/ And thus he loseth bothe two/ And in the
same wise was seruyd this marchant deceyuour/ For
for to haue the coffres/ whiche he had not seen/ He
deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden wrongfully
& thus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd/
And therfore hit apperteyneth to euery good & wyse
man to knowe & considere in hym self how moche he
had resseyuyd of other men/ And vpon what condicion
hit was deliuerid to hym And hit is to wete y’t
this thinge apperteyneth to resseyuours & to chaungeours
And to alle true marchans and other what som euyr
they bee/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes
& of payements of whom & to whom and what tyme & day.
and yf y’e demande what thynge makyth them to
forgete suche thynges as ben taken to them to kepe
I answere & saye that hyt Is grete couetyse for to
haue tho thynges to themself and neuer to departe
from them/ And it is all her thought and desire to
assemble alle the good that they may gete For they
beleue on none other god/ but on her richessis theyr
hertes ben so obstynat/ and this sufficeth of the
marchantes.
Page 83
[Illustration]
This fifth chapitre of the thirde book treteh of
phisiciens spicers and Apotyquarys.
The paw[=o]n that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth
the phisicyen/ spicer and Apotyquaire/ and is formed
in the figure of a man/ And he is sette in a chayer
as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book/
And an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft
hand/ And at his gurdell his Instrumentis of yron
and of siluer for to make Incysions and to serche
woundes and hurtes/ and to cutte apostumes/ And by
thyse thynges ben knowen the cyrurgyens/ By the book
ben vnderstanden the phisicyens/ and alle gramaryens.
logicyens/ maistres of lawe. of Geometrye. Arismetryque.
musique and of astronomye/ And by the ampole/ ben
signefyed the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apotiquayres/
and they that make confections and confytes and medecynes
made wyth precyous spyces And by the ferremens and
Intrumentis that hangen on the gurdell ben signefied
the cyrurgyens & the maistres And knowe y’e for
certain that a maystre & phisicyen ought to knowe
the proporcions of lettres of gramayre/ the monemens
the conclusions and the sophyms of logyque. the gracio’9
speche and vtterance of rethorique/ the mesures of
the houres and dayes/ and of the cours and astronomye/
the nombre of arsmetryk/ & the Ioyous songes of musyque
And of all thyse tofore named/ the maistres of rethorique
ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf/ And the two laste
that ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens
and cyrurgyens/ how well they ben sage and curyous
in thyse sciences/ And how well that mannes lyf is
otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen or
cyrurgyen/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym
self of dyuerce wrytynges and is not expert/ And medlyth
hym in the craft of phisique/ He ought better be callyd
a slear of peple than a phisicyen or cyrurgyen.
For he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and
expert in the craft of phisike that he sle not moo
than he cureth and maketh hoole/ And therfore sayth
Auycenne in an Enphormye/ yf thou curest the seke
man. And knowest not the cause/ wherof the maladye
ought to be cured/ Hit ought to be sayd that thou
hast cured hym by fortune and happe more than by ony
comynge. And in alle thyse maner of peple/ Ther
ought to be meurte of good maners/ Curtoysie of wordes/
Chastite of the body promysse of helthe/ And as to
them that ben seke contynuell visitacion of them/
And they ought to enquere the cause of theyr sekenessis
and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes/ As is
rehercid in the bookes of the au[ct]ours by ryght
grete diligence/ And specially in the bookes of ypocras
galyene and of Auycene And whan many maysters and
phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke
man/ They ought not there to argue and dispute one
agaynst an other/ But they ought to make good and
symple colacion to geder. In suche wyse as they
be not seen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other/
for to encroche and gete more glorye of the world
Page 84
to them self/ than to trete the salute and helthe
of the pacyent and seke man/ I meruayll why that whan
they fee and knowe that whan the seke man hath grete
nede of helthe wherfore than they make gretter obiection
of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf of man is
demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that
he is reputed most sage and wise that argueth and
bryngeth in moste subtyltes/ And alle this maner is
amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of
mannes lyf. But of temporelle thynges/ that he
is holden most wyse and best lerned/ that by his counceyll
can beste acorde the contencions and discencions of
men And therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens
leue whan they be to fore the seke men all discencions
and contrariousnes of wordes/ in suche wyse that hit
appere that they studye more for to cure the seke
men than for to despute And therfore is the phisicien
duly sette to fore the quene/ So that it is figured
that he ought to haue in hymself chastite and contynence
of body For hit apperteyneth somtyme vnto the phisicien
to visite and cure Quenes duchesses and countesses
and alle other ladyes and see and beholde some secrete
sekenessis that falle and come otherwhile in the secretis
of nature And therfore hit apperteyneth to them that
they be chaste and followe honeste and chastite/ and
that they be ensample to other of good contynence/
For valerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous
contynence of his body/ For whan he was in the scoles
of Athenes/ he had by hym a ryght fayr woman whyche
was comyn And the yonge scolers and the Ioly felaws
that were students promisyd to the woman a besa[=u]t/
yf she myght or coude torne the corage of ypocras
for to haue to doon wyth her/ And she cam to hym by
nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye
wyth hym in his bedd/ but she coude neuer do so moche
y’t she myghte corrumpe his chaste liuynge ne
defoule the crowne of his conscience/ and whan the
yonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night
And coude not chaunge his contynence/ they began to
mocque her/ And to axe and demande of her the besant
that they had gyuen to her. And she answerd That
hit was holden & gaged vpon an ymage/ For as moche
as she might not change his contynence she callyd
hym an ymage/ And in semblable wyse reherceth Valerian
of Scenocrates philosopher that ther laye with hym
a woman all night And tempted hym disordinatly/ but
that ryght chafte man/ made neuer femblant to her/
Ner he neuer remeuyd from his ferme purpoos/ In fuche
wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid and fhamed/
Cornelius fcipion that was fent by the romayns for
to gouerne fpayne/ as fone as he entryd in to the
caftellis & in to the townes of that lande He began
to take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or meue
his men to lecherye wherfore men fayd that he drof
& chaced oute of the ofte moo than two thoufand bourdellys/
And he that was wyfe knewe well that delyte of lecherye
corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men that ben
Page 85
abandonned to that fame delyte/ And herof hit is fayd
in the fables of the poetes in the first book of the
Truphes of the Philofophers by figure. That they
that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or mermaydens/
were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem/ And
alfo y’e ought to knowe that they ought to entende
diligently to the cures of the enfermytees in cyrugerye/
They ought to make theyr playfters acordynge to the
woundes or fores/ yf the wounde be rounde The enplaftre
muft be round/ and yf hyt be longe/ hyt mufte be longe/
and otherwhile hit mufte be cured by his contrarye/
lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique/ For the hete
is cured by cold/ and the colde by hete/ and Ioye by
forowe/ and fbrowe by Ioye/ and hit happeth ofte tymes
that moche peple be in grete paryll in takynge to
moche Ioye and lefe her membris/ and become half benomen
in the fodayn Ioye/ And Ioye is a replection of thynge
that is delectable fprad a brode in all the membris
with right grete gladnes And all men entende and desire
to haue the sayd ryght grete Ioye naturelly/ But they
knowe not what may ensue and come therof And this Ioye
cometh otherwhile of vertue of conscience/ And the
wyse man is not wyth out this Ioye And this Ioye is
neuer Interrupt ne in deffaulte at no tyme For hit
cometh of nature And fortune may not take a waye that
nature geueth. And merciall saith that Ioyes
fugitiues abide not longe But flee away an[=o]n And
valerian reherceth that he that hath force and strengthe
raysonable/ hath hit of verray matier of complection
and that cometh of loue And this Ioye hath as moche
power to departe the sowle fro the body/ as hath the
thondre/ wherof hit happend that ther was a woman
named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in
the shippis of the romayns/ And she supposid verily
that he was ded/ But hit happend that he cam agayn
home And as he entryd in to his yate/ his wif met wyth
hym sodeynly not warned of his comyng. whiche was so
glad and Ioyous/ that in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun
ded Also of an other woman to whom was reportid by
a fals messanger that her sone was ded/ whiche wente
home soroufully to her hows/ And afterward whan her
sone cam to her/ As sone as she sawe hym/ she was
so esmoued wyth Ioye y’t she deyde to fore hym/
But this is not so grete meruaylle of women as is of
the men/ For the women ben likened vnto softe waxe
or softe ayer and therfor she is callid mulier whyche
Is as moche to saye in latyn as mollys aer. And
in english soyfte ayer/ And it happeth ofte tymes
that the nature of them that ben softe and mole/ taketh
sonner Inpression than the nature of men that is rude
and stronge/ Valerye reherceth & sayth that a knyght
of rome named Instaulosus that had newly conquerid
and subiuged the yle of Corsika/ And as he sacrefyed
his goddes/ he receyuyd lettres from the senate of
rome In whiche were conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons/
The whiche whan he vnderstood he was so glad and so
enterprysed wyth Ioye/ that he knewe not what to doo
Page 86
And than a great fumee or smoke yssued out of the
fyre In whiche he dispayred and fyll in to the fyre/
where he was anone ded/ And also it is sayd that Philomenus
lawhed so sore and distemperatly that he deyde alle
lawhynge/ And we rede that ypocras the phisicien fonde
remedye for thys Ioye/ For whan he had longe dwellyd
oute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom/
And shold retorne vnto his parentis and frendes/ whan
he approchid nyghe them/ He sente a messanger to fore
for to telle to them his comynge/ and comanded hym
to saye that he cam/ for they had not longe to fore
seen hym/ And y’t they shold attempre them in
that Ioye er they shold see hym/ And also we rede
that Titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd
Iherusalem and abode in y’e contrees by/ he herde
y’t his fader vaspasian was chosen by alle the
senate for to gouerne the empire of rome/ wherfore
he had so right grete Ioye that sodaynly he loste the
strength of all his membres And be cam all Impotent
And whan Iosephus that made the historye of the romayns
ayenst the Iewis/ whiche was a ryght wyse phisicien
sawe and knewe the cause of this sekenes of the sayd
Titus/ he enquyred of his folk yf he had in hate ony
man gretly so moche that he myght not here speke of
hym ner well see hym And one of the seruantes of Titus
sayd that he had one persone in hate so moche.
That ther was no man in his court so hardy that durste
name hym in his presence/ and than Iosephus assigned
a day whan this man shold come/ and ordeyned a table
to sette in y’e sight of Titus/ and dide hit
to be replenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees/
and ordeyned men to be armed to kepe hym in suche
wyse that no man shold hurte hym by the comandement
of Titus/ and ordeyned boutellers. Coques/ and
other officers for to serue hym worshipfully lyke
an Emour/ and whan all this was redy/ Iosephus brought
in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at the
table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men
wyth grete reuerence ryght cortoisly/ And whan titus
behelde his enemye sette to fore hym wyth so grete
honour/ He began to chauffe hym self by grete felonnye
And comanded his men that this man sholde be slayn/
And whan he sawe/ that none wold obeye hym But that
they all way seruyd hym reuerently/ he waxe so ardante/
and enbrasid wyth so grete yre/ that he that had lost
alle the force and strengthe of his body and was alle
Impotent in alle his membres/ Recoured the helthe agayn
and strengthe of his membris/ by the hete that entryd
in to the vaynes and sinewis And Iosephus dide so
moche that he was recouerid and hole/ And that he helde
that man no more for his enemye/ but helde hym for
a verray true frende/ And afterward made hym his loyall
felawe and compaignon And the espicers and Apotecayres
ought to make truly suche thynges as Is comanded to
them by the physicyens/ And they ought taccomplisshe
theyr billis and charge curyously wyth grete dilygence/
that for none other cause they shold be ocupied but
in makynge medicynes or confections truly. And
Page 87
that they ought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to
forgete/ by negligence ne rechelesnes to gyue one
medecyne for an other/ In suche wyse that they be
not slears of men/ And that they do putte no false
thynges In her spyces for to empayre or encrecynge
the weyght. For yf they so doo they may better
be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris/ And
they that ben acustomed to make oynements they ought
to make hyt proprely of true stuf and of good odoure
after the receptes of the auncyent doctours/ And after
the forme that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse
vnto them/ Also they ought to beware that for none
auayle ne gyfte that they myght haue/ that they put
in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge hurte
or scathe to ony persone of whom they haue none good
ne veray knowlege/ to thende that they to whom the
medicynes shold be gyuen/ torne not to them hurte
ne domage/ ne in destructions of theyr neyghbours/
and also that they that haue mynystrid tho thyngis
to them/ ben not taken for parteners of the blame
and of the synne of them The cyrurgyens ought also
to be debonayr. amyable. & to haue pytye of their
pacyents. And also they ought not be hasty to
launse and cutte apostumes and soores/ ne open the
heedes/ ner to arrache bones broken/ but yf the cause
be apparant/ For they myght ellys lose theyr good renome
And myght better be callyd bouchers than helars or
guarisshors of woundes and soores And also hit behoueth
that alle this maner of peple foresayd that haue the
charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner of
maladyes and Infirmitees that they first haue the
cure of themself/ and they ought to purge themself
fro alle apostumes and alle vices/ In suche wyse that
they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners/
And that they shewe hem hole and pure & redy for to
hele other And herof sayth Boecius de Consolacione
In his first booke that the sterres that ben hid vnder
the clowdes maye gyue no light. And therfore yf
ony man wole beholde clerly the verite. Late
hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete and derkenes of
the clowdes of ignorance/ for whan the engyne of a
man sheweth in Ioye or in sorowe/ The pensee or thought
is enuoluped in obscurete & vnder the clowdes.
[Illustration]
The sixthe chapitre of the thirde book treteth
of the sixth pawn/ whiche is lykened to tauerners
hostelers and vitayllers.
The sixthe pawn whiche standeth to fore the Alphyn
on the lyfte syde is made in thys forme. For
hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched oute
as for to calle men/ And holdeth in his lyfte hande
a loof of breed and a cuppe of wyn/ And on his gurdell
hangynge a boudell of keyes/ And this resembleth the
Tauerners. hostelers. and sellars of vitaylle.
And thise ought proprely to be sette to fore the/
Alphyn as to fore a Iuge For ther sourdeth ofte tymes
amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf/ whiche behoueth
to be determyned and trayted by the alphyn/ whiche
is Iuge of the kynge/ And hit apperteyneth to them
Page 88
for to seke and enquyre for good wyns and good vitayll
for to gyue and selle to the byers/ And to them that
they herberowe/ And hit apperteyneth to them well to
kepe their herberowes and Innes/ and alle tho thyngis
that they brynge in to their loggynge and for to putte
hyt in seure and sauf warde and kepynge/ And the firste
of them Is signefyed by the lyfte hande in whiche he
bereth brede and wyn/ and the seconde is signefied
by the right hande whiche Is stracched oute to calle
men/ And the thirde is representid by the keyes hangynge
on y’e gurdell And thyse maner of peple ought
teschewethe synne of glotonye/ For moche peple comen
in to theyr howses for to drynke and to ete for whyche
cause they ought resonably to rewle them self and
to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke/ to
thende that they myght the more honestly delyuere
thyngis nedefull vnto the peple that come vnto them/
And no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the body/
For hit happeth ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye
tencyons. stryfs. ryottes. wronges. and molestacyons/
by whiche men lese other while their handes. theyr
eyen. and other of their membres/ And somtyme ben
slayn or hurt vnto the deth/ As it is wreton In vitas
patrum As on a tyme an heremyte wente for to visite
his gossibs/ And the deuyll apperyd to hym on the
waye in lykenes of an other heremyte for to tempte
hym/ and saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage And
goost to visyte thy gossibs/ The behoueth by force
to doo one of y’e thre thynges that I shall
saye to the/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt be
dronke/ or ellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib
or ellys thou shalt sle her husbond whiche is thy
gossip also/ And the hermyte that thought for to chese
the leste euyll chace for to be dronke/ and whan he
cam vnto them he dranke so moche that he was veray
dronke And whan he was dronke and eschaussed wyth
the wyn/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib/ And her
husbonde withstode hym. And than the hermyte slewe
hym/ And after that laye by his gossib and knewe her
flessly/ And thus by this synne of dronkenship he
accomplisshid the two other synnes/ By whyche thynge
y’e may vnderstande and knowe y’t whan
the deuyll wyll take one of the castellis of Ihesu
cryst/ that is to wete the body of a man or of a woman/
he doth as a prynce that setteth a siege to fore a
castell that he wold wynne/ whiche ent[=e]deth to
wynne the gate/ For he knoweth well whan he hath wonne
the gate/ he may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell.
And in lyke wyse doth the deuyll wyth euery man and
woman For whan he hathe wonne the gate/ that is to
wete the gate of y’e mouth by glotonye or by
other synne He may doo wyth the offices of the body
alle his wylle as y’e haue herd to fore/ And
therfore ought euery man ete and drynke sobrely in
suche wyse as he may lyue. And not lyue to ete
glotonsly & for to drynke dronke. y’e see comunly
that a grete bole is suffisid wyth right a lityll
pasture/ And that a wode suffiseth to many olefauntes
And hit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or
Page 89
by the see/ neuertheles it is no grete thynge to fede
the bely/ no thynge so grete as is the desire of many
metes Wherof Quyntylian sayth/ That hit happeth ofte
tymes in grete festes & dyners/ that we be fylde wyth
the sight of the noble and lichorous metis and whan
we wolde ete we ben saciat and fild/ And therfore
hit is sayd in prouerbe/ hit is better to fylle the
bely than the eye/ And lucan sayth that glotonye is
the moder of alle vices/ and especiall of lecherye/
and also is destroyer of all goodes And may not haue
suffisance of lityll thynge/ A couetous honger what
sekest thou mete and vitayllis on the lande & in the
see/ And thy Ioye is nothynge ellis but to haue playnteuous
disshes & well fylde at thy table lerne how men may
demene his lyf with lityll thynge/ And Cathon sayth
in no wyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye/
And the holy doctour saynt Augustyn sayth/ the wyn
eschausseth the bely that falleth anone to lecherye/
The bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours
to lecherye/ And thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh
lecherye/ wherof cometh forgetenes of his mynde and
destruction of alle quyk and sharp reson And is cause
of distemance of his wittes/ what synne is fowler
than this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous
For this synne hath taken away the vertue of the man/
his prowesse languisshed/ his vertue is torned to
diffame/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned
by the/ And therfore sayth Basille le grant/ late
vs take hede how we serue the bely & the throte by
glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes/ and we studye
for to be lyke vnto belucs of the see/ to whom nature
hath gyuen to be alleway enclined toward the erthe
& ther to loke for to serue theyr belyes/ And herof
saith Boecius de consolacione in his fourth book/
that a man that lyuyth and doth not the condicions
of a man/ may neuer be in good condicion/ Than muste
hit nedes be that he be transported in nature of a
beste or of a belue of the see. How well that
ryght grete men and women full of meruayllous sciences
and noble counceyll in thise dayes in the world ben
kept and nourisshid in this glotonye of wyns and metes/
and ofte tymes ben ouerseen/ how suppose y’e/
is hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or
gouernour of the peple and c[=o]mun wele/ how well
that he be wyse/ yf he eschauffe hym sone so that
y’e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome
his brayn. his wisedom is loste/ For as Cathon sayth/
Ire enpessheth the corage in suche as he may not kepe
verite and trouthe And anon as he is chauffed/ lecherye
is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye maketh
hym to medle in dyuerse villayns dedes/ For than his
wyfedom is a slepe and goon/ And therfore fayth Ouide
in his booke De remedio amoris/ yf thou take many
and dyuerce wyns/ they apparylle and enforce the corages
to lecherye And Thobie witnessith in his booke/ that
luxurye destroyeth the body/ and mynussheth richesses/
she loseth the sowle/ she febleth y’e strengthe
she blyndeth the syght/ and maketh the wys hoos &
Page 90
rawe/ Ha A ryght euyll and fowle synne of dronkenship/
by the perissheth virginite/ whiche is suster of angellis
possedynge alle goodnes and seurte of all Ioyes pardurable/
Noe was one tyme so chauffed with wyn/ that he discouerd
and shewid to his sones his preuy membres in suche
wyse as one of his sones mocqued hym/ And that other
couerd hem/ And loth whiche was a man right chaste.
was so assoted by moche drynkynge of wyn/ that on
a montayne he knew his doughters carnelly/ And had
to doo wyth them as they had ben his propre wyues.
And crete reherceth that boece whiche was flour of
the men/ tresor of rychesses/ singuler house of sapience
myrour of the world/ Odour of good renome/ and glorye
of his subgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye
We haue seen that dyuerce that were Ioyned by grete
amyte to geder whiles they were sobre/ that that one
wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that other/
and whan they were eschauffed with wyn & dronke/ they
haue ronne eche vpon other for to fle* hem/ And somme
haue ben that haue slayn so his frende/ Herodes Antipas
had not doon saynt Iohn baptist to ben beheded/ ne
had y’e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship/
Balthazar kynge of babilone had not ben chaced out
of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had ben sobre amonge
his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe
hym The hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys
of wordes to them that they receyue in to their loggynge
For fayr speche & Ioyous chiere & debonayr/ cause
men to gyue the hostelyer a good name/ And therfore
it is said in a comyn prouerbe/ Courtoyse langage
and well saynge is moche worth and coste lityll/ And
in an other place it is said that curtoysie passeth
beaulte/ Also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures
may happen on the wayes and passages to hem that ben
herberowed with in their Innes/ therfore they ought
to accompanye them whan they departe and enseigne
them the wayes and telle to them the paryls/ to thende
that they may surely goo theyr viage and Iourney/
And also they ought to kepe their bodies, their goodes.
And the good fame and renomee of their Innes/ we rede
that loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his
hous right debonairly whiche he had suppofid had ben
mortall men and stra[=u]gers/ to thende that they
shold eskape the disordinate and vnnaturell synne
of lecherye of the sodamites/ by the vertu of good
fayth/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader/
and proferd to them his doughters whiche were virgyns/
to thende that they shld kepe them and defende them
fro that vyllayne and horrible synne/ And knowe y’e
for certayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and
delyueryd to kepe to the hoste or hostesses they ought
to be sauf and yelden agayn wyth out a payringe For
the ooste ought to knowe/ who that entryth in to his
hous for to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion
for the tyme/ he hymself and alle suche thynges as
he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of ryght in the warde
and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler And ought to be
Page 91
as sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous And
also suche hoostis ought to hold seruantes in their
houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth oute auarice
In suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes
of their ghestes And that they take not away the prouender
fro theyr horses whan hyt is gyuen to them/ that by
thoccasion therof theyr horsis perisshe not ne faylle
theyr maister whan they haue nede/ and myght falle
in the handes of theyr enemyes/ For than sholde the
seruantes because of that euyll/ wherfore theyr maisters
shold see to For wyth oute doubte this thynge is worse
than thefte Hit happend on a tyme in the parties of
lomberdye in the cyte of Iene y’t a noble man
was logged in an hostelerye wyth moche compaignye/
And whan they had gyuen prouendour to their horses/
In the first oure of the nyght, the seruant of the
hous cam secretly to fore y’e horses for to stele
away their prouender/ And whan he cam to the lordes
hors/ The hors caught wyth his teth his Arme and helde
hit faste that he myght not escape/ And whan the theef
sawe that he was so strongly holden/ he began to crye
for the grete payne that he suffryd and felte/ In
suche wyse that the noble mannes meyne cam with the
hooste/ But in no maner/ ner for ought they coude
doo They coude not take the theef out of the horses
mouth vnto the tyme that the neyghbours whiche were
noyed wyth the noyse cam and sawe hit/ And than the
theef was knowen and taken and brought to fore the
Iuge And confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf
was hanged and lost his lyf/ And in the same wyse
was an other that dyde so/ And the hors smote hym
in the visage/ That the prynte of the horse shoo and
nayles abode euer in his visage/ Another was right
cruell and villaynous fylle at tholouse/ Hit happend
a Ionge man and his fader wente a pilgremage to saynt
Iames in Galyce And were logged in an hostelrye of
an euyll hoost and full of right grete couetyse/ In
so moche that he defired and coueyted the goodes of
the two pilgrimes And here vpon auysed hym and put
a cuppe of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge
man bare/ And whan they departed oute of their loggynge/
he folowed after hem and sayd to fore the peple of
the court that they had stolen and born away his cuppe/
And the yonge man excused hym selfe and his fader/
And sayde they were Innocent of that caas/ And than
they serchid hem and the cuppe was founden in the
male of the yonge man And forthwyth he was dampned
to the deth and hanged as a theef/ and this feet doon
all the goodes that langed to the pilgrym were deliuerid
to the ooft as c[=o]fisqued And than the fader wente
for to do his pilgremage/ and whan he cam agayn he
muste nedes come & passe by the place where his sone
henge on the gibet And as he cam he complaygned to
god and to saynt Iames how they might suffre this
auenture to come vnto his sone,’ Anone his sone
that henge spack to his fader And sayde how that saynt
Iames had kepte hym with out harme And bad his fader
goo to the Iuge and shewe to hym the myracle/ And
Page 92
how he was Innocent of thot fayte/ And whan this thynge
was knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down
fro the gibet/ and the cause was brought to fore the
Iuge And the hooste was accused of the trayson/ and
he confessid his trespaas/ and sayd he dide hit for
couetyse to haue his good And than the Iuge dampned
hym for to be hanged on the same gibet where as the
yonge pilgryme was hanged And that I haue sayd of
the seruantes beynge men/ the same I saye of the women
as chambriers and tapsters For semblable caas fille
in spayne at saynt donne of a chamberier/ that put
a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a pilgryme/ be
cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne
of lecherye/ wherfore he was hanged And his fader
& moder that were there with hym wente and dyde her
pilgremage/ And whan they cam agayn they fonde her
sone lyuynge/ And whan they wente and told the Iuge/
whiche Iuge sayd that he wolde not byleue hit tyll
a cok and an henne which rosted on the fyre were a
lyue & the cok crewe. And anon they began wexe
a lyue & the cok crewe and began to crowe and to pasture/
and whan the Iuge sawe this miracle/ he wente and
toke doun the sone/ and made the chamberyer to be
taken and to be hanged/ wherfore I saye that the hoostes
ought to hold no tapsters ne chamberyers/ but yf they
were good meure and honeste/ For many harmes may be
falle and come by the disordenat rewle of seruantes.
[Illustration]
The seventh chapitre of the thirde Tractate treteth
of kepars of townes customers and tolle gaderers &c.
The gardes and kepars of of cytees ben signefied by
the .vii. pawn whiche stondeth in the lyfte side to
fore the knyght/ And is formed in the semblance of
a man holdynge in his right hande grete keyes And in
his lifte hande a potte & an elle for to mesure with
And ought to haue on hys gurdell a purse open/ And
by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars of the cytees
and townes and comyn offices/ And by the potte and
elle ben signefyed them that haue the charge to weye
and mete & mesure truly And by the purse ben signefyed
them that reseyue the costumes. tolles. scawage. peages/
and duetes of the cytees & townes And thyse peple ben
sette by ryght to fore the knyght/ And hit behoueth
that the gardes and offycers of the townes be taught
And enseygned by the knyghtes/ And that they knowe
and enquyre how y’e cytees or townes ben gouerned/
whiche apperteyneth to be kept and defended by the
knyghtes. And first hit apperteyneth that the
kepars of the cyte be dilygente. besy. clere seeynge
and louers of the comyn prouffit & wele/ as well in
the tyme of pees as in the tyme of warre/ They ought
allewaye to goo in the cyte and enquyre of all thynges
and ought rapporte to the gouernours of the cyte suche
thynge as they fynde and knowe And suche thynge as
apperteyneth and to the seuerte of the same/ and to
den[=o]nce and telle the defaultes and paryls that
ther bee/ And yf hit be in tyme of warre they ought
not to open the yates by nyght to no man/ And suche
Page 93
men as ben put in this office/ ought to be of good
renome. & fame, trewe. and of good conscience/ In
suche maner that they loue them of the Cyte or town/
And that they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with
out cause by enuye. Couetyse ne by hate/ but
they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see that
ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause.
For hit happeth ofte tymes that diuerce officers accuse
the good peple fraudulently/ To thende that they myght
haue a thanke & be preysed and to abide stille in
theyr offices And trewly hit is a grete and hye maner
of malyse to be in will to doo euyll and diffame other
wyth oute cause to gete glorie to hymself Also the
kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that
they suffre no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the Iuges
and gouernours of cytees wyth out cause to be doon
to them that ben Innocents/ but they ought to haue
theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym/ that knoweth the hertes
and thoughtes of alle men/ And they ought to drede
& doubte hym wyth oute whos grace theyr wacche and
kepynge is nought And that promyseth to them that
doubte hym shall be ewrous & happy/ And by hym ben
alle thynges accomplisshid in good/ Hit is founden
in the historyes of rome that Temperour Frederik the
seconde dide do make a gate of marble of meruayllous
werke and entayll in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre
that renneth aboute the same/ and vpon this yate he
made an ymage lyke hymself sittynge in his mageste/
and two Iuges whiche were sette/ one on the right
side and that other on the lifte side. And vpon
the sercle aboue the hede of the Iuge on y’e
ryght side was wreton/ Alle they entre seurly that
will liue purely/ And vpon the sercle of the Iuge on
the lifte side was wreton/ The vntrewe man ought to
doubte/ to doo thynge that he be put to prison fore/
and on the sercle aboue thempour was wreton/ I make
them live in misery/ that I see lyue dismesurably/
And therfore hit apperteyneth to a Iuge to shewe to
the peple for to drede and doubte to doo eyull/ And
hit apperteyneth to the gardes and officers to doubte
the Iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices
And hit apperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours
and the malefactours of right greuous paynes.
And herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of cecylle
that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore
well/ But allway where he wente he made heuy and tryste
semblant/ And thus as they wente bothe to gyder on
a tyme in a chare/ ther cam agayn hem two poure men
wyth glad visage but in foule habite/ And y’e
kynge anon as he sawe them/ sprange out of his chare
and resseyuyd them worshipfully with grete reuerence/
wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also
angry in their corages/ notwithstandynge fere and drede
letted them to demande hym the cause/ But they made
his broder to demande the cause and to knowe the certaynte/
And whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the demande/
and that he was blessyd & also a kynge whiche was ryche
and full of delites & worshipis/ he demanded hym yf
Page 94
he wold assaye & knowe the grace and beneurte of a
kynge And his broder answerd y’e/ And that he
desired and requyred hit of hym/ and than the kinge
comanded vnto alle his fugettis that they shold obeye
in alle thynges only vnto his broder And than whan
the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy/ the
broder was sette at the table of the kynge And whan
he sawe that he was seruyd wyth right noble botelliers
and other officers. And he herde the sownes of
musicque right melodious The kynge demanded hym than/
yf he supposid y’t he were benerous and blessid.
And he answerd I wene well that I am right well blessid
and fortunat/ and that I haue well proued and fele
and am expert therof And than the kynge secretly made
to be hanged ouer his heed a sharp cuttynge swerde
hangynge by an hors heer or a silken threde so small
that no man myght see hit where by hit henge/ and whan
he sawe his broder put no more his hand to the table/
ne had no more regarde vnto his seruantes/ he sayd
to hym why ete y’e not/ ar y’e not blessid/
saye yf y’e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid
and well/ And he answerde for as moche as I see this
sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly and parillously
ouer my hede I fele well that I am not blessid for
I drede that hit shold falle on my hede/ and than
discouerd the kynge vnto hem alle wherfore he was
allway so heuy cherid and triste For where he was/
he thought alleway on the swerde of the secrete vengeance
of god/ whiche he behelde alleway in his herte/ wherfore
he had all way in hymself grete drede And therfore
he worshipid gladly the poure peple wyth glad visage
and good conscience And by this sheweth the kynge well/
that what man that is all way in drede is not all way
mery or blessid. And herof fayth Quyntilian that
this drede surmounteth alle other maleurtees and euyllys/
For it is maleurte of drede nyght and day/ And it
is verite that to hym that Is doubtid of moche peple/
so muste he doubte moche/ And that lord is lasse than
hys seruantes that dredeth hys seruantes/ And truly
hit Is a ryght sure thynge to drede no thinge but
god/ And sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to
lyue in drede/ Drede causeth a man to be curyous and
besy to kepe the thynges that ben commysed to hym
that they perisshe not/ But to be to moche hardy &
to moche ferdfull/ bothe two ben vices The comyn officers
ought to be wise, discrete. and well aduysed in suche
wyse that they take not of y’e peple ne requyre
no more than they ought to haue by reson/ ne that they
take of the sellars ne of the byars no more than the
right custom and toll/ for they bere the name of a
c[=o]mun sone/ and therfore ought they to shewe them
c[=o]mune to all men/ and for as moche as the byars
and sellars haue somtyme moche langage/ they ought
to haue with them these vertues/ that is to wete pacience
and good corage with honeste/ for they that ben despiteus
to the c[=o]mun/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns despite/
therfore beware y’t thou haue no despite to the
poure mendicants/ yf thou wilt come and atteyne to
Page 95
thingis fouerayn/ for the Iniurye that is don wyth
oute cause/ torneth to diffame hym that doth hit/
A Iogheler on a tyme beheld socrates and sayd to hym/
thou hast the eyen of corrumpour of children & art
as a traytre. And whan his disciples herde hym/
they wold auengid their maister/ But he repreuyd hem
by suche sentence saynge/ Suffre my felaws for I am
he and suche one as he saith/ by the sight of my visage/
But I refrayne and kepe me well from suche thynge/
This same socrates hymself was chidde and right fowll
spoken to of his wyf/ and she Imposid to hym many grete
Iniuries with out nombre/ and she was in a place a
boue ouer his heed And whan she had brawlid I nowh/
she made her watre and pourid hit on his heed And he
answerd to here no thynge agayn/ sauf whan he had dryed
and wypid his heed he said/ he knewe well that after
suche wynde and thonder sholde comen rayn and watre
And the philosophres blamed hym that he coude not
gouerne two women/ that was his wyf and his chambrere/
And shewde hym that one cokke gouerned well .xv. hennes
He answerd to them that he was so vsed and accustomed
wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges of them ne
of estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme/ gyue thou
place to hym that brawleth or chydeth/ and in suffrynge
hym thou shalt be his vaynquysshour/ And Cathon fayth
whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the not of the
wordes of euyll peple/ And therfore it is sayd in a
comyn prouerbe/ he that well doth reccheth not who
seeth hit/ & hit is not in our power to lette men
to speke. And prosper sayth that to good men
lacketh no goodnes/ ner to euyll men tencions stryfs
and blames And pacience is a ryght noble vertu/ as
a noble versifier sayth That pacience is a ryght noble
maner to vaynquysshe. For he that suffreth ouercometh.
And yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome/ lerne to
suffre/ The peagers ner they that kepe passages ought
not to take other peage ne passage money but suche
as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid/ so that
they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours
of peage and passage And hit apperteyneth to them
to goo out of the paryllo*9 weyes and doubteuous for
to kepe their office and they ought to Requyre theyr
passage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge
and contencion/ And they ought not to loue the comyn
prouffyt so moche/ That they falle in the hurtynge
of theyr conscience/ For that shold be a manere of
robberye And herof sayth ysaye Woo to the that robbest/
For thou thy self shalt be robbed/ The gardes or porters
of the gates of cytees and of the comyn good ought
to be good and honeste. And alle trouthe ought
to be in them and they ought not to take ne withdrawe
the goodes of the comyn that they haue in kepynge/
more than apperteyneth to them for theyr pension or
ffee/ So that they that ben made tresorers and kepars
ben not named theuys/ For who that taketh more than
his/ He shall neuer thryue wyth alle/ ner shall not
enioye hit longe/ For of euyll gooten good the thyrde
heyr shall neuer reioyce/ And this suffisith &c.
Page 96
[Illustration]
This chapitre of the thirder book treteth of Rybauldis
players of dyse and messagers and corrours
The rybaulders, players of dyse and of messagers and
corrours ought to be sette to fore the rook/ For hit
apperteyneth to the rook whiche is vicayre & lieutenant
of the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne here
and there for tenquyre & espie the place and cytees
that myght be contrarye to the kynge/ And thys pawn
that representeth thys peple ought to be formed in
this maner/ he must haue the forme of a man that hath
longe heeris and black and holdeth in his ryght hand
a lityll monoye And in his lyfte hande thre Dyse And
aboute hym a corde in stede of a gyrdell/ and ought
to haue a boxe full o lettres And by the first/ whiche
is money is vnderstand they that be fole large & wastours
of theyr goodes/ And by the seconde whiche is the
dyse Ben represented the players at dyse/ Rybauldes
and butters/ And by the thyrde whiche is the boxe
full of lettres ben representid the messagers. corrours/
And berars of lettres/ And y’e shall vnderstande
that the roock whiche is vicaire of the kynge whan
he seeth to fore hym suche peple as ben folelarge and
wastours. He is bounden to constitute and ordeyne
vpon them tutours and curatours to see that they etc
not ne waste in suche maner theyr goodes ne theyr
heritages/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele/
For he that of custome hath had haboundance of moneye
and goth and dispendith hit folily and wasteth hit
away/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath nought/ he
must nedes begge and axe his breed, orellis he must
be a theef/ For suche maner of peple/ yf they haue
ben delicyous they wyll not laboure/ for they haue
not lerned hit And yf they be noble and comen of gentilmen/
they be ashamed to axe and begge/ And thus muste they
by force whan they haue wasted theyr propre goodes
yf they wyll lyue they muste stele and robbe the goodes
of other And y’e shall vnderstande that folelarge
is a right euyll vice/ for how well that she dooth
good and prouffyt somtyme to other yet she doth harme
and domage to hym that so wasteth. Caffiodore
admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges/
that by no necessite they falle in pouerte/ And that
they be not constrayned to begge ne to stele of other
men For he faith that hit is gretter subtilte to kepe
well his owne goodes/ than to fynde strange thynge/
and that it is gretter vertue to kepe that is goten
than to gete and wynne more/ and claudian saith in
like wise in his book that hit is a gretter thynge
& better to kepe that is goten Than to gete more And
therfore hit is sayd y’t the poure demandeth
and beggeth er he felith/ and also hit is sayd that
he y’t dispendith more than he hath/ with oute
strook he is smyten to the deth/ Ther was a noble man
named Iohn de ganazath whiche was ryght ryche/ And
this man had but two doughters whom he maryed to two
noble men/ And whan he had maryed them/ he loued so
well his sones in lawe their husbondes/ that in space
Page 97
& succession of tyme/ he departed to them alle his
goodes temporell/ And as longe as he gaf to them they
obeyed hym & were right diligent to plese and serue
hym/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle
gyuen in so moche that he had ryght nought/ Than hit
happend that they to whom he had gyuen his goodes/
whiche were wonte to be amyable & obeyssant to hym
as longe as he gaf. Whan tyme cam that he was
poure and knewe that he had not they becam unkynde
Disagreable and disobeyssant/ And whan the fader sawe
that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of
his doughters/ He desired and couetyed fore teschewe
his pouerte/ At laste he wente to a marchant that
he knewe of olde tyme. And requyred hym to lene
to hym. x. thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn
wyth in thre dayes/ And he lente hit hym/ and whan
he had brought hit in to his hows/ Hit happend that
hit was a day of a solempne feste/ on whiche daye he
gaf to his doughters and her hufbonde a right noble
dyner/ and after dyner he entrid in to his chambre
secretly wyth them/ And drewe out of a coffre that
he had do make all newe shettynge with iii. lockis/
the menoye that the marchant had lente hym And poured
out vpon a tapyte that his doughtres and theyr hufbondes
myght see hit/ And whan he had shewid hit vnto them
he put hit vp agayn and put hit in to the cheste saynynge
that hit had ben all his And whan they were departed
he bare the money home to the marchant that he had
borowed hit of/ And the next day after his doughters
and theyre hufbondes Axid of hym how moche moneye was
in the cheste that was shette wyth. iii. lockis/ And
than he fayned and saide that he had therein. xxv.
thousand pound/ whiche he kepte for to make his testament
and for to leue to his doughters and hem/ yf they wolde
here hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they
were maried/ And than whan they herde that/ they were
right Ioyous and glad And they thoughte and concluded
to serue hym honorably as well in clothynge as in
mete and drynke & of alle other thynges necessarye
to hym vnto his ende And after this whan the ende
of hym began tapproche/ he callyd his doughters and
her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere/ y’e
shall vnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest
shette vnder. iii. lockes I wylle leue to yow Sanynge
I wyll that y’e gyue in my prefence er I dye
whilis I lyue to the frere prechours. C. pound
and to the frere menours. C. pound/ And to the
heremytes of saynt Augustyn .I. pound to thende that
whan I am buryed and put in the erthe y’e may
demande of them the keyes of y’e cheste where
my tresour is Inne/ whiche keyes they kepe/ and I
haue put on eche keye a bille & writynge In witnessinge
of the thynges abouesayd/ And also y’e shall
vnderstande that he dyde do to be gyuen whilis he
laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse
and to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by
the handes of his doughters husbondes/ whiche they
dyde gladly. In hope to haue shortly the money
that they supposid had ben in the cheste/ And whan
Page 98
hit cam to the last day/ that he deyde/ He was born
to churche and his exequye don and was buryed solempnly/
And the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully accomplisshid/
They wente for to demande the keyes of the Religious
men that they had kept/ whiche were deliueryd to them/
And than they wente and opend the coffre where they
supposid the money had ben Inne/ And there they fonde
no thyng but a grete clubbe/ And on the the handlynge
was wreton/ J Iohn of canazath make this testament/
that he be slayn wyth this clubbe/ that leuyth his
own prouffit. And gyuyth hit to other/ as who
sayth hit is no wysedom for a man to gyue his good
to his children and kepe none for hym self/ And y’e
shall vnderstande that it is grete folye to dispende
and waste his good/ In hope for to recoure hit of
other/ be hit of sone or doughter or ryght nyghe kyn/
For aman ought to kepe in his hande in dispendynge
his owen goodes/ to fore he see that he dyspende other
mennys/ And he ought not to be holden for a good man/
That hath lityll renome and spendeth many thyngys/
And I trowe that suche persones wold gladly make noueltees
as for to noye and greue feignories and meue warres
and tencions agaynst them that habounde in rychesses
and goodes/ And also make extorcyons clamours & trybulacyons
ayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of
the peple. lyke as they haue wasted theyris And suche
a wastour of goodes may neuer be good for the comyn
prouffit. And y’e shall vnderstande that
after these wastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars
of dyse and they that vse bordellis ben worst of alle
other For whan the hete of playnge at the dyse/ And
the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought
hem to pouerte/ hit foloweth by force that they muste
ben theuys and robbeurs And also dronkenship. glotonye.
And alle maner of euyllis folowe them and myschief/
And they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and
of noble men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis
And they coueyte not so moche the victorye as they
do the robberie And they do moche harme as they goo
And they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge/ wherof hit
happend on a tyme that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors
aboute in the contrey And mette wyth an hasardour
or dyse-player/ whiche sayd to hym/ thou goddes man
wilte thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my
sowle/ to whom saynt Bernard answerd/ yf thou wilt
oblige thy sowle to me ayenst my hors/ I wolle a lighte
doun & playe wyth the/ and yf thou haue mo poyntes
than I on thre dyse I promyse the thou shalt haue myn
hors/ And than he was glad/ and an[=o]n cafte. iii.
dyse/ And on eche dyse was a fyfe/ whiche made. xviii.
poynts And anone he toke the hors by the brydell/
as he that was fewr that he had wonne/ and said that
the hors was his And than saynt Bernard sayde abyde
my sone For ther ben mo poyntes on the dyse than.
xviii. And than he caste the dyse/ In suche wyse
that one of the. iii. dyse clefte a sonder in the myddes/
And on that one parte was fyfe and on that other an
Page 99
Aas/ And eche of that other was a fyfe/ And than Saynt
Bernard sayde That he had wonne hys sowle for as moche
as he had caste on thre dyse. xix. points/ And than
whan thys player sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle/
He gaf hys sowle to saynt Bernard and be cam a monke
and finysshid his lyf in good werkes/ The corrours
and berars of lettres ought hastely and spedily do
her viage that comanded hem/ with oute taryenge/ For
their taryenge might noye and greue them that sende
hem forth/ or ellis them to whom they ben sent too/
And torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye/ for
whiche cause euery noble man ought well to take hede
to whom he deliuere his lettres and his mandements/
and otherwhilis suche peple ben Ioghelers & dronkelewe/
And goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble
men for to haue auantage And hit happeth ofte tymes/
that whan suche messagers or currours ben enpesshid
by ony taryenge/ That other currours bere lettres
contrarye to his/ And come to fore hym/ of which thinges
ofte tymes cometh many thinges discouenable of losse
of frendes of castellys & of lande & many other thinges
as in the feet of marchandise &c. And otherwhile
hit happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche
messangers lefeth to haue victorye vpon hys enemyes/
And also ther ben some that whan they come in a cyte
where they haue not ben to fore/ that ben more besy
to visyte the Cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn/
Than they ben to doo theyr voyage/ whyche thynge they
ought not to doo/ But yf they had specyall charge
of them that sente hem forth so to doo. And also
whan they be sente forth of ony lordes or marchauntes
they ought to be well ware/ that they charge hem not
wyth ouer moche mete on morenynges ne with to moche
wyn on euenynges/ wherby her synewis and vaynes myght
be greuy/ that they muste for faute of good rewle tarye
But they ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte
to their maistres answers as hit apperteyneth And
this suffisen of the thynges aboue sayd.
BOOK IV.
[Illustration]
The fourth tractate & the last of the progression
and draughtes of the forsayd playe of the chesse.
The first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the chesse
borde in genere how it is made._
Ze haue deuised aboue the thinges that apperteyne
vnto the formes of the chesse men and of theyr offices/
that is to wete as well of noble men as of the comyn
peple/ than hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly
how they yssue and goon oute of the places where they
be sette/ And first we ought to speke of the forme
and of the facion of the chequer after that hit representeth
and was made after/ For hyt was made after the forme
of the cyte of Babyloyne/ In the whiche this same playe
was founden as hit is sayd afore/ And foure thinges
The first is/ wher y’e shal vnderstande that
y’e ought to consydere here in fore that. lxiiii.
poyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle
Page 100
square/ The seconde is wherfore the bordeur aboute
his hyher than the squarenes of the poyntes/ The thirde
is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the
nobles/ The fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples
ben sette in their propre places Ther ben as many
poyntes in y’e eschequer wyde as full And y’e
shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben. lxiiii.
poyntes in the eschequer/ For as the blessid saint
Iherome saith/ the cyte of babilone was right grete
and was made alle square/ and in euery quarter was.
xvi. myle by nombre and mesure/ the whiche nombre foure
tymes told was. lxiiii. myles/ After the maner of lombardye
they be callid myles/ and in france leukes/ and in
englong they be callid mylis also/ And for to reprefente
the mesure of thys cyte/ In whiche thys playe or game
was founden/ The philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned
a tablier conteynyng .lxiiii. poynts square/ the which
ben comprised wyth in the bordour of the tablier/
ther ben xxxii. on that on fide &. xxxii. on that
other whiche ben ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe/
and for to mewe the maner & drawynge of the chesse
as hit shall appere in the chapitres folowynge/ and
as to the seconde wherfore y’e bordour of theschequyer
is hyher than the table wyth in. hit is to be vnderftande
y’t the bordour aboute representeth the walle
of t’e cyte/ whiche is right hyghe/ And therfor
made y’e philosopher the bordour more hyghe
than y’e tablier. And as y’e blessid
saint Iherome saith vpon y’e prophesie of ysaye/
that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete. whiche
wordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee
and nothinge of that babilone that stondeth in egipte/
for it is so y’t babilone whiche standeth in
chaldee was sette in a right grete playne/ & had so
hyghe walles that by the heyghte of them/ was contynuell
derkenes environed & obscurete/ that none erthely
man might beholde and see the ende of y’e hyghnes
of the walle/ And therfore ysaye callid hit y’e
montaigne obscure/ And saint Iherome sayth y’t
the mesure of the heyght of this walle was thre thousand
paas/ whiche extendeth vnto y’e lengthe of thre
myle lombardes/ hit is to wete that lombarde mylis
and english myles ben of one lengthe And in one of
the corners of this cyte was made a toure treangle
as a shelde wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe
of .vii. thousand paas/ whiche is .vii. myle english
And this tour was callyd the tour of Babell/ The walles
aboute the tour made a woman whos name was semiranus
as sayth virgilius/ As to the thirde wherfore the
comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles in the felde
of the bataylle in one renge First for as moche as
they ben necessarye to alle nobles For the rooke whiche
standeth on the ryght syde and is vicaire of the kynge
what may he doo yf the labourer were not sette to fore
hym and labourid to mynystre to hym suche temporell
thynges as be necessary for hym/ And what may the
knyght doo yf he ne had to fore hym the smyth for to
forge his armours. sadellis. axis and spores and suche
Page 101
thynges as apperteyneth to hym/ And what is a knyght
worth wyth oute hors and armes/ certaynly nothynge
more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture And in
what maner shold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth
and bought and solde marchandyse/ And what shulde
kynges and quenes and the other lordes doo yf they
had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens/ than I saye that the
peple ben the glorye of the Crowne And susteyne. the
lyf of the nobles And therfore thou that art a lord
or a noble man or knyght/ despise not the comyn peple
for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y’e
pleye The seconde cause is why the peple ben sette
to fore the nobles and haue the table wyde to fore
them/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle/ They ought
to take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr
craftes/ In suche wyse that they suffre the noble
men to gouerne the cytees and to counceylle and make
ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a
labourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make
ordenance of suche thynges as he neuer lerned/ And
wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what thynge the counceylle
ought to be taken/ Certes the comyn peple ought not
to entende to none other thynge but for to do their
seruyse and the office whiche is couenable vnto hem/
And hyt apperteyneth not to hem to be of counceyllys
ne at the aduocacions/ ne to menace ne to threte noman/
for ofte tymes by menaces and by force good counceylle
is distroublid/ And where good counceyll faylleth/
there ofte tymes the cytees ben betrayed and destroyed/
And Plato sayth That the comyn thynges and the cytees
ben blessid whan they ben gouerned by wyse men/ or
whan the gouernours studye in wisedom/ And so hit apperteyneth
to the comyn to lerne to vttre the maters & the maner
of procuracion to fore they be counceyllours/ For
hit happeth oftetymes that he that maketh hym wyser
that he vnderstandeth is made more foole than he is/
And the fourth cause wherfore y’t ther ben in
the tabler as many poynts wyde as ben full. hit is
to wete for that they what euer they be that haue peple
to gouerne/ ought tenforce to haue cytees & caftellis
& possessions for to sette his peple theryn/ And for
to laboure & doo their ocupacion/ For for to haue
the name of a kynge with out royame is a name voyde/
and honour with oute prouffit/ And alle noblesse wyth
oute good maners/ and with out suche thinges as noblesse
may be mayntenyd/ ought better be callid folye than
noblesse. And shamefull pouerte is the more greuous
whan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth
or hous. For noman gladly wole repreue a poure
man of the comyn peple/ But euery man hath in despite
a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good
maners and vertuous/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten/
and truly a royame with oute haboundance of goodes
by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere/ may better
be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a
royame/ Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the
royames. And what prosite/ In whiche was Iustice/
Page 102
And euery man in his office contente/ how stood the
cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed
the noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde
hit And spack worship of hit/ how hit now standeth
and in what haboundance I reporte me to them that
knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or
on the see/ they knowe that laboure in the royame
And sayle on the see I wote well the fame is grete
therof I pray god saue that noble royame And sende
good true and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours
of the same &c./ And noblesse of lignage wyth oute
puyssance and might is but vanyte and despite.
And hit is so as we haue sayd to fore that theschequer
whiche the philosopher ordeyned represented and figured
the sayd cyte of Babilone And in lyke wyse may hit
figure a royame and signefye alle the world And yf
men regarde and take heed vnto the poyntes vnto the
middes of euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant
to other the myles of this cyte all way doublinge
vnto the nombre of .lxiiii. The nombre of the
same shulde surmounte alle the world/ And not only
the world but many worldes by the doublinge of mylis/
whiche doublinge so as a fore is sayd shuld surmounte
alle thynges/ And thus endeth the first chapitre of
the fourth booke.
[Illustration]
The seconde chaitre of the fourth tractate tretheth
of the draught of the kynge/ And how he meuyth hym
in the chequer.
We ought to knowe that in this world/ the kynges seygnourye
and regne eche in his royame. And in this playe
we ought to knowe by the nature of hit how the kynge
meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place/ For y’e
shall vnderstande that he is sette in the fourth quadrante
or poynt of theschequer. And whan he is black/
he standeth in the white/ and the knyght on his ryght
side in white/ And the Alphyn and the rooke in black/
And on the lifte side the foure holden the places opposite/
And the rayson may be suche/ For be cause that the
knyghtes ben the glorye & the crowne of the kynge,’
They ensiewe in semblable residence/ that they doo
whan they ben sette semblably on the ryght side of
the kynge & on the lyfte side of the quene/ And for
as moche as the rook on the ryght syde is vicayre
of the kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable
siege that the Alphyn doth whiche is Iuge of the kynge/
And in lyke wyse the lifte rook & the lyfte Alphyn
accompanye the kynge in semblable siege/ In suche
wyse as they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides
wyth the Quene in manere of a crowne/ That they may
seurely kepe the royame that reluyseth and shyneth
in the kynge and in the Quene/ In suche wyse as they
may conferme and diffende hym in theyr sieges and in
theyr places. And the more hastily renne vpon
his enemyes And for as moche as the Iuge, the knyght/
and the vicaire. kepe and garnysshe the kynge on that
one syde/ They that ben sette on the other syde kepe
the Quene/ And thus kepe they alle the strength and
fermete of the royame/ And semblably otherwhile for
Page 103
to ordeyne the thynges that apperteyne to the counceyll/
and to the besoygne of the royame/ For yf eche man
shold entende to his owen proper thynges/ And y’t
they defended not ner toke hede vnto the thingis y’t
apperteynen to the kynge to the comyn and to the royame/
the royalme shold an[=o]n be deuided in parties And
thus myght the Iuge regne/ And the name of the dignyte
royall shold be lost/ And truly for as moche as the
kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue alle other and the
seygnourye royall/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that
he absente hym longe/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space
of tyme from the maister siege of his royame/ For
whan he wele meue hym/ he ought not to passe at the
first draught the nombre of .iii. poynts/ And whan
he begynneth thus to meue from his whyt poynt/ he
hath the nature of the rooks of the right syde and
of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe/ And also
he may goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of
the Cyte ben sette And in this poynt he hath the nature
of a knyght. And thyse two maners of meuynge
apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene/ and for as moche
as the kynge and the quene that ben conioyned to geder
by mariage ben one thynge as one flessh and blood/
therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte side of his
propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place
of the quene whiche is black/ and whan he goth right
in maner of the rook only/ And hit happen that the
aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the seconde
ligne/ The kynge may not passe from his black poynt
vnto the thirde ligne/ And thus he sortisith the nature
of the rook on the ryght syde and lyfte syde vnto
the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght to
fore In to the whyte poynt to fore the marchant/ And
the kynge also sortyst the nature of the knyghtes
whan he goth on the ryght syde in two maners/ For
he may put hym in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen/
And in the black space to fore the tauerner/ And on
the other side he goth in to other two places in lyk
wise that is to fore the smyth/ and the notarye/ And
thus as in goynge out first in to .iiii. poynts he
sorteth the nature of knyghtes/ and also the kynge
sortiseth the nature of the alphins at his first yssu
in to .ii. places And he may goo on bothe sides vnto
the white place voyde/ that one to fore y’e smith
on that on side/ and that other to for the tauerner
on that other side/ All these yssues hath y’e
kyng out of his propre place of his owen vertue whan
he begynneth to meue. But whan he is ones meuyd
fro his propre place/ He may not meue but in to one
space or poynt/ and so from one to an other/ And than
he sortiseth the nature of the comyn peple/ and thus
by good right he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle/
For alle the vertue that is in the membres cometh
of the heed and all meuyng of the body/ The begynnynge
& lyf comen from the herte/ And all the dignyte that
the subgettes haue by execucion/ and contynuell apparence
of their meuynge & yssue/ The kynge deteyneth hit
& is attribued to hym/ the victorye of the knightes/
Page 104
the prudence of y’e Iuges/ the auctorite of the
vicaires or legates The c[=o]tynence of the quene/
the c[=o]corde & vnyte of y’e peple Ben not
all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour and worship
of the kynge Jn his yssue whan he meuyd first The
thirde ligne to fore the peple he neuer excedeth/
Fro in the .iii. nombre alle maner of states begynne
to meue For the trynary nombre conteyneth .iii. parties/
whiche make a perfect nombre/ For a trynarye nombre
hath. i. ii. iii. Whiche Ioyned to geder maken
.vi. Whiche is the first parfyt nombre And signefieth
in this place/ vi. persones named that constitute the
fection of a royame That is to wete the kynge. the
quene. Iuges, knyghtes. the vicaires or legats/
and the comyn peple And therfor the kynge ought to
begynne in his first meuynge of .iii. poyntes/ that
he shewe perfection of lyf as well in hym self as
in other After that the kynge begynneth to meue he
may lede wyth hym the quene/ after the maner of his
yssue For why the quene foloweth vnto two angularye
places/ after the maner of the alphyn/ and to a place
indirect in the maner of a rook in to the black poynt
to fore the phisicien/ herin is signefied that the
women may not meue neyther make vowes of pylgremage
ner of viage wythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes/
For yf a woman had a vowed ony thynge/ her husbonde
lyuynge/ and agaynsaynge/ she may not yelde ne accomplisshe
her vowe/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer. he may well
goo wyth oute her And yf so be that the husbond wyll
haue her wyth hym/ she is bounden to folowe hym/ And
by reson For a man is the heed of a woman/ and not
econuerso/ For as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony/
they ben lyke/ but the man hath power ouer her body/
And so hath not the woman ouer his And therfore whan
the kynge begynneth to meue. the Quene may folowe/
And not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge
to meue/ For why four the first lignes be with in
the limytes and space of the royame/ And vnto the
thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first meuynge
out of his propre place/ And whan he passith the fourth
ligne he goeth oute of his royame. And yf he
passe oon poynt late hym beware/ For the persone of
a kynge Is acounted more than a thousand of other/
For whan he exposeth hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle/
Hit is necessarye that he goo temperatly and slyly/
For yf he be taken or ded/ or ellis Inclusid and shette
vp/ Alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and alle
Is fynysshid and loste/ And therfore he hath nede to
goo and meue wysely/ And also therfore he may not
meue but one poynt after hys fyrst meuynge but where
that euer he goo foreward or bacward or on that one
syde or that other or ellis cornerwyse/ He may neuer
approche hys aduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the
thirde poynt/ And therfore the kynges in batayll ought
neuer tapproche one nyghe that other/ And also whan
the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men be lost/
than he is sole/ And than he may not endure longe
whan he is brought to y’t extremyte/ And also
Page 105
he ought to take hede that he stande not soo that a
knyght or an other saith chek rook/ than the kyng loseth
y’e rook/ That kynge is not well fortunat that
leseth hym to whom his Auctoryte delegate apperteyneth/
who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be priuyd
taken or dede/ that was prouisour of alle the royame/
he shall bere a sack on his hede that Is shette in
a cyte/ And alle they that were theryn ben taken in
captiuite and shette vp &c.
[Illustration]
The seconde chapiter of the fourth book of the
quene and how she yssueth oute of her place. [Transcriber’s
note: The printer’s error in the original
text, labeling the third chapter as “The seconde
chapiter” is preserved here.]
Whan the Quene whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge
begynneth to meue from her propre place/ She goth
in dowble manere/ that is to wete as an Alphyn whan
she is black/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde & come
in to the poynt to fore the notarye And on the lifte
syde in the black poynt and come to fore the gardees
of the cyte And hit is to wete that me sortiseth in
her self the nature in .iii. maners first on the ryght
syde to fore the alphyn/ Secondly on the lifte syde
where the knyght is/ And thirdly indirectly vnto the
black poynt to fore the phisicyen And the rayson why.
Is for as moche as she hath in her self by grace/ the
auctrorite that the rooks haue by c[=o]myscion/ For
she may gyue & graute many thynges to her subgetts
graciously And thus also ought she to haue parfyt
wisedom/ as the alphyns haue whiche ben Iuges/ as hit
sayd aboue in the chapitre of the Quene/ And she hath
not the nature of knyghtes/ And hit is not fittynge
ne couenable thynge for a woman to goo to bataylle
for the fragilite and feblenes of her/ And therfore
holdeth she not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes
doon/ And whan she is meuyd ones oute of her place
she may not goo but fro oon poynt to an other and
yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward takynge
or to be taken/ And here may be axid why the quene
goth to the bataylle wyth the kynge/ certainly it
is for the solace of hym/ and ostencion of loue/ And
also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge
And therfore the tartaris haue their wyues in to the
felde with hem/ yet hit is not good that men haue
theyr wyuys with hem/ but that they abyde in the cytees
or within their owne termes/ For whan they ben oute
of theyr cytees and limytes they ben not sure/ but
holden suspecte/ they shold be shamfast and hold alle
men suspect/ For dyna Iacob’s doughter as longe
as she was in the hows of her brethern/ she kept her
virginite/ But assone as she wente for to see the
strange Regyons. Anone she was corrupt and defowled
of the sone of sichem/ Seneca sayth that the women
that haue euyll visages ben gladly not chaste/ but
theyr corage desireth gladly the companye of men/
And Solynus saith that no bestes femellys desyre to
be towched of theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd/
Exept woman whyche ought to be a best Raysonable/
Page 106
And in thys caas she lefeth her rayson/ And Sidrac
wythnesseth the same And therfore in the olde lawe/
the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and Ancellys to thende
whan one was wyth childe/ they myght take another/
They ought to haue the visage enclyned for teschewe
the fight of the men/ that by the fight they be not
meuyd with Incontynence and diffame of other/ And Ouyde
sayth that ther ben some That how well that they eschewe
the dede/ yet haue they grete Joye whan they ben prayed/
And therfore ought the good women flee the curyositees
and places wher they myght falle in blame and noyse
of the peple.
[Illustration]
The fourth chapitre of the fourth book Is of the
yssuynge of the Alphyn.
The manere and nature of the draught of the Alphyn
is suche/ that he that is black in his propre fiege
is sette on the right side of the kynge/ And he that
is whyt is sette on the lifte side/ And ben callyd
and named black and white/ But for no cause that they
be so in subftance of her propre colour/ But for the
colour of the places in whiche they ben sette/ And
alleway be they black or white/ whan they ben sette
in theyr places/ the alphyn on the ryght syde/ goynge
oute of his place to the ryght sydeward comyth to
fore the labourer/ And hit is reson that the Iuge
ought to deffende and kepe the labourers and possessions
whiche ben in his Iurisdiction by alle right and lawe/
And also he may goo on the lyste syde to the wyde
place to fore the phisicien/ For lyke as the phisiciens
haue the charge to hele the Infirmites of a man/ In
lyke wyse haue the Iuges charge to appese alle stryues
and contencions and reduce vnto vnyte/ And to punyfshe
and correcte causes crymynels/ The lyste alphyn hath
also two wayes fro his owen place oon toward y’e
right syde vnto the black space voyde to fore the
marchant/ For the marchants nede ofte tymes counceylle
and ben in debate of questions whiche muste be determyned
by the Iuges/ And that other yssue is vnto the place
to fore the rybauldis/ And that ys be caufe that ofte
tymes amonge them. falle noyses discencions thefte
and manslaghter/ wherfore they ought to be punysshid
by the Iuges/ And y’e shall vnderstande that
the alphyn goth alleway corner wyse fro the thirde
poynt to the thirde poynt kepynge all way his owne
fiege/ For yf he be black/ he goth all way black/ And
yf he be whyte he goth alleway whyte. the yssue or
goynge cornerly or angularly signefieth cautele or
fubtylyte/ whiche Iuges ought to haue/ The .iii. poyntes
betoken .iii. thynges that the Iuge ought to attende/
A Iuge ought to furder rightfull & trewe causes. secondly
he ought to gyue trewe counceyll/ and thirdly he ought
to gyue and Iuge rightfull sentences after tha legeances/
And neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of the lawe/
And it is to wete that the Alphyn goth in fix drawhtes
alle the tablier round aboute/ and that he cometh
agayn in to his owen place/ And how be hit that alle
rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge/ yet
Page 107
ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours
of the kynge and the Quene And the kynge ought not
to doo ony thynge doubtouse/ tyll he haue axid counceyll
of his Iuges And of the sages of the royame And therfore
ought the Iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well
in science as in good maners/ And that is signefied
whan they meue from thre poynts in to thre/ For the
fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle theschequer/ And
brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse
that thende of her moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the
begynnynge of the place frowhens they departed/ And
therfore hit is callid a parfayt moeuynge.
[Illustration]
The fyfth chapitre of the fourth Tractate Is of
the meuynge of the knyghtes.
After the yssue of the Alphyns we shall deuyse to
yow the yssue & the moeuynge of the knyghtes/ And
we saye that the knyght on the right syde is whyt/
And on the lifte syde black/ And the yssue and moeuynge
of hem bothe is in one maner whan so is that the knyght
on the ryght syde Is whyt/ The lyfte knyght is black/
The moeuynge of hem is suche/ That the whyte may goo
in to the space of the alphyn/ as hit apperyth of the
knyght on the right side that is whyte. And hath
thre yssues fro his proper place/ one on his ryght
syde in the place to fore the labourer/ And hit is
well reson that whan the labourer and husbonde man
hath laboured the feldes/ the knyghtes ought to kepe
them/ to thentent that they haue vitailles for them
self and their horses/ The second yssue is that he
may meue hym vnto the black space to fore the notarye
or draper. For he is bounden to deffende and
kepe them that make his vestementis & couertours necessarye
vnto his body. The thirde yssue is that he may
go on the lifte syde in to the place to fore y’e
marchant whiche is sette to fore the kynge/ the whiche
is black/ And the refon is for as moche as he ought
and is holden to deffende the kynge as well as his
owen persone/ whan he passith the first draught/ he
may goo foure wayes/ And whan he is in the myddes
of the tabler he may goo in to .viii. places fondry/
to whiche he may renne And in lyke wise may the lyste
knyght goo whiche is black and goth oute of his place
in to white/ and in that maner goth the knyght fightynge
by his myght/ and groweth and multiplieth in hys poyntis/
And ofte tymes by them the felde Is wonne or lost/
A knyghts vertue and myght is not knowen but by his
fightynge/ and in his fightynge he doth moche harme
for as moche as his myght extendeth in to fo many
poyntis/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge/
And whan they escape they haue the honour of the game
And thus is hit of euery man the more vailliant/ the
more honoured And he that meketh hym self ofte tymes
shyneth clerest.
[Illustration]
The sixt chapitre of the fourth tractate treleth
of the yssue of the rooks and of her progression.
Page 108
The moeuynge and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs
of the kynge is suche/ that the ryght rook is black
and the lifte rook is whyte/ And whan the chesse ben
sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in
their propre places/ The rooks by their propre vertue
haue no wey to yssue but yf hyt be made to them by
the nobles or comyn peple/ For they ben enclosed in
their propre sieges/ And the refon why is suche That
for as moche as they ben vicaires lieutenants or comyssioners
of the kynge/ Theyr auctoryte is of none effecte to
fore they yssue out/ And that they haue begonne tenhaunce
theyr office/ For as longe as they be within the palais
of the kynge/ So longe may they not vse ne execute
theyr commyssion/ But anon as they yssue they may
vse theyr auctorite/ And y’e shall vnderstande
that their auctorite is grete/ for they represente
the sone of the kynge/ and therfore where the tablier
is voyde they may renne alle the tablier/ In lyke
wyse as they goon thurgh the royame/ and they may
goo as well white as black as well on the right side
& lifte as foreward and backward/ And as fer may they
renne as they fynde the tablier voyde whether hit
be of his aduersaryes as of his owen felowship/ And
whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier/ he
may goo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes
on euery side/ and hit is to wete that he may in no
wyse goo cornerwyse/ but allway ryght forth goynge
& comynge as afore is sayd/ wherfore all the subgettis
of the kinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe
by their moeuynge that auctorite of y’e vicaires
and comyssioners ought to be verray true rightwis
& Iuste/ and y’e shall vnderstande that they
ben stronge and vertuous in bataylle For the two rooks
only may vaynquyfshe a kynge theyr aduersarye and
take hym/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame/
And this was doon whan chirus kynge of perse And darius
kynge of medes slewe baltazar and toke his royame
from hym. Whiche was neuew to euylmoradach vnder
whom this game was founden.
[Illustration]
The seuenth chapitre of the fourth book treteth
of the yssue of the comyn peple &c.
One yffue and one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the
peple/ For they may goo fro the poynt they stande
in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde poynt right
forth to fore them/ & whan they haue so don they may
afterward meue no more but fro one poynt ryght forth
in to an other/ And they may neuer retorne backward
And thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt They may
gete by vertue and strengthe/ that thynge that the
other noble fynde by dignyte/ And yf the knyghtes
and other nobles helpe hem that they come to the ferthest
lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes were sette.
They acquyre the dignyte that the quene hath graunted
to her by grace/ For yf ony of them may come to thys
sayd ligne/ yf he be white as labourer draper phisicyen
or kepar of the cyte ben/ they reteyne suche dignyte
as the quene hath/ for they haue goten hit/ and than
Page 109
retornynge agayn homeward/ they may goo lyke as it
is sayd in the chapitre of the quene And yf ony of
the pawns that is black/ as the smyth the marchant
the tauerner and the rybaulde may come wyth oute domage
in to the same vtterist ligne/ he shall gete by his
vertu the dignyte of the black quene And y’e
shall vnderftande/ whan thyse comyn peple meue right
forth in her ligne/ and fynde ony noble persone or
of the peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt
at on ony side to fore hym/ In that corner poynt he
may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on the right
side or on the lifte/ And the cause is that the aduersaries
ben suspecyous that the comyn peple lye In a wayte
to Robbe her goodes or to take her persones whan they
goo vpward right forth. And therfore he may take
in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries/
As he had espied his persone/ And in the lifte angle
as robber of his goodes/ and whether hit be goynge
foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or whyte
to black/ the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne/
and all way take in the corner that he findeth in
his waye/ but he may not goo on neyther side tyll
he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer/ And
that he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the
quene/ And than he is a fiers/ And than he may goo
on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to poynt only as
the quene doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth
in his waye/ And whan he is thus comen to the place
where y’e nobles his aduersaries were sette
he shall be named white fiers or black fiers/ after
the poynt that he is in/ and there taketh he the dignyte
of the quene &c. And all these thinges may appere
to them that beholden y’e play of the chesse/
and y’e shall vnderstande that no noble man ought
to haue despite of the comyn peple/ for hit hath ben
ofte tymes seen/ that by their vertu & witte/ Diuerce
of them haue comen to right highe & grete astate as
poopes bisshoppes Emerours and kynges/ As we haue in
the historye of Dauid that was made kynge/ of a shepherd
and one of the comyn peple/ and of many other &c.
And in lyke wyse we rede of the contrary/ that many
noble men haue ben brought to myserye by their defaulte
As of gyges whiche was right riche of landes and of
richesses And was so proude that he wente and demanded
of the god appollo/ yf ther were ony in the world
more riche or more happy than he was/ and than he
herde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte
of the sacrefices/ that a peple named agalaus sophide
whiche were poure of goodes and riche of corage was
more acceptable than he whiche was kynge And thus the
god Appollo alowed more the sapience & the seurte
of the poure man and of his lityll mayne/ than he
dide the astate and the persone of giges ne of his
ryche mayne/ And hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge
seurly poursiewed than moche good taken in fere and
drede And for as moche as a man of lowe lignage is
by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he ought
to be glorious and of good renomee/ virgile that was
Page 110
born in lombardye of y’e nacion of mantua and
was of lowe and symple lignage/ yet he was souerayn
in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle
the poetes/ of whome the renome is and shall be durynge
the world/ so hit happend that an other poete axid
and demanded of hym wherfore he setted not the versis
of homere in his book/ And he answerd that he shold
be of right grete strength and force that shold pluck
the clubbe out of hercules handes/ And thys suffyceth
the state and draughtis of the comyn peple &c.
[Illustration]
The eyght chapitre and the last of the fourth book
of the epilogacion and recapitulation of this book.
For as moche as we see and knowe that the memorye
of the peple is not retentyf but right forgetefull
whan some here longe talis & historyes whiche they
can not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde Therfore
I haue put in this present chapitre all y’e
thynges abouesayd as shortly as I haue conne/ First
this playe or game was founden in the tyme of euilmerodach
kynge of Babilone/ And exerses the philosopher otherwyse
named philometer fonde hit/ And the cause why/ was
for the corre3tion of the kynge lyke as hit apperith
in thre the first chapitres/ for the said kynge was
so tyrannous and felon that he might suffre no correction/
But slewe them and dide do put hem to deth/ that corre3tid
hym/ and had than do put to deth many right wyse men
Than the peple beynge sorowfull and ryght euyll plesid
of this euyll lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the
philosopher/ that he wolde repryse and telle the kynge
of his folye/ And than the philosopher answerd that
he shold be dede yf he so dide/ and the peple sayd
to hym/ Certes thou oughtest sonner wille to dye to
thende that thy renome myght come to the peple/ than
the lyf of the kynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke
of thy counceyll/ or by faulte of reprehension of
the/ or that thou darst not doo and shewe/ that thou
faist/ And whan the philosopher herd this he promisid
to the peple y’t he wold put hym in deuoyr to
correcte hym/ and than he began to thynke in what
maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the peple
his promesse/ And than thus he made in this maner
and ordeyned the schequer of. lxiiii. poynts as Is
afore sayd/ And dide doo make the forme of chequers
of gold and siluer In humayne fygure after the facyons
and formes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to
fore in theyr chapitres/ And ordeyned the moeuynge
and thestate after that it is said in the chapitres
of theschesses And whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned
the playe or game/ and that hit plesid alle them that
sawe hit/ on a tyme as the philosopher playd on hit/
the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to playe at
this game/ And than the phylosopher began tenseigne
and teche the kynge the science of the playe & the
draughtes. Saynge to hym fyrst how the kynge
ought to haue in hymself pytie. debonairte and rightwisnes
as hit is said to fore in the chapitre of the kynge
And he enseygned to hym the estate of the queue and
Page 111
what maners she ought to haue And than of the alphyns
as connceyllours and luges of the royame And after
the nature of the knyghtes/ how they ought to be wise.
trewe and curtoys and alle the ordre of knyghthode
And than after/ the nature of the vicaires & rooks
as hit apperyth in theyr chappitre And after this how
the comyn peple ought to goo eche in his office/ And
how they ought to serue the nobles. And whan
the philosopher had thus taught and enseigned the kynge
and his nobles by the maner of the playe and had rephended
hym of his euyll maners/ The kynge demanded hym vpon
payne of deth to telle hym the cause why and wherfore
he had made & founden thys playe and game And what
thynge meuyd hym therto/ And than the philosopher constrayned
by fere and drede answerd/ that he had promysid to
the peple whiche had requyred hym that he shold correcte
and reprise the kynge of his euyll vices/ but for
as moche as he doubtid the deth and had seen that the
kynge dide do flee the fages & wyse men/ That were
so hardy to blame hym of his vices/ he was in grete
anguysshe & sorowe/ how he myght fynde a maner to
correcte & reprehende the kynge/ And to saue his owen
lyf/ and thus he thought longe & studyed that he fonde
thys game or playe/ Whiche he hath do sette forth
for to amende and corre3te the lyf of the kynge and
to change his maners/ and he adioustyd with all that
he had founden this game for so moche as the lordes
and nobles habondynge in delyces & richessis/ And
enioynge temporell peas shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge
of this game/ And for to gyue hem cause to leue her
pensisnes and sorowes/ In auysynge & studyynge this
game. And whan the kynge had herd alle thyse
causes/ He thought that the philosopher had founde
a good maner of correction/ And than he thanketh hym
gretly/ and thus by thenseygnement and lernynge of
the phylosopher he changid his lyf his maners & alle
his euyll condicions And by this maner hit happend
that the kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and
disordynate in his liuyng was made Iuste. and vertuous.
debonayre. gracious and and full of vertues vnto alle
peple/ And a man that lyuyth in this world without
vertues liueth not as a man but as a beste[56]/ And
therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god
to saue the kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace
to yssue as a kynge & tabounde in all vertues/ & to
be assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse
y’t his noble royame of Englond may prospere
& habounde in vertues/ and y’t synne may be
eschewid iustice kepte/ the royame defended good men
rewarded malefa3tours punysshid & the ydle peple to
be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame
may regne gloriously In conquerynge his rightfull
enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite may endure
in bothe his royames/ and that marchandise may haue
his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe synne/
and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your
good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book
made vnder the hope and shadowe of your noble protection
by hym that is your most humble seruant/ in gree and
thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your longe
lyf & welfare/ whiche he preserue And sende yow thaccomplisshement
of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs
Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the
yer of our lord god. a. thousand foure honderd and
lxxiiii
Page 112
[Footnote 1: Blades’ “Life of Caxton,”
ii., 12.]
[Footnote 2: Mr. Blades enumerates only ten,
but between the publication of his work in 1863 and
the appearance in 1880 of a more popular one, an eleventh
copy turned up. It is described further on.
As both editions of Mr. Blades’ book are frequently
cited, it may be stated here that where the reference
is to the page only, the one volume edition of 1880
is meant.]
[Footnote 3: Blades, ii., 12.]
[Footnote 4: Van der Linde, “Geschichte
und Literatur des Schachspiels,” Berlin, 1874,
ii., 125.]
[Footnote 5: Blades, ii., 48.]
[Footnote 6: Blades, ii., 97.]
[Footnote 7: Blades, ii., 95.]
[Footnote 8: Dibdin’s “Bibliotheca
Spenceriana,” iv., 195.]
[Footnote 9: See Prosper Marchand, “Dict.
Hist.,” t. i., p. 181.]
[Footnote 10: “Les Bibliotheques Francoises
de La Croix du Maine et de Du Verdier.” n. e.
Paris, 1782, t. i., p. 493.]
[Footnote 11: Dr. Van der Linde, “Geschichte,”
114.]
[Footnote 12: Cf. Van der Linde, “Geschichte,”
and his “Jartausend.”]
[Footnote 13: Jaubert, cited by Van der Linde,
“Geschichte,” t. i., p. 122.]
[Footnote 14: Blades’ “Caxton,”
173-175.]
[Footnote 15: Blades, i., 166.]
[Footnote 16: “Geschichte,” i., 29.
There is a manuscript copy in the Chetham Library,
Manchester, which he does not name. It came from
the Farmer Collection, and is in a volume containing
a number of fifteenth century Latin tracts. See
account of European MSS. in the Chetham Library, Manchester,
by James Orchard Halliwell, F.R.S., Manchester, 1842,
p. 15.]
[Footnote 17: “Bulletin du Bibliophile,”
1836-1837, 2ieme serie, p. 527.]
[Footnote 18: “Academy,” July 12,
1881.]
[Footnote 19: Blades’ “Life of Caxton,”
vol. ii., p. 9.]
[Footnote 20: “De regimine Principum,”
a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of
Henry IV. Edited, for the first time, by Thomas
Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., &c. Printed for the
Roxburghe Club. London: J. B. Nichols, 1860,
410.]
[Footnote 21: Warton’s “History of
English Poetry,” 1871, iii., 44.]
[Footnote 22: The fires of purgatory are finely
and amply illustrated in the story at p. 110, whilst
the power of the saints and the value of pilgrimages
would be impressed upon the hearers by the narrative
of the miracles wrought by St. James of Compostella
(p. 136)]
[Footnote 23: “Hist. of Siege of Troye.”]
[Footnote 24: “Works of Polidore Virgil.”
London, 1663, p. 95.]
[Footnote 25: Graesse: Tresor, s.v.
Sydrach. See also Warton’s “History
of English Poetry,” 1871, vol. ii., p. 144, Hazlitt’s
“Handbook of Early English Literature,”
p. 43.]
[Footnote 26: Hoeffer: “Nouvelle Biographie
Universelle.”]
[Footnote 27: Hoeffer, “Nouvelle Biographie
Generale,” xxxiii. 818.]
Page 113
[Footnote 28: Brunei, “Manuel du Libraire,”
s. v. Gesta.]
[Footnote 29: “Gesta Romanorum,”
edited by Herrtage. London, 1879, p. vii.]
[Footnote 30: Occleve, “De Regimine Principum,”
p. 199.]
[Footnote 31: “Curiosities of Search Room.”
London, 1880, p. 32.]
[Footnote 32: “Percy Anecdotes: Domestic
Life,” iv. 446.]
[Footnote 33: Dunlop, “History of Fiction,”
1876, p. 259.]
[Footnote 34: “Latin Stories,” edited
by Thomas Wright. Percy Society, 1842, p. 222.]
[Footnote 35: See “Gesta Romanorum,”
edit, by Herrtage, p. 364.]
[Footnote 36: “On Two Collections of Mediaeval
Moralized Tales,” by John K. Ingram, LL.D.
Dublin, 1882, p. 137.]
[Footnote 37: Muratori: “Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores,” t. i. p. 465.]
[Footnote 38: Wright, “Latin Stories,”
p. 235.]
[Footnote 39: “Francis of Assisi,”
Mrs. Oliphant. London, 1874, p. 87.]
[Footnote 40: “Valerius Maximus,”
vi. 2, 3.]
[Footnote 41: It will be sufficient here to refer
for further details to the following works:—“Geschichte
und Literatur des Schachspiels,” von Antonius
van der Linde, Berlin, 1874, 2 vols.; “Quellenstudien
zur Gefchichte des Schachspiels,” von Dr. A.
v.d.Linde, Berlin, 1881.]
[Footnote 42: This dedication is omitted in the
second edition.]
[Footnote 43: Second edit. reads “Thossyce
of notaries/ aduocates scriueners and drapers and
clothmakers capitulo iii”]
[Footnote 44: Sec. edit. reads “The forme
of phisiciens leches spycers and appotycaryes”]
[Footnote 45: Sec. edit. “Of tauerners
hostelers & vitaillers”]
[Footnote 46: Sec. edit. “Of kepers
of townes Receyuers of custum and tollenars”]
[Footnote 47: Sec. edit. “Of messagers
currours Rybauldes and players at the dyse”]
[Footnote 48: “democrite” in the
sec. edit.]
[Footnote 49: “beclyppe” in sec.
edit.]
[Footnote 50: “demotene” in sec.
edit.]
[Footnote 51: “demostenes” in sec.
edit.]
[Footnote 52: “blisful” in the sec.
edit.—The reading of the first edition
is evidently a misprint.]
[Footnote 53: Sec. edit. “buneuentayns.”]
[Footnote 54: sec. edit, “y nough.”]
[Footnote 55: sec. edit. “by the martel
or hamer.”]
[Footnore 55: “And therfore &c.”
to the end, is wanting in the second edition, and,
instead thereof, the treatife concludes in the following
manner—
“Thenne late euery man of what condycion he
be that redyth or herith this litel book redde take
therby enfaumple to amende hym.
Explicit per Caxton.”]
GLOSSARY
Page 114
Aas; ace.
Aduocacions; Latin advocationis, assembly of
advocates, the bar.
Agaynesaynge; gain-saying.
Alphyns. The alphin, or elephant, was the piece
answering to the bishop
in the modern game of chess.
Ameruaylled; astonished.
Ample, ampole; Latin ampulla, vessel for holding
liquids.
Ancellys; Latin ancilla, handmaids, concubines.
Appertly; openly.
Appetissid; satisfied, satiated.
Ardautly [ardantly]; ardently.
Arrache; French arracher, to pull, to pluck.
Auenture; adventure.
Axe; ask.
Barate; trouble, suffering.
Beaulte; beauty.
Benerous; French benir, blessed.
Besaunt; besant, a Byzantine gold coin.
Beneurte; French bonheur, good fortune.
Bole; bull.
Bourdellys; brothels, stews.
Butters; freebooters.
Butyn; French butin, plunder, spoils.
Chamberyer; Chambrere; woman servant, concubine.
Chequer; chefs-board.
Chauffed; French echauffer, to warm.
Compaignon; French compagnon, companion.
Connynge; cunning, knowledge.
Corrompith; French corrompre, to corrupt.
Couenable; French convenable, proper, fit.
Courrours; French coureurs, runners, messengers.
Curatours; guardians, trustees.
Dampned; condemned.
Debonairly; debonairte, French de ban air, in a good
manner, with good
will.
Depesshed; French depecher, defpatched.
Deporte; deport.
Devour; French devoir, duty.
Dismes; Latin decimal, tenths, or tithes.
Disobeyfance; disobedience.
Difpendynge; spending.
Distemprance; intemperance.
Dolabre; Latin dolabra, axe, pick-axe.
Doubted; redoubted, of doughty.
Drawhtes; draughts, movements.
Drof; drove.
Dronkelewe; drunkenness.
Dronkenshyp; drunkenness.
Dyse; dice.
Enbrasid; embraced.
Enpessheth; French empecher, to forbid.
Enpoigne; French empoigner, to take in hand.
Enfeygned; French enfeigner, to teach.
Eschauffed; French echauffer, to warm.
Esmoued; French emouvoir, to move.
Espicers; French epicier.
Espryfed; French epris, taken.
Ewrous, in; French heureuse, happy.
Feet; French fait, act, feat.
Ferremens. See Serremens.
Flessly; fleshily.
Folelarge; prodigal, extravagant.
Fumee; French fumee, smoke, vapour.
Garnyfche; garnish, adorn, set off.
Genere; general.
Goddes man; godsman, saint or religious person.
Gossibs; gossyb; gossips, gossip.
Gree; French gre, liking.
Grucche; grudge.
Guarisshors; French guerir, to cure.
Hauoyr; French avoir, possessions.
Herberowe; harbour.
Historiagraph; historian.
Hoos; hoarse.
Iape; jape, trick.
Jolye, lvii; fine (French joli).
Keruars; carvers.
Langed; belonged.
Latrocynye; Latin latrocinium.
Lecherye; lechery.
Letted; prevented.
Page 115
Male; mail, trunk.
Maleheurte; French malheur, misfortune, sorrow.
Maronners; mariners.
Martel; hammer.
Meure; French moeurs, manners.
Mordent; biting.
Mortifyed; mortified, deadened.
Mufyque; mufic.
Nonne; nun.
Noye; annoyance.
Oeuurages; French outrages, works.
Oftencion; show.
Olefauntes; elephants.
Oughwer; over.
Oultrage; outrage.
Pardurable; everlasting.
Parfyt; French parfait, perfeft.
Pawon; pawn.
Payringe; “without a pareing,” i.e.
undiminished.
Peages; peagers; French peage, peager. A local
tax on merchandise in
paflage for the maintenance of roads
and bridges. A gatherer of
the peage.
Pensee; French pensee, thought.
Pourueance; providence.
Rawe; rough.
Renomee; renown.
Roynyous; ruinous.
Rybauldes; ribalds.
Saciat; satiated.
Sawlter; salter.
Scawage; scavage, toll or tax.
Semblant; French sembler, to appear, to seem.
Serremens; cerements.
Siege; feat.
Slear; slayer.
Spores; spurs.
Spyncoppis; spiders.
Stracched; stretched.
Supplye; French supplier, to supplicate.
Syfe; fix.
Tacches; gifts, bequests. A. S. tacan, having
the double meaning of
giving and taking.
Tapyte; carpet.
Tencyons; temptations.
Trycheur; tricker.
Tryste; sad.
Tutours; tutors, guardians.
Vignours; vine-dresser.
Wetyngly; knowingly.
Yates; gates.
Yre; ire.
INDEX
Abel,
Abner,
Absalom,
Abstrastion,
Abysay,
Accusation, false,
Adam,
Adultery,
Adversity,
Advocates,
AEgidius Romanus. See Colonna.
Agyos,
Albert gauor,
Alchorne library,
Alexander,
Alisander,
Alixanander,
Alphyn,
Altagone,
Ambrose, St.,
Amity,
Ammenhaufen,
Ammomtes,
Amos florus,
Amphicrates,
Anastatius,
Anaximenes,
Andrea, Giovanni,
Anger,
Anguissola,
Anna,
Anthonie,
Anthonius,
Anthony, St.,
Anthonyus,
Antigonus,
Antonius,
Antygone,
Ape,
Apollo,
Apollodorus,
Apothecaries,
Aquinas, St. Thomas,
Archezille,
Arismetryque,
Arispe,
Aristides,
Aristippus,
Aristotle,
Armour,
Astronomy,
Athenes,
Aubrey, John,
Audley, Lord,
Augustine, St.,
Augustus, Caesar,
Aulus Gellius,
Austyn, Saynt. See Augustine.
Auycene,
Auycenne,
Avarice,
Avicenna,
Axedrez,
Babylon and the Chess-board,
Baldness of Caesar,
Baltazar,
Bankes, Rev. Edw.,
Barbers, women,
Bafille le grant,
Basil, St.,
Bearers of letters,
Beauty and chastity.
Bees,
Begging,
Beringen, H. von,
Bernard, W.,
Bernard, St.,
Biblical allusions,
Bibliography of the Chess-book,
Page 116
Birds,
Blades, William,
Blindness, philosophical,
Blind, raised letters for,
Boasting,
Bocchus,
Bodleian Library,
Body of Man a castle of Jefus,
Boece,
Boecius,
Boethius,
Boneuentan,
Borrowing,
Boys, R.,
Breath, stinking,
Brevio, Giovanni,
Bribery,
Bromyard, John of,
Brudgys. See Bruges.
Bruges,
Brunet, J.C.,
Brutus,
Burgundy, Duchess of,
Bull of copper,
Bulls,
Cadrus, duc of athenes,
Caesolis. See Cessoles.
Cain,
Calderino, Giovanni,
Calengius,
Cambridge Public Library,
Cambyfes,
Cantanus,
Capayre,
Carpenters,
Carthage,
Carvers,
Cassalis. See Cessoles.
Cassiodorus,
Castle of Jesus Christ,
Castulis. See Cessoles.
Casulis. See Cessoles.
Cato,
Cauftons,
Caxton, William,
prologue of Chess-book, epilogue,
finished in 1474, his account of
the translation, printed at Bruges,
translated from the French,
adapts De Vignay’s dedications,
translates Vegetius, chief dates of
his life, opinion of lawyers, epilogue
to Chefs-book, editions of
it, representative of a new time
for literature, at Ghent
Caym.
Cesar.
Cesolis. See Cessoles.
Cessole. See Cessoles.
Cessoles, Jacques de.
Cessulis. See Cessoles.
Cesulis. See Cessoles.
Cezolis, de. See Cessoles.
Cezoli. See Cessoles.
Cham.
Changers.
Charlemagne.
Chastity.
Chequer.
Chess-book,
copies of first edition described;
prices at which it has sold; where
printed; second edition described;
when printed; prices at which it
has sold; translated from the French;
Ferron’s version; version in
French verse; De Vignay’s
version.
Chess, game of.
— how the board is made.
— manner of its invention.
— moralized.
— movements of pieces.
Chetham Library.
Child hostages.
Children, ungrateful.
Chivalry.
Cicero.
Cities, guarding.
Clarence, George, Duke of.
Claudian.
Clip.
Cloth cutters.
— merchants.
— workers.
Colatyne.
Colonna, Guido.
Common life.
Common people;
not to be despised; not to be at
councils; those who have become
great.
— profit.
— weal.
Commonwealth.
Communities.
Community of goods.
Contemplation.
Continence.
Connaxa, Jehan.
Cordwainers.
Cossoles, de. See Cessoles.
Council, women apt in.
Courage.
Courcelles, de. See Cessoles.
Couriers.
Covetousness.
Crafts.
Crete.
Crime and punishment.
Crown apostrophized.
Cruelty.
Cunliffe, H.
— J.
Cures, accidental and scientific.
Curse.
Cursus.
Curtius Marcus.
Curtius Quintus.
Customary and natural law.
Customers.
Cyrurgyens.
Cyrus.
Page 117
Dacciesole. See Cessoles.
Damiani, Cardinal,
Damiano,
Damocles,
Damon,
Dares (Darius),
Daughters and their ancestresses,
Daughter, dutiful,
David,
Death,
from joy,
Defence of the people,
Defortes,
Delves, Sir Thomas,
Demetrius Phalerus,
Democrion,
Democritus,
Democritus of Abdera,
Demothenes,
Denys,
De Vignay. See Vignay.
Devonshire, Duke of,
Dialogus creaturarum
Dibdin, T.F.,
Dice,
play for a foul,
Didymus,
Diogenes,
Diogenes Laertius,
Diomedes,
Diomedes, a “theefe of the see,”
Dion Cassius,
Dionysius,
Dionyse,
Disobedient children,
Divine right,
Dog and the Shadow,
Drapers,
Draughts of the Chess,
Drunkenness,
danger of,
Duele,
Dunlop, J.,
Durand,
Du Verdier,
Dydymus,
Dyers,
Dyna,
Dyonyse,
Ebert,
Ecclesiastes,
Edward I.,
Edward IV.,
Education of kings,
Education of physician,
Egidius Romanus. See Colonna.
Election, or hereditary succession?
Elephants,
Elimandus,
Emelie,
Emmerancian,
Emyon,
England’s good old times,
Enulphus,
Envy,
Ermoaldus,
Ethics,
Eustace, Guillaum,
Eve,
Evilmerodach,
Example,
Fabian,
Fabius,
Fabricius,
Faith,
Faron. See Ferron.
Fear,
Fears of a tyrant,
Feron. See Ferron.
Ferron, Jean,
Fevre, Raoul le,
Fidelity,
Figgins, V.,
Florus,
Folly
Fools
Forbes, D.
Forgers
Fornier
Fortune misdoubted
Framosian
Francis of Assisi
Frederick II.
Friend in need
Friends, many and few and enemies
Friendship
Frugality
Fullers
Gaguin, Robert
Galen
Galeren
Galyene
Game at Chesse
Ganazath, John of
Gaunt
Gauchay, H. de
Gauchy, H. de
Gazee, Angelin
Genoa
Geometry
Gereon, St.
Gesta Romanorum
Ghent, White-friars
Gibbet
Gifts
Gildo
Gilles de Rome. See Colonna.
Gluttony
Godaches
Godebert
Golden Legend
Goldsmiths
Good old times
Goribert
Goribald
Government of wise men
Graesse, J.G.T.
Grammarians
Gregory Nazianzen
Grenville Library
Grymald
Guards of cities
Guests and hosts
Guido
Guilt not to be punished in wrath
Guye
Gyles of Regement of Prynces
Gyges
Hain, Ludovici
Hakam II.
Halliwell, J. O.
Ham
Hanniball
Haroun-al-Rashid
Hate
Hazlitt, W. C.
Health
Helemand. See Helinand.
Helemond. See Helinand.
Helemonde, See Helinand.
Helimond. See Helinand.
Helinand
Helmond. See Helinand.
Heredity, influence of
Hereford, N. de
Hermits
Herodes Antipas
Heredotus
Herrtage, S. J.
Hippocrates
Hoeffer
Holford, J.
Holy Mawle
Holy Scripture
Homer
Honesty
Horse and the thief
Hospitallers
Hosts, duties of
Hound and the cheese
Hunger
and piety
Page 118
Idols
Iene (Genoa)
Inglis Library
Ingram, Prof.
Inns
Inns, thievish servants
Instaulosus
Intemperance
James of Compostella
Jaubert
Jean II. of France
Jehanne de Borgoigne
Jerome
Joab
John Baptist
John of Ganazath
John the Monke (Giovanni Andrea)
Josephus
Jovinian
Joy, its dangers
Jherome. See Jerome.
Judas Machabeus
Judges’ duties
skin
Jugglers
Julius Caesar
Justice
Keepers of towns
King, estate and duties of
should take council
unpleasantness of the office
Kings, unlettered
Knight, education
estate and duties
Knight’s followers
Koepke, Dr. E.
Labourers’ office and duties
La Croix du Maine
Langley, John
Large, Alderman Robert
Latrunculi
Laws
like cobwebs
Law courts
Lawyers
Lear and his daughters
Leber, C.
Lechery
Legenda Aurea
Legende Doree
Lending
Letter-carriers
Liberality
Liber de Moribus Hominum. See Cessoles.
Lineage, high and low
Linde, Dr. A. van
Ligurgyus
Literature
Livy
Logicians
Lot
Love
Love of the commonweal
Love of nature
Lowndes, W. T.
Loyalty
Lucan
Lucretia
Luther
Luxury
Lycurgus
Lydgate
Lying
Lyna
Lylimachus
Macrobius
Madden, Sir F.
Mainwaring, Sir H.
Magnanimity
Malechete
Mansion, Colard, teacher and partner of Caxton
Marchand, Prosper
Mariners
Marshals
Martial
Masons
Meats and Drinks
Medicines
Mennel, Dr. J.
Meon
Merchandise
Merchant, anecdote
Merchant, dishonest
Merchant who valued his good name
Merchants
Merchants of Bandach and Egipte
Merciall
Merculian
Mercy
Messengers
Metalworkers
Meung, Jehan de
Mollis Aer
Money, its force
Moneyers
Money-lenders,
Mulier, derivation of
Muratori
Music
Natural laws
Nature, rule of
Nero
Nicephorus
Noah
Nobility
Noblemen
Nogaret
Normandie, Duc de
Notaries, office of
Novella
Nun, anecdote of a
Oaths
Oaths of princes
Occleve
Octauian
Oddrale
Office no inheritance
Offices
Officials
Oldbuck, Jonathan
Originality
Osma, Bishop of
Ovid
Palamedes
Papirion
Papirus
Paradise lost
Pardoning a mother for the daughter’s sake
Passage money
Patharich
Paul, St.
Paul, the historiagraph
Paulus, Diaconus
Paulyne
Pawn
Pembroke, Earl of
Penapion
Percy Anecdotes
Pers Alphons. See Petrus Alphonsus
Petit, L. M.
Petrus Alphonsus,
Philarde,
Philip Augustus,
Philippe le Bel,
Philippe le Hardi,
Philomenus,
Philostratus,
Philometor,
Phisias. See Pythias.
Physicians,
Physiognomy,
Pigmentaries,
Pilgrimages,
Page 119
Piron,
Pirre,
Pitman, Isaac,
Pity,
Plaisters,
Plato,
Polygamy,
Polygamy or polyandry?
Pompeye,
Porters of gates,
Porus,
Poverty,
Princes’ oaths and promises,
Prisoners,
Prodigality,
Promises,
Proverbs,
Ptolome,
Publius Ceser,
Purgatory,
Pyrrhus,
Pythias,
Quaritch, Bernard,
Quarrels,
Queen, estate and duties,
Quintilian,
Quintus Catullus,
Reason,
Regimine Principum. See Colonna.
Religion,
Religious communities,
Renatus, Vegetius Flavius,
Reyna Vezina,
Ribalds,
Riches,
Rivers,
Robbers,
Robbery,
Romanus, Egidius. See Colonna.
Romans, character of,
Rome, Gilles de. See Colonna.
Rook,
Rook, chess-piece,
Rooks, form and manners,
Sallust,
Scenocrates,
Schoolmaster who betrays the children,
Scipio,
Scott, Sir Walter,
Scriveners,
Scylla,
Secrets,
Semiramis,
Seneca,
Septemulle,
Servants,
Sesselis. See Cessoles.
Shakespeare,
Shamefastness,
Scheible, J.,
Ships and shipwrecks,
Sidrac,
Slander,
Sloane, John,
Smith, office and duty of,
Smith, R.,
Snuffy Davy,
Sobriety,
Socrates,
Solinus,
Solomon,
Solynus,
Speculum Laicorum,
Spelling reform,
Spencer, Earl,
Spicers,
Stars and clouds,
Stephan,
St. James of Compostella,
Suicide,
Surgeons,
Syrens, Fountain of the,
Symmachus,
Syrians,
Tacitus,
Tailors,
Tarascon, Bertrand de,
Tarchus,
Tarentum,
Tarpeia,
Tarquin,
Tartar women go to the wars,
Tassile,
Taverners,
Tessalis. See Ceffoles.
Tessellis. See Ceffoles.
Themes,
Themistides,
Theodorus Cyrenaicus,
Theodosius,
Theophrastus,
Theryle,
Thessolonia, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thessolonica, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thessolus, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thieves,
Thievish inn servants,
Thobie,
Thorn’s Anecdotes and Traditions,
Tiberius,
Timon,
Tinque,
Titus,
Toll-gatherers,
Torture,
Trajan,
Treachery, 60, 61.
Trevisa, John,
Troy, and the invention of Chess,
Troy-book,
Truphes of the Philosophers,
Trustee, dishonest,
Truth,
Tullius. See Cicero.
Turgeius Pompeius,
Tyranny,
Tyrus. See Cyrus.
Valere. See Valerius Maximus.
Valerian,
Valerius Maximus,
Valerye. See Valerius Maximus.
Varro,
Vergil, Polydore,
Vespasian,
Vessels, earthen,
Victory,
Victuallers,
Vignay, Jehan de,
Vine legend,
Virgil,
Virginity,
Visions,
Vitas Patrum
Vow of a woman
Wages should be paid punctually
War
Warton, T.
Warwick, George, Earl of
Weavers
Weft, J.
White Friars at Ghent
Wilbraham, Roger
Wilson, “Snuffy Davy”
Wine
Wine forbidden to women
Page 120
Wine, origin of
Wisdom
Woollen merchants
Workmen
Workmen, office and duty
Woman
advice
education
vow
and lawyers
dangers abroad
forbidden to drink wine
going to the wars
Women barbers
Wright, T.
Xanthippe
Xenocrates
Xenophon
Xerxes the philosopher
Ylye
Youth and government
Ypocras
Ysaye