numerous in the whole than the regular army.  They have also the ministry, such as it is, and as yet, the King.  Were the second and third parties, or rather these sections of the same party, to separate entirely, this great mass of power and wealth would be split, no body knows how.  But I do not think they will separate; because they have the same honest views; because, each being confident of the rectitude of the other, there is no rancor between them; because they retain the desire of coalescing.  In order to effect this, they not long ago proposed a conference, and desired it might be at my house, which gave me an opportunity of judging of their views.  They discussed together their points of difference for six hours, and in the course of discussion agreed on mutual sacrifices.  The effect of this agreement has been considerably defeated by the subsequent proceedings of the Assembly, but I do not know that it has been through any infidelity of the leaders to the compromise they had agreed on.  Another powerful bond of union between these two parties, is our friend the Marquis de la Fayette.  He left the Assembly while they as yet formed but one party.  His attachment to both is equal, and he labors incessantly to keep them together.  Should he be obliged to take part against either, it will be against that which shall first pass the Rubicon of reconciliation with the other.  I should hope, in this event, that his weight would be sufficient to turn the scale decidedly in favor of the other.  His command of the armed militia of Paris (thirty thousand in number, and comprehending the French guards, who are five thousand regulars), and his influence with the municipality, would secure their city:  and though the armed militia and municipalities of the other cities are in no wise subordinate to those of Paris, yet they look up to them with respect, and look particularly to the Marquis de la Fayette, as leading always to the rights of the people.  This turn of things is so probable, that I do not think either section of the patriots will venture on any act, which will place themselves in opposition to him.

This being the face of things, troubled as you will perceive, civil war is much talked of and expected; and this talk and expectation has a tendency to beget it.  What are the events which may produce it? 1.  The want of bread, were it to produce a commencement of disorder, might ally itself to more permanent causes of discontent, and thus continue the effect beyond its first cause.  The scarcity of bread, which continues very great amidst a plenty of corn, is an enigma which can be solved only by observing, that the furnishing the city is in the new municipality, not yet masters of their trade. 2.  A public bankruptcy.  Great numbers of the lower as well as higher classes of the citizens, depend for subsistence on their property in the public funds. 3.  The absconding of the King from Versailles.  This has for some time been apprehended as possible.  In consequence of this