presented again till after a new election.  If he negatives it then, it cannot be presented a third time till after another new election.  If it be then presented, he is obliged to pass it.  This is perhaps justly considered as a more useful negative than an absolute one, which a King would be afraid to use.  Mr. Necker’s influence with the Assembly is nothing at all.  Having written to them, by order of the King, on the subject of the veto, before it was decided, they refused to let his letter be read.  Again, lately, when they desired the sanction of the King to their proceedings of the fourth of August, he wrote in the King’s name a letter to them, remonstrating against an immediate sanction to the whole; but they persisted, and the sanction was given.  His disgust at this want of influence, together with the great difficulties of his situation, make it believed that he is desirous of resigning.  The public stocks were extremely low the day before yesterday.  The caisse d’escompte at three thousand six hundred and forty, and the loan of one hundred and twenty-five millions, of 1784, was at fifteen per cent. loss.  Yesterday they rose a little.  The sloth of the assembly (unavoidable from their number) has done the most sensible injury to the public cause.  The patience of a people, who have less of that quality than any other nation in the world, is worn thread-bare.  Time has been given to the aristocrats to recover from their panic, to cabal, to sow dissensions in the Assembly, and distrust out of it.  It has been a misfortune, that the King and aristocracy together have not been able to make a sufficient resistance, to hoop the patriots in a compact body.  Having no common enemy of such force as to render their union necessary, they have suffered themselves to divide.  The Assembly now consists of four distinct parties. 1.  The aristocrats, comprehending the higher members of the clergy, military, nobility, and the parliaments of the whole kingdom.  This forms a head without a body. 2.  The moderate royalists, who wish for a constitution nearly similar to that of England. 3.  The republicans, who are willing to let their first magistracy be hereditary, but to make it very subordinate to the legislature, and to have that legislature consist of a single chamber. 4.  The faction of Orleans.  The second and third descriptions are composed of honest, well meaning men, differing in opinion only, but both wishing the establishment of as great a degree of liberty as can be preserved.  They are considered together as constituting the patriotic part of the Assembly, and they are supported by the soldiery of the army, the soldiery of the clergy, that is to say, the Cures and monks, the dissenters, and part of the nobility which is small, and the substantial Bourgeoisie of the whole nation.  The part of these collected in the cities, have formed themselves into municipal bodies, have chosen municipal representatives, and have organized an armed corps, considerably more