of commerce, but the artifices of party—it
never presumed, for a moment, on the confidence of
the people—its reception was forced, and
its emission too profuse not to be alarming.—I
know it may be answered, that the assignats do not
depend upon an imaginary appreciation, but really
represent a large mass of national wealth, particularly
in the domains of the clergy: yet, perhaps, it
is this very circumstance which has tended most to
discredit them. Had their credit rested only
on the solvency of the nation, though they had not
been greatly coveted, still they would have been less
distributed; people would not have apprehended their
abolition on a change of government, nor that the
systems adopted by one party might be reversed by
another. Indeed we may add, that an experiment
of this kind does not begin auspiciously when grounded
on confiscation and seizures, which it is probable
more than half the French considered as sacrilege
and robbery; nor could they be very anxious to possess
a species of wealth which they made it a motive of
conscience to hope would never be of any value.—But
if the original creation of assignats were objectionable,
the subsequent creations cannot but augment the evil.
I have already described to you the effects visible
at present, and those to be apprehended in future—others
may result from the new inundation, [1200 millions—50
millions sterling.] which it is not possible to conjecture;
but if the mischiefs should be real, in proportion
as a part of the wealth which this paper is said to
represent is imaginary, their extent cannot easily
be exaggerated. Perhaps you will be of this
opinion, when you recollect that one of the funds which
form the security of this vast sum is the gratitude
of the Flemings for their liberty; and if this reimbursement
be to be made according to the specimen the French
army have experienced in their retreat, I doubt much
of the convention will be disposed to advance any
farther claims on it; for, it seems, the inhabitants
of the Low Countries have been so little sensible of
the benefits bestowed on them, that even the peasants
seize on any weapons nearest hand, and drub and pursue
the retrograding armies as they would wild beasts;
and though, as Dumouriez observes in one of his dispatches,
our revolution is intended to favour the country people,
"c’est cependant les gens de campagne qui
s’arment contre nous, et le tocsin sonne de
toutes parts;" ["It is, however, the country people
who take up arms against us, and the alarm is sounded
from all quarters.”] so that the French will,
in fact, have created a public debt of so singular
a nature, that every one will avoid as much as possible
making any demand of the capital.
I have already been more diffuse than I intended on the subject of finance; but I beg you to observe, that I do not affect to calculate, or speculate, and that I reason only from facts which are daily within my notice, and which, as tending to operate on the morals of the people, are naturally included in the plan I proposed to myself.


