Mr. Fox observed that he did not like, where he agreed as to the substance of a measure, to differ with respect to the form of it.  If, however, he differed in any thing in the present case, it was with a view rather to forward the business than to injure it, or to throw anything like an obstacle in its way.  Nothing like either should come from him.  What he thought was, that all the propositions were not necessary to be voted previously to the ultimate decision, though some of them undoubtedly were.  He considered them as of two classes:  the one, alleging the grounds upon which it was proper to proceed to the abolition; such as that the trade was productive of inexpressible misery, in various ways, to the innocent natives of Africa; that it was the grave of our seamen, and so on; the other merely answering objections which might be started, and where there might be a difference of opinion.  He was, however, glad that the propositions were likely to be entered upon the journals; since, if, from any misfortune, the business should be deferred, it might succeed another year.  Sure he was that it could not fail to succeed sooner or later.  He highly approved of what Mr. Pitt had said relative to the language it became us to hold out to foreign powers, in case of a clandestine trade.  With respect, however, to the assertion of Sir William Yonge that a clandestine trade in slaves would be worse than a legal one, he could not admit it.  Such a trade, if it existed at all, ought only to be clandestine.  A trade in human flesh and sinews was so scandalous, that it ought not openly to be carried on by any government whatever, and much less by that of a Christian country.  With regard to the regulation of the Slave Trade, he knew of no such thing as a regulation of robbery and murder.  There was no medium.  The legislature must either abolish it, or plead guilty of all the wickedness which had been shown to attend it.  He would now say a word or two with respect to the conduct of foreign nations on this subject.  It was possible that these, when they heard that the matter had been discussed in that House, might follow the example, or they might go before us and set one themselves.  If this were to happen, though we might be the losers, humanity would be the gainer.  He himself had been thought sometimes to use expressions relative to France, which were too harsh, and as if he could only treat her as the enemy of this country.  Politically speaking, France was our rival.  But he well knew the distinction between political enmity and illiberal prejudice.  If there was any great and enlightened nation in Europe, it was France, which was as likely as any country upon the face of the globe to catch a spark from the light of our fire, and to act upon the present subject with warmth and enthusiasm.  France had often been improperly stimulated by her ambition; and he had no doubt but that, in the present instance, she would readily follow its honourable dictates.