his honourable friend Mr. Wilberforce for having chosen
the only way in which it could be made obvious to
the worlds that they were warranted on every ground
of reason and of fact in coming to that vote, which
he trusted would be the end of their proceeding.
The grounds for the attainment of this end were distinctly
stated in the propositions. Let the propositions
be brought before the House, one by one, and argued
from the evidence, and it would then be seen that they
were such as no one, who was not deaf to the language
of reason, could deny. Let them be once entered
upon the journals of that House, and it was almost
impossible they should fail. The abolition must
be voted; as to the mode of it, or how it should be
effected, they were not at present to discuss it;
but he trusted it would be such as would not invite
foreign powers to supply our islands with slaves by
a clandestine trade. After a debt, founded on
the immutable principles of justice, was found to be
due, it was impossible but the country had means to
cause it to be paid. Should such an illicit proceeding
be attempted; the only language which it became us
to adopt, was, that Great Britain had resources to
enable her to protect her islands, and to prevent
that traffic from being clandestinely carried on by
them, which she had thought fit from a regard to her
character to abandon. It was highly becoming Great
Britain to take the lead of other nations in such
a virtuous and magnificent measure, and he could not
but have confidence that they would he inclined to
share the honour with us, or be pleased to follow us
as their example. If we were disposed to set
about this glorious work in earnest, they might he
invited to concur with us by a negotiation to be immediately
opened for that purpose. He would only now observe,
before he sat down, in answer to certain ideas thrown
out, that he could by no means acquiesce in any compensation
for losses which might be sustained by the people
of Liverpool or by others in any other part of the
kingdom, in the execution of this just and necessary
undertaking.
Sir William Yonge said, he wanted no inducement to
concur with the honourable mover of the propositions,
provided the latter could be fairly established, and
no serious mischiefs were to arise from the abolition.
But he was apprehensive, that many evils might follow
in the case of any sudden or unlooked-for decrease
in the slaves. They might be destroyed by hurricanes.
They might be swept off by many fatal disorders.
In these cases, the owners of them would not be able
to fill up their places, and they who had lent money
upon the lands, where the losses had happened, would
foreclose their mortgages. He was fearful, also,
that a clandestine trade would be carried on, and then
the sufferings of the Africans, crammed up in small
vessels, which would be obliged to be hovering about
from day to day, to watch an opportunity of landing,
would be ten times greater than any which they now
experienced in the legal trade. He was glad,
however, as the matter was to be discussed, that it
had been brought forward in the shape of distinct
propositions, to be grounded upon the evidence in the
privy council report.