It is now commonly supposed that the Corporation receive the entire duty of thirteen pence per ton, whereas their actual share of the impost is only fourpence.  The remaining nine-pence are taken by the Metropolitan Board of Works, for the general benefit of the capital of the British empire.  Against this arrangement no valid objection can be urged, but it is at least unfair to throw the odium of the tax upon those who derive the smallest benefit from its proceeds.  It was upon the security of this revenue that the Corporation were enabled to raise the 580,000 pounds required for the construction of Cannon Street.  From the same hitherto secure source of income, two millions and a half sterling have been expended on City improvements since the reign of William and Mary.  But whence are means to be obtained for carrying out any enterprise of large utility if this revenue be confiscated?  It is, besides, not a little characteristic of the late, perhaps of every ministry, that not a word has been said about the surrender of the nine-pence per ton received by the Government.  The City alone is to be made the scape-goat—­the least offending party is to be sacrificed to screen the real delinquents,—­the Corporation is to be thrown overboard, that the ministerial vessel may be the more easily righted.  Equally silent was Sir George Grey on the subject of compensation.  And yet, when it pleased the Legislature to take from the Duke of Richmond the duty of one shilling per chaldron on coals shipped in the Tyne for home consumption, which had been granted to the family by Charles II., it was deemed only just and equitable to make a reasonable compensation to his grace.  The duty at that time (1799) yielded some 21,000 pounds a year, and was commuted for a perpetual annuity of 19,000 pounds, payable out of the Consolidated Fund.  In like manner the Duke of Grafton was indemnified in 1806 for loss incurred through the resumption of the “prisage and butlerage” of wines; nor was Lord Gwydir permitted to suffer by the compulsory surrender of his lease in the mooring-chains.  In the reign of William IV. the Crown claimed and received a compensation of 300,000 pounds for giving up the passing tolls, and the Corporation itself was awarded upwards of 160,000 pounds on the abolition of the “package and scavage” dues.  But if such zeal for retrenchment and economical reform fills the breasts of modern statesmen, how comes it that they have no qualms about retaining the duty of four shillings on every ton of tin extracted from Cornwall, and which swells the revenues of the duchy?  In what respect, in short, is the tenure by which the duchy is held more sacred and inviolable than that which entitles the Corporation to the permanent possession of its various sources of income?  It were well that the advisers of the Crown first cleared away all obstructions and nuisances front their own precincts, before undertaking to cleanse the premises of their neighbours.  But it is far easier to preach than to practise, and to detect the failings of others than to correct one’s own.