Verreyken thanked the States-General, made the best of promises, and courteously withdrew.

Next day, however, just as his preparations for departure had been made, he was once more summoned before the Assembly to meet with a somewhat disagreeable surprise.  Barneveld, speaking as usual in behalf of the States-General, publicly produced Spinola’s bill of exchange for eighty thousand ducats, the diamond ring intended for Madame Aerssens, and the gold chain given to Dirk van der Does, and expressed the feelings of the republican Government in regard to those barefaced attempts of Friar John at bribery and corruption, in very scornful language?  Netherlanders were not to be bought—­so the agent of Spain and of the archdukes was informed—­and, even if the citizens were venal, it would be necessary in a popular Government to buy up the whole nation.  “It is not in our commonwealth as in despotisms,” said the Advocate, “where affairs of state are directed by the nod of two or three individuals, while the rest of the inhabitants are a mob of slaves.  By turns, we all govern and are governed.  This great council, this senate—­should it seem not sufficiently fortified against your presents-could easily be enlarged.  Here is your chain, your ring, your banker’s draught.  Take them all back to your masters.  Such gifts are not necessary to ensure a just peace, while to accept them would be a crime against liberty, which we are incapable of committing.”

Verreyken, astonished and abashed, could answer little save to mutter a few words about the greediness of monks, who, judging everyone else by themselves, thought no one inaccessible to a bribe.  He protested the innocence of the archdukes in the matter, who had given no directions to bribe, and who were quite ignorant that the attempt had been made.

He did not explain by whose authority the chain, the ring, and the draught upon Beckman had been furnished to the friar.

Meantime that ecclesiastic was cheerfully wending his way to Spain in search of the new ratification, leaving his colleague vicariously to bide the pelting of the republican storm, and to return somewhat weather-beaten to Brussels.

During the suspension, thus ridiculously and gratuitously caused, of preliminaries which had already lasted the better portion of a year, party-spirit was rising day by day higher, and spreading more widely throughout the provinces.  Opinions and sentiments were now sharply defined and loudly announced.  The clergy, from a thousand pulpits, thundered against the peace, exposing the insidious practices, the faithless promises, the monkish corruptions, by which the attempt was making to reduce the free republic once more into vassalage to Spain.  The people everywhere listened eagerly and applauded.  Especially the mariners, cordwainers, smiths, ship-chandlers, boatmen, the tapestry weavers, lace-manufacturers, shopkeepers, and, above all, the India merchants and stockholders in the great commercial companies for the East and West, lifted up their voices for war.  This was the party of Prince Maurice, who made no secret of his sentiments, and opposed, publicly and privately, the resumption of negotiations.  Doubtless his adherents were the most numerous portion of the population.