assuming many shapes. It has been well said
that constant vigilance is the price of liberty.
The tendency of our own times, stimulated by scientific
discoveries and their practical application, is to
political consolidation, to the absorption of lesser
communities in greater; just as disintegration was
the leading characteristic of the darker ages.
The scheme of Charlemagne to organize Europe into
a single despotism was a brilliant failure because
the forces which were driving human society into local
and gradual reconstruction around various centres of
crystallization: were irresistible to any countervailing
enginry which the emperor had at his disposal.
The attempt of Philip, eight centuries later, at
universal monarchy, was frivolous, although he could
dispose of material agencies which in the hands of
Charlemagne might have made the dreams of Charlemagne
possible. It was frivolous because the rising
instinct of the age was for religious, political, and
commercial freedom in a far intenser degree than those
who lived in that age were themselves aware.
A considerable republic had been evolved as it were
involuntarily out of the necessities of the time almost
without self-consciousness that it was a republic,
and even against the desire of many who were guiding
its destinies. And it found itself in constant
combination with two monarchs, despotic at heart and
of enigmatical or indifferent religious convictions,
who yet reigned over peoples, largely influenced by
enthusiasm for freedom. Thus liberty was preserved
for the world; but, as the law of human progress would
seem to be ever by a spiral movement, it; seems strange
to the superficial observer not prone to generalizing,
that Calvinism, which unquestionably was the hard receptacle
in which the germ of human freedom was preserved in
various countries and at different epochs, should
have so often degenerated into tyranny. Yet
notwithstanding the burning of Servetus at Geneva,
and the hanging of Mary Dyer at Boston, it is certain
that France, England, the Netherlands, and America,
owe a large share of such political liberty as they
have enjoyed to Calvinism. It may be possible
for large masses of humanity to accept for ages the
idea of one infallible Church, however tyrannical but
the idea once admitted that there may be many churches;
that what is called the State can be separated from
what is called the Church; the plea of infallibility
and of authority soon becomes ridiculous—a
mere fiction of political or fashionable quackery
to impose upon the uneducated or the unreflecting.
And now Essex, Raleigh and Howard, Vere, Warmond and Nassau were about to invade the shores of the despot who sat in his study plotting to annex England, Scotland, Ireland, France, the Dutch republic, and the German empire to the realms of Spain, Portugal, Naples, Milan, and the Eastern and Western Indies, over which he already reigned.


