The temptation to that principle is very plain.  Under the compulsory form of constituency the votes of the minorities are thrown away.  In the city of London, now, there are many Tories, but all the members are Whigs; every London Tory, therefore, is by law and principle misrepresented:  his city sends to Parliament not the member whom he wished to have, but the member he wished not to have.  But upon the voluntary system the London Tories, who are far more than 1000 in number, may combine; they may make a constituency, and return a member.  In many existing constituencies the disfranchisement of minorities is hopeless and chronic.  I have myself had a vote for an agricultural county for twenty years, and I am a Liberal; but two Tories have always been returned, and all my life will be returned.  As matters now stand, my vote is of no use.  But if I could combine with 1000 other Liberals in that and other Conservative counties, we might choose a Liberal member.

Again, this plan gets rid of all our difficulties as to the size of constituencies.  It is said to be unreasonable that Liverpool should return only the same number of members as King’s Lynn or Lyme Regis; but upon the voluntary plan, Liverpool could come down to King’s Lynn.  The Liberal minority in King’s Lynn could communicate with the Liberal minority in Liverpool, and make up 1000; and so everywhere.  The numbers of popular places would gain what is called their legitimate advantage; they would, when constituencies are voluntarily made, be able to make, and be willing to make the greatest number of constituencies.

Again, the admirers of a great man could make a worthy constituency for him.  As it is, Mr. Mill was returned by the electors of Westminster; and they have never, since they had members, done themselves so great an honour.  But what did the electors of Westminster know of Mr. Mill?  What fraction of his mind could be imagined by any percentage of their minds?  A great deal of his genius most of them would not like.  They meant to do homage to mental ability, but it was the worship of an unknown God—­if ever there was such a thing in this world.  But upon the voluntary plan, one thousand out of the many thousand students of Mr. Mill’s book could have made an appreciating constituency for him.

I could reckon other advantages, but I have to object to the scheme, not to recommend it.  What are the counterweights which overpower these merits?  I reply that the voluntary composition of constituencies appears to me inconsistent with the necessary prerequisites of Parliamentary government as they have been just laid down.