prefer individual ownership; and the struggles often
lasted for years. In certain places the unanimity
required then by the law being impossible to obtain,
the village divided into two villages, one under individual
ownership and the other under communal possession;
and so they remained until the two coalesced into
one community, or else they remained divided still
As to Middle Russia, its a fact that in many villages
which were drifting towards individual ownership there
began since 1880 a mass movement in favour of re-establishing
the village community. Even peasant proprietors
who had lived for years under the individualist system
returned en masse to the communal institutions.
Thus, there is a considerable number of ex-serfs who
have received one-fourth part only of the regulation
allotments, but they have received them free of redemption
and in individual ownership. There was in 1890
a wide-spread movement among them (in Kursk, Ryazan,
Tambov, Orel,
etc.) towards putting their allotments
together and introducing the village community.
The “free agriculturists” (volnyie khlebopashtsy),
who were liberated from serfdom under the law of 1803,
and had bought their allotments—each family
separately—are now nearly all under the
village-community system, which they have introduced
themselves. All these movements are of recent
origin, and non-Russians too join them. Thus
the Bulgares in the district of Tiraspol, after having
remained for sixty years under the personal-property
system, introduced the village community in the years
1876-1882. The German Mennonites of Berdyansk
fought in 1890 for introducing the village community,
and the small peasant proprietors (Kleinwirthschaftliche)
among the German Baptists were agitating in their
villages in the same direction. One instance
more: In the province of Samara the Russian government
created in the forties, by way of experiment, 1O3 villages
on the system of individual ownership. Each household
received a splendid property of 105 acres. In
1890, out of the 103 villages the peasants in 72 had
already notified the desire of introducing the village
community. I take all these facts from the excellent
work of V.V., who simply gives, in a classified form,
the facts recorded in the above-mentioned house-to-house
inquest.
This movement in favour of communal possession runs
badly against the current economical theories, according
to which intensive culture is incompatible with the
village community. But the most charitable thing
that can be said of these theories is that they have
never been submitted to the test of experiment:
they belong to the domain of political metaphysics.
The facts which we have before us show, on the contrary,
that wherever the Russian peasants, owing to a concurrence
of favourable circumstances, are less miserable than
they are on the average, and wherever they find men
of knowledge and initiative among their neighbours,
the village community becomes the very means for introducing
various improvements in agriculture and village life
altogether. Here, as elsewhere, mutual aid is
a better leader to progress than the war of each against
all, as may be seen from the following facts.