In framing a new constitution the opportunity arose for laying the foundation of just representation, and, had I been elected, my first and last thought would have been given to the claims of the whole people to electoral justice.  But the 7,500 votes which I received left me far enough from the lucky 10.  Had Mr. Kingston not asserted both publicly and privately that, if elected, I could not constitutionally take my seat, I might have done better.  There were rumours even that my nomination paper would be rejected.  But to obviate this, Mrs. Young, who got it filled in, was careful to see that no name was on it that had no right there, and its presentation was delayed till five minutes before the hour of noon, in order that no time would be left to upset its validity.  From a press cutting on the declaration of the poll I cull this item of news—­“Several unexpected candidates were announced, but the only nomination which evoked any expressions of approval was that of Miss Spence.”  I was the first woman in Australia to seek election in a political contest.  From the two main party lists I was, of course, excluded, but in the list of the “10 best men” selected by a Liberal organization my name appeared.  When the list was taken to the printer—­who, I think, happened to be the late Federal member, Mr. James Hutchison—­he objected to the heading of the “10 best men,” as one of them was a woman.  He suggested that my name should be dropped, and a man’s put in its place.  “You can’t say Miss Spence is one of the ‘10 best men.’  Take her name out.”  “Not say she’s one of the ’10 best men?’” the Liberal organizer objected, “Why she’s the best man of the lot.”  I had not expected to be elected, but I did expect that my candidature would help effective voting, and I am sure it did.  Later the league arranged a deputation to Mr. Kingston, to beg him to use his influence for the adoption of the principle in time for the first Federal elections.  We foresaw, and prophesied what has actually occurred—­the monopoly of representation by one party in the Senate, and the consequent disfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of voters throughout the Commonwealth.  But, as before, Mr. Kingston declined to see the writing on the wall.  The Hon. D. M. Charleston was successful in carrying through the Legislative Council a motion in favour of its application to Federal elections, but Mr. Wynn in the Lower House had a harder row to hoe, and a division was never taken.

Mrs. Young and I spent a pleasant evening at Government House in July of the same year, as Sir Fowell and Lady Buxton had expressed a desire to understand the system.  In addition to a large house partry, several prominent citizens were present, and all were greatly interested.  On leaving at 11 o’clock we found the gate closed against us, as the porter was evidently unaware that visitors were being entertained.  We were amused at the indignation of the London-bred butler, who, on coming to our rescue, cried with a