reestablish the old Kingdom of Poland, though at a previous period he was strongly inclined to that re-establishment, of which he felt the necessity.  He may have said that he would re-establish the Kingdom of Poland, but I beg leave to say that that is no reason for believing that he entertained any such design.  He had said, and even sworn, that he would never aggrandise the territory of the Empire!  The changeableness of Bonaparte’s ideas, plans, and projects renders it difficult to master them; but they may be best understood when it is considered that all Napoleon’s plans and conceptions varied with his fortunes.  Thus, it is not unlikely that he might at one time have considered the reestablishment of Poland as essential to European policy, and afterwards have regarded it as adverse to the development of his ambition.  Who can venture to guess what passed in his mind when dazzled by his glory at Dresden, and whether in one of his dreams he might not have regarded the Empire of the Jagellons as another gem in the Imperial diadem?  The truth is that Bonaparte, when General-in-Chief of the army of Egypt and First Consul, had deeply at heart the avenging the dismemberment of Poland, and I have often conversed with him on this most interesting subject, upon which we entirely concurred in opinion.  But times and circumstances were changed since we walked together on the terrace of Cairo and mutually deplored the death of young Sulkowski.  Had Sulkowski lived Napoleon’s favourable intentions with respect to Poland might perhaps have been confirmed.  A fact which explains to me the coolness, I may almost say the indifference, of Bonaparte to the resurrection of Poland is that the commencement of the Consulate was the period at which that measure particularly occupied his attention.  How often did he converse on the subject with me and other persons who may yet recollect his sentiments!  It was the topic on which he most loved to converse, and on which he spoke with feeling and enthusiasm.  In the ‘Moniteur’ of the period here alluded to I could point out more than one article without signature or official character which Napoleon dictated to me, and the insertion of which in that journal, considering the energy of certain expressions, sufficiently proves that they could have emanated from none but Bonaparte.  It was usually in the evening that he dictated to me these articles.  Then, when the affairs of the day were over, he would launch into the future, and give free scope to his vast projects.  Some of these articles were characterised by so little moderation that the First Consul would very often destroy them in the morning, smiling at the violent ebullitions of the preceding night.  At other times I took the liberty of not sending them to the ‘Moniteur’ on the night on which they were dictated, and though he might earnestly wish their insertion I adduced reasons good or bad, to account for the delay.  He would then read over the article in question, and approve of my conduct; but he would sometimes add, “It is nevertheless true that with an independent Kingdom of Poland, and 150,000 disposable troops in the east of France, I should always be master of Russia, Prussia, and Austria.”—­“General,” I would reply,” I am entirely of your opinion; but wherefore awaken the suspicions of the interested parties.  Leave all to time and circumstances.”