emanated from none but Bonaparte.  It was usually in the evening that he dictated to me these articles.  Then, when the affairs of the day were over, he would launch into the future, and give free scope to his vast projects.  Some of these articles were characterised by so little moderation that the First Consul would very often destroy them in the morning, smiling at the violent ebullitions of the preceding night.  At other times I took the liberty of not sending them to the ‘Moniteur’ on the night on which they were dictated, and though he might earnestly wish their insertion I adduced reasons good or bad, to account for the delay.  He would then read over the article in question, and approve of my conduct; but he would sometimes add, “It is nevertheless true that with an independent Kingdom of Poland, and 150,000 disposable troops in the east of France, I should always be master of Russia, Prussia, and Austria.”—­“General,” I would reply,” I am entirely of your opinion; but wherefore awaken the suspicions of the interested parties.  Leave all to time and circumstances.”

The reader may have to learn, and not, perhaps, without some surprise, that in the protocol of the sittings of the Congress of Chatillon Napoleon put forward the spoliation of Poland by the three principal powers allied against him as a claim to a more advantageous peace, and to territorial indemnities for France.  In policy he was right, but the report of foreign cannon was already loud enough to drown the best of arguments.

After the ill-timed and useless union of the Hanse Towns to France I returned to Hamburg in the spring of 1811 to convey my family to France.  I then had some conversation with Davoust.  On one occasion I said to him that if his hopes were realised, and my sad predictions respecting the war with Russia overthrown, I hoped to see the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland.  Davoust replied that that event was probable, since he had Napoleon’s promise of the Viceroyalty of that Kingdom, and as several of his comrades had been promised starosties.  Davoust made no secret of this, and it was generally known throughout Hamburg and the north of Germany.

But notwithstanding what Davoust said respecting.  Napoleon’s intentions I considered that these promises had been conditional rather than positive.

On Napoleon’s arrival in Poland the Diet of Warsaw, assured, as there seemed reason to be, of the Emperor’s sentiments, declared the Kingdom free and independent.  The different treaties of dismemberment were pronounced to be null; and certainly the Diet had a right so to act, for it calculated upon his support.  But the address of the Diet to Napoleon, in which these principles were declared, was ill received.  His answer was full of doubt and indecision, the motive of which could not be blamed.  To secure the alliance of Austria against Russia he had just guaranteed to his father-in-law the integrity of his dominions.  Napoleon therefore declared