The Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 7: 1863-1865 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 272 pages of information about The Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 7.

The Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 7: 1863-1865 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 272 pages of information about The Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 7.

But if it be proper to require as a test of admission to the political body an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard to slavery?  Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion.  To give them their fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance.  In my judgment, they have aided and will further aid the cause for which they were intended.  To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith.  I may add at this point that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.  For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath, and it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest.  It should be observed also that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision.

The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States.  It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction if to this extent this vital matter be left to themselves, while no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition.

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political framework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm.  It will save labor and avoid great confusion.

But why any proclamation now upon this subject?  This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or be taken too soon.  In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point—­a plan of action.  Why shall A adopt the plan of B rather than B that of A?  And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan?  By the proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here.  This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.

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The Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 7: 1863-1865 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.