and Dover to England, and the northern U-boat campaign would have been paralysed.  But in order to carry on submarine war in the Adriatic we should have to give the Germans access to our bases, such as Pola, Cattaro and Trieste, and by so doing we were de facto partaking in the submarine campaign ourselves.  If we did not do it, then we were attacking Germany in the rear by hindering their submarine campaign—­that is to say, it would bring us into direct conflict with Germany.  Therefore, albeit sorely against our will, we agreed, not convinced by argument, but unable to act otherwise.

And now, gentlemen, I hasten to conclude.  I have but a few words to say as to the present.  From time to time reports have appeared in the papers to the effect that certain gentlemen were preparing disturbances in Switzerland, and I myself have been mentioned as one of them.  I am doubtful whether there is any truth at all in these reports; as for myself, I have not been outside this country for the last nine months.  As, however, my contradiction on this head itself appears to have given rise to further misunderstandings, I will give you my point of view here briefly and, as I hope, clearly enough.  I am most strongly opposed to any attempt at revolt.  I am convinced that any such attempt could only lead to civil war—­a thing no one would wish to see.  I am therefore of opinion that the Republican Government must be maintained untouched until the German-Austrian people as a whole has taken its decision.  But this can only be decided by the German people.  Neither the Republic nor the Monarchy is in itself a dogma of democracy.  The Kingdom of England is as democratic as republican Switzerland.  I know no country where men enjoy so great freedom as in England.  But it is a dogma of democracy that the people itself must determine in what manner it will be governed, and I therefore repeat that the final word can only be spoken by the constitutional representative body.  I believe that I am here entirely at one with the present Government.  There are two methods of ascertaining the will of the people:  either each candidate for the representative body stands for election on a monarchical or a republican platform, in which case the majority of the body itself will express the decision; or the question of Monarchy or Republic can be decided by a plebiscite.  It is matter of common knowledge that I myself have had so serious conflicts with the ex-Kaiser that any co-operation between us is for all time an impossibility.  No one can, therefore, suspect me of wishing on personal grounds to revert to the old regime.  But I am not one to juggle with the idea of democracy, and its nature demands that the people itself should decide.  I believe that the majority of German-Austria is against the old regime, and when it has expressed itself to this effect the furtherance of democracy is sufficiently assured.