new world.  The American general employed M. de La Fayette in this long war, the least of whose skirmishes assumed in traversing the seas the importance of a great battle.  The American war, more remarkable for its results than its campaigns, was more fitted to form republicans than warriors.  M. de La Fayette joined in it with heroism and devotion:  he acquired the friendship of Washington.  A French name was written by him on the baptismal register of a transatlantic nation.  This name came back to France like the echo of liberty and glory.  That popularity which seizes on all that is brilliant, was accorded to La Fayette on his return to his native land, and quite intoxicated the young hero.  Opinion adopted him, the opera applauded him, actresses crowned him; the queen smiled upon him, the king created him a general; Franklin, made him a citizen, and national enthusiasm elevated him into its idol.  This excess of public estimation decided his life.  La Fayette found this popularity so sweet that he could not consent to lose it.  Applause, however, is by no means glory, and subsequently he deserved that which he acquired.  He gave to democracy that of which it was worthy, honesty.

On the 14th of July M. de La Fayette was ready for elevation on the shields of the bourgeoisie of Paris.  A frondeur of the court, a revolutionist of high family, an aristocrat by birth, a democrat in principles, radiant with military renown acquired beyond seas, he united in his own person many qualities for rallying around him a civic militia, and for becoming the natural chief of an army of citizens.  His American glory shone forth brilliantly in Paris.  Distance increases every reputation—­his was immense; it comprised and eclipsed all; Necker, Mirabeau, the Duc d’Orleans, the three most popular men in Paris,—­all

  Paled their ineffectual fires

before La Fayette, whose name was the nation’s for three years.  Supreme arbiter, he carried into the Assembly his authority as commandant of the national guard; his authority, as an influential member of the Assembly.  Of these two conjoined titles be made a real dictatorship of opinion.  As an orator he was but of slight consideration; his gentle style, though witty and keen, had nothing of that firm and electric manner which strikes the senses, makes the heart vibrate and communicates its vigour and effects to all who listen.  Elegant as the language of a drawing room and overwhelmed in the mazes of diplomatic intrigues, he spoke of liberty in court phrases.  The only parliamentary act of M. La Fayette was a proclamation of the rights of man, which was adopted by the National Assembly.  This decalogue of free men, formed in the forests of America, contained more metaphysical phrases than sound policy.  It applied as ill to an old society as the nudity of the savage to the complicated wants of civilised man:  but it had the merit of placing man bare for the moment, and, by showing him what he was and what he was not, of setting him on the discovery of the real value of his duties and his rights.  It was the cry of the revolt of nature against all tyrannies.  This cry was destined to crumble into dust an old world used up in servitude, and to produce another new and breathing.  It was to La Fayette’s honour that he first proposed it.