this title we are persecuted, and peaceable citizens are sacrificed on the altars of their country!  At this name we are transformed into factions, and the Revolution is made to recede, perhaps, half a century.  It was at the same moment that Brissot came to the Jacobins, where he had never before appeared, to propose a republic of which the simplest rules of prudence had forbidden us to speak in the National Assembly.  By what fatality did Brissot find himself there?  I would fain discover no craft in his conduct; I would prefer detecting only imprudence and folly.  But now that his connection with La Fayette and Narbonne are no longer a mystery—­now that he no longer dissimulates his schemes of dangerous innovations, let him clearly understand that the nation will at once and effectually break through all the plots framed during so many years by pitiful intriguers.”

So spake Robespierre, jealous by anticipation, and yet just, on Brissot’s presenting himself as a candidate.  The Revolution rejected him, the Counter-revolution repudiated him no less.  Brissot’s old allies in London, especially Morande, returned to Paris under cover of the troublous times, revealed to the Parisians in the Argus, and in placards, the secret intrigues and the disgraceful literary career of their former associate.  They quoted actual letters, in which Brissot had lied unblushingly as to his name, the condition of his family, and his father’s fortune, in order to acquire Swinton’s confidence, to gain credit, and make dupes in England.  The proofs were damning.  A considerable sum had been extorted from a man named Desforges, under pretence of erecting an institution in London, and this sum had been expended by Brissot on himself.  This was but a trifle:  Brissot, on quitting England, had left in the hands of this Desforges twenty-four letters, which but too plainly established his participation in the infamous trade of libels carried on by his allies.  It was proved to demonstration that Brissot had connived at the sending into France, and the propagation of, odious pamphlets by Morande.  The journals hostile to his election seized on these scandalous facts, and held them up to public obloquy.  He was, besides, accused of having extracted from the funds of the district of the Filles-Saint-Thomas, of which he was president, a sum for his own purse, long forgotten.  His defence was laboured and obscure; yet it was held by the club of the Rue de la Michodiere sufficient proof of his innocence and integrity.  Some journals, solely occupied with the political bearing of his life, took up his defence, and made loud complaints against his calumny.  Manuel, his friend, who edited a vile journal, wrote thus, to console him:—­“These ordures of calumny, spread abroad at the moment of scrutiny, always end by leaving a dirty stain on those who scatter them.  But it is allowing a triumph to the enemies of the people, to repulse thus a man who fearlessly attacks them.  They give me votes, in spite of my drivellings, and my love of the bottle.  Leave ’Pere Duchesne’[4] alone, and let us nominate Brissot; he is a better man than I am.”