that there should be such a divergence of ideas
as to the grand thing to be done and the grand reason
for doing it. We are all agreed that we want
Reform in order that the House of Commons may be
returned by a larger proportion of the people than
is at present employed upon that work, and that
each member when returned should represent a somewhat
more equal section of the whole constituencies
of the country than our members generally do at
present. All men confess that a L50 county
franchise must be too high, and that a borough with
less than two hundred registered voters must be wrong.
But it seems to me that but few among us perceive,
or at any rate acknowledge, the real reasons for
changing these things and reforming what is wrong
without delay. One great authority told us
the other day that the sole object of legislation
on this subject should be to get together the best
possible 658 members of Parliament. That to
me would be a most repulsive idea if it were not
that by its very vagueness it becomes inoperative.
Who shall say what is best; or what characteristic
constitutes excellence in a member of Parliament?
If the gentleman means excellence in general wisdom,
or in statecraft, or in skill in talking, or in
private character, or even excellence in patriotism,
then I say that he is utterly wrong, and has never
touched with his intellect the true theory of representation.
One only excellence may be acknowledged, and that
is the excellence of likeness. As a portrait
should be like the person portrayed, so should
a representative House be like the people whom
it represents. Nor in arranging a franchise
does it seem to me that we have a right to regard
any other view. If a country be unfit for representative
government,—and it may be that there are
still peoples unable to use properly that greatest
of all blessings,—the question as to
what state policy may be best for them is a different
question. But if we do have representation,
let the representative assembly be like the people,
whatever else may be its virtues,—and whatever
else its vices.
Another great authority has told us that our House of Commons should be the mirror of the people. I say, not its mirror, but its miniature. And let the artist be careful to put in every line of the expression of that ever-moving face. To do this is a great work, and the artist must know his trade well. In America the work has been done with so coarse a hand that nothing is shown in the picture but the broad, plain, unspeaking outline of the face. As you look from the represented to the representation you cannot but acknowledge the likeness; —but there is in that portrait more of the body than of the mind. The true portrait should represent more than the body. With us, hitherto, there have been snatches of the countenance of the nation which have been inimitable,—a turn of the eye here and a curl of the lip there, which have seemed to denote a power almost divine.