but that we should ‘lift up our eyes to the
heavens’ and try to regulate our lives according
to the divine image. The citizens are no longer
to have wives and children in common, and are no longer
to be under the government of philosophers. But
the spirit of communism or communion is to continue
among them, though reverence for the sacredness of
the family, and respect of children for parents, not
promiscuous hymeneals, are now the foundation of the
state; the sexes are to be as nearly on an equality
as possible; they are to meet at common tables, and
to share warlike pursuits (if the women will consent),
and to have a common education. The legislator
has taken the place of the philosopher, but a council
of elders is retained, who are to fulfil the duties
of the legislator when he has passed out of life.
The addition of younger persons to this council by
co-optation is an improvement on the governing body
of the Republic. The scheme of education in the
Laws is of a far lower kind than that which Plato had
conceived in the Republic. There he would have
his rulers trained in all knowledge meeting in the
idea of good, of which the different branches of mathematical
science are but the hand-maidens or ministers; here
he treats chiefly of popular education, stopping short
with the preliminary sciences,—these are
to be studied partly with a view to their practical
usefulness, which in the Republic he holds cheap, and
even more with a view to avoiding impiety, of which
in the Republic he says nothing; he touches very lightly
on dialectic, which is still to be retained for the
rulers. Yet in the Laws there remain traces of
the old educational ideas. He is still for banishing
the poets; and as he finds the works of prose writers
equally dangerous, he would substitute for them the
study of his own laws. He insists strongly on
the importance of mathematics as an educational instrument.
He is no more reconciled to the Greek mythology than
in the Republic, though he would rather say nothing
about it out of a reverence for antiquity; and he
is equally willing to have recourse to fictions, if
they have a moral tendency. His thoughts recur
to a golden age in which the sanctity of oaths was
respected and in which men living nearer the Gods
were more disposed to believe in them; but we must
legislate for the world as it is, now that the old
beliefs have passed away. Though he is no longer
fired with dialectical enthusiasm, he would compel
the guardians to ‘look at one idea gathered from
many things,’ and to ‘perceive the principle
which is the same in all the four virtues.’
He still recognizes the enormous influence of music,
in which every youth is to be trained for three years;
and he seems to attribute the existing degeneracy
of the Athenian state and the laxity of morals partly
to musical innovation, manifested in the unnatural
divorce of the instrument and the voice, of the rhythm
from the words, and partly to the influence of the
mob who ruled at the theatres. He assimilates


