What, then, are some of those nebulous visions which come before the minds of eager idealists?  We have got to envisage for ourselves a new idea of what constitutes greatness in a state.  Hitherto we have measured national greatness by military strength, because most of the European nations have attained their present position through successful war.  So long as we cherish a notion like this, so long shall we be under the heel of a grinding militarism.  We have set out as crusaders to destroy Prussian militarism, and in pursuit of this quest we have invoked, as a matter of necessity, the aid of our militarists.  But when their work is done, all peoples who value freedom and independence will refuse to be under the heel of any military party.  To be great is not, necessarily, to be strong for war.  There are other qualities which ought to enter into the definition, a high standard of civilisation and culture—­not culture in the Prussian sense, but that which we understand by the term—­the great development and extension of knowledge, room for the discoveries of science, quick susceptibility in the domain of art, the organisation of literature—­all these things are part and parcel of greatness, as we want to understand it in the future.  It is precisely these things that militarism, as such, cares nothing for.  Therefore, if we are out for war against militarism, the whole end and object of our endeavour must be by means of war to make war impossible.  Hence it follows, as a matter of course, that the new Europe must take very serious and energetic steps to diminish military establishments and to limit the size of armaments.  If once the new masters of Europe understand the immense importance of reducing their military equipment, they have it in their power to relieve nations of one of the greatest burdens which have ever checked the social and economic development of the world.  Suggestions have already been made as to the reduction of armaments, and, although such schemes as have been set forward are, in the truest sense, speculative, it does not follow that they, or something like them, cannot hereafter be realised.  Nor yet in our conception of greatness must we include another false idea of the past.  If a nation is not necessarily great because it is strong for war, neither is it necessarily great because it contains a number of cosmopolitan financiers trying to exploit for their own purposes various undeveloped tracts of the world’s surface.  These financiers are certainly not patriots because, amongst other things, they take particular care to invest in foreign securities, the interest of home investments not being sufficient for their financial greed.  It will not be the least of the many benefits which may accrue to us after the end of this disastrous war if a vulgar and crude materialism, based on the notion of wealth, is dethroned from its present sovereignty over men’s minds.  The more we study the courses of this world’s history, the more certainly do we discover that a love of money is the root of most of the evils which beset humanity.