I would also do that.  What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it will help to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.  I shall do less whenever I shall believe that what I am doing hurts the cause; and I shall do more whenever I believe that doing more will help the cause."(8) The effect of this on the Abolitionists was only to increase their rage.  The President was compared to Douglas with his indifference whether slavery was voted “up or down."(9) Lincoln, now so firmly hopeful, turned a deaf ear to these railing accusations.  He was intent upon watching the army.  It was probably at this time that he reached an unfortunate conclusion with regard to McClellan.  The transfer of forces from the James River to northern Virginia had proceeded slowly.  It gave rise to a new controversy, a new crop of charges.  McClellan was accused of being dilatory on purpose, of aiming to cause the failure of Pope.  Lincoln accepted, at last, the worst view of him.  He told Hay that “it really seemed that McClellan wanted Pope defeated. . . .  The President seemed to think him a little crazy."(10)

But still the confidence in Pope, marching so blithely through “the blush of dawn,” stood fast.  If ever an Administration was in a fool’s paradise, it was Lincoln’s, in the last few days of August, while Jackson was stealthily carrying out his great flanking movement getting between Pope and Washington.  However, the Suspicious Stanton kept his eyes on McClellan.  He decided that troops were being held back from Pope; and he appealed to other members of the Cabinet to join with him in a formal demand upon the President for McClellan’s dismissal from the army.  While the plan was being discussed, came the appalling news of Pope’s downfall.

The meeting of the Cabinet, September second, was another revelation of the new independence of the President.  Three full days had passed since Pope had telegraphed that the battle was lost and that he no longer had control of his army.  The Ministers, awaiting the arrival of the President, talked excitedly, speculating what would happen next.  “It was stated,” says Welles in his diary, “that Pope was falling back, intending to retreat within the Washington entrenchments, Blair, who has known him intimately, says he is a braggart and a liar, with some courage, perhaps, but not much capacity.  The general conviction is that he is a failure here, and there is a belief . . . that he has not been seconded and sustained as he should have been by McClellan . . .”  Stanton entered; terribly agitated.  He had news that fell upon the Cabinet like a bombshell.  He said “in a suppressed voice, trembling with excitement, he was informed that McClellan had been ordered to take command of the forces in Washington.”

Never was there a more tense moment in the Cabinet room than when Lincoln entered that day.  And all could see that he was in deep distress.  But he confirmed Stanton’s information.  That very morning he had gone himself to McClellan’s house and had asked him to resume command.  Lincoln discussed McClellan with the Cabinet quite simply, admitting all his bad qualities, but finding two points in his favor—­his power of organization, and his popularity with the men.(11)