in my mind is how far it is now possible for us to withdraw from the Philippines.”  In November of the same year he wrote to Whitelaw Reid, one of the peace commissioners at Paris:  “There is a wild and frantic attack now going on in the press against the whole Philippine transaction.  Andrew Carnegie really seems to be off his head....  But all this confusion of tongues will go its way.  The country will applaud the resolution that has been reached and you will return in the role of conquering heroes with your ‘brows bound with oak.’”

Senator Beveridge of Indiana and Senator Platt of Connecticut, accepting the verdict of history as the proof of manifest destiny, called for unquestioning support of the administration in its final step.  “Every expansion of our territory,” said the latter, “has been in accordance with the irresistible law of growth.  We could no more resist the successive expansions by which we have grown to be the strongest nation on earth than a tree can resist its growth.  The history of territorial expansion is the history of our nation’s progress and glory.  It is a matter to be proud of, not to lament.  We should rejoice that Providence has given us the opportunity to extend our influence, our institutions, and our civilization into regions hitherto closed to us, rather than contrive how we can thwart its designs.”

This doctrine was savagely attacked by opponents of McKinley’s policy, many a stanch Republican joining with the majority of Democrats in denouncing the treaty as a departure from the ideals of the republic.  Senator Vest introduced in the Senate a resolution that “under the Constitution of the United States, no power is given to the federal Government to acquire territory to be held and governed permanently as colonies.”  Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, whose long and honorable career gave weight to his lightest words, inveighed against the whole procedure and to the end of his days believed that the new drift into rivalry with European nations as a colonial power was fraught with genuine danger.  “Our imperialistic friends,” he said, “seem to have forgotten the use of the vocabulary of liberty.  They talk about giving good government.  ’We shall give them such a government as we think they are fitted for.’  ’We shall give them a better government than they had before.’  Why, Mr. President, that one phrase conveys to a free man and a free people the most stinging of insults.  In that little phrase, as in a seed, is contained the germ of all despotism and of all tyranny.  Government is not a gift.  Free government is not to be given by all the blended powers of earth and heaven.  It is a birthright.  It belongs, as our fathers said, and as their children said, as Jefferson said, and as President McKinley said, to human nature itself.”