that much as I have always desired to be able to pray,
I cannot will the attempt. To justify myself
for what my better judgement has often seen to be
essentially irrational, I have ever made sundry excuses.
The chief of them has run thus. Even supposing
Christianity true, and even supposing that after having
so far sacrificed my reason to my desire as to have
satisfied the supposed conditions to obtaining ‘grace,’
or direct illumination from God,—even then
would not my reason turn round and revenge herself
upon me? For surely even then my habitual scepticism
would make me say to myself—’this
is all very sublime and very comforting; but what
evidence have you to give me that the whole business
is anything more than self-delusion? The wish
was probably father to the thought, and you might
much better have performed your “act of will”
by going in for a course of Indian hemp.’
Of course a Christian would answer to this that the
internal light would not admit of such doubt, any
more than seeing the sun does—that God knows
us well enough to prevent that, &c., and also that
it is unreasonable not to try an experiment lest the
result should prove too good to be credible, and so
on. And I do not dispute that the Christian would
be justified in so answering, but I only adduce the
matter as an illustration of the difficulty which
is experienced in conforming to all the conditions
of attaining to Christian faith—even supposing
it to be sound. Others have doubtless other difficulties,
but mine is chiefly, I think, that of an undue regard
to reason, as against heart and will—undue,
I mean, if so it be that Christianity is true, and
the conditions to faith in it have been of divine
ordination.
This influence of will on belief, even in matters
secular, is the more pronounced the further removed
these matters may be from demonstration (as already
remarked); but this is most of all the case where our
personal interests are affected—whether
these be material or intellectual, such as credit
for consistency, &c. See, for example, how closely,
in the respects we are considering, political beliefs
resemble religious. Unless the points of difference
are such that truth is virtually demonstrable on one
side, so that adhesion to the opposite is due to conscious
sacrifice of integrity to expediency, we always find
that party-spectacles so colour the view as to leave
reason at the mercy of will, custom, interest, and
all the other circumstances which similarly operate
on religious beliefs. It seems to make but little
difference in either case what level of general education,
mental power, special training, &c., is brought to
bear upon the question under judgement. From
the Premier to the peasant we find the same difference
of opinion in politics as we do in religion. And
in each case the explanation is the same. Beliefs
are so little dependent on reason alone that in such
regions of thought—i.e. where personal interests
are affected and the evidences of truth are not in
their nature demonstrable—it really seems
as if reason ceases to be a judge of evidence or guide
to truth, and becomes a mere advocate of opinion already
formed on quite other grounds. Now these other
grounds are, as we have seen, mainly the accidents
of habit or custom, wish being father to the thought,
&c.