Hanoverian period, or when satire upon Churchmen was so congenial to the general feeling.  There was no feeling against the Establishment, nor was Nonconformity ever less in favour.  The contempt was for the persons, manners, and characters of ecclesiastics.’[666] This unpopularity arose from a complication of causes which need not be investigated in this place; it is sufficient to notice the fact, which should be thoroughly borne in mind in estimating the value to be attached to contemporary complaints of clerical misdoings.  The evils resulting from pluralities and non-residence would have been mischievous under any circumstances; but their mischief was still further enhanced by the false principles upon which ecclesiastical patronage was too often distributed.  Statesmen who valued religion chiefly as a State engine had an eye merely to political ends in the distribution of Church preferment.  This is of course a danger to which an Established Church is peculiarly liable at all times; but the critical circumstances of the eighteenth century rendered the temptation of using the Church simply for State purposes especially strong.  The memorable results of the Sacheverell impeachment, which contributed so largely to bring about the downfall of the Whig Ministry in 1710, showed how dangerous it was for statesmen to set themselves against the strong feeling of the majority of the clergy.  The lifelong effects which this famous trial produced upon Sir R. Walpole have already been noticed.  Both he and his timid successor prided themselves upon being friends of the Church, and expected the Church to be friends to them in return.  Neither of them made any secret of the fact that they regarded Church preferment as a useful means of strengthening their own power.  Nor were these isolated cases.  ‘Lord Hardwicke’ (his biographer tells us) ’thought it his duty to dispose of the ecclesiastical preferments in his gift [as Chancellor] with a view to increase his own political influence, without any scrupulous regard for the interests of religion, and without the slightest respect for scientific or literary merit.’[667] Lord Shelburne gave the bishopric of Llandaff to Dr. Watson, ‘hoping,’ the Bishop tells us, ’I was a warm, and might become a useful partisan; and he told the Duke of Grafton he hoped I might occasionally write a pamphlet for their administration.’[668] Warburton complains with characteristic roughness of ’the Church being bestrid by some lumpish minister.’[669] Even Dr. Johnson, that stout defender of the Established Church, and of everything connected with the administration of its affairs, was obliged to own that ’no man can now be made a bishop for his learning and piety; his only chance of promotion is his being connected with some one who has parliamentary interest.’[670] He seems, however, to think the system inevitable and justifiable, owing to the weakness of the Government, for he prefaces his admission by remarking that ’all that Government, which has now too little power, has to bestow, must be given to support itself; it cannot reward merit.’  Mr. Grenville’s well-known remark to Bishop Newton,[671] that he considered bishoprics of two sorts, either as bishoprics of business or bishoprics of ease, is another instance of the low views which statesmen took, and were not ashamed to avow, of their responsibilities as dispensers of Church preferment.