Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 809 pages of information about Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4.

Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 809 pages of information about Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4.
I am glad to see that he now changes it to the case hypothetical, by adding, ’if we are always to be kept pumping so.’  Baldwin went on then to remind Goodhue what an advocate he had been for our tonnage duty, wanting to make it one dollar instead of fifty cents; and how impatiently he bore the delays of Congress in proceeding to retaliate on Great Britain before Mr. Madison’s propositions came on.  Goodhue acknowledged that his opinions had changed since that.

February the 15th, 1798.  I dined this day with Mr. Adams, (the President.) The company was large.  After dinner I was sitting next to him, and our conversation was first on the enormous price of labor,* house rent, and other things.  We both concurred in ascribing it chiefly to the flood of bank paper now afloat, and in condemning those institutions.  We then got on the constitution; and in the course of our conversation he said, that no republic could ever last which had not a Senate, and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular storms and passions; that he thought our Senate as well constituted as it could have been, being chosen by the legislatures; for if these could not support them, he did not know what could do it; that perhaps it might have been as well for them to be chosen by the State at large, as that would insure a choice of distinguished men, since none but such could be known to a whole people; that the only fault in our Senate was, that it was not durable enough; that hitherto, it had behaved very well; however, he was afraid they would give way in the end.  That as to trusting to a popular assembly for the preservation of our liberties, it was the merest chimera imaginable; they never had any rule of decision but their own will; that he would as lieve be again in the hands of our old committees of safety, who made the law and executed it at the same time; that it had been observed by some writer (I forget whom he named), that anarchy did more mischief in one night, than tyranny in an age; and that in modern times we might say with truth, that, in France, anarchy had done more harm in one night, than all the despotism of their Kings had ever done in twenty or thirty years.  The point in which he views our Senate, as the colossus of the constitution, serves as a key to the politics of the Senate, who are two thirds of them in his sentiments, and accounts for the bold line of conduct they pursue.

* He observed, that eight or ten years ago he gave only fifty dollars to a common laborer for his farm, finding him food and lodging.  Now he gives one hundred and fifty dollars, and even two hundred dollars to one.

March the 1st.  Mr. Tazewell tells me, that when the appropriations for the British treaty were on the carpet, and very uncertain in the lower House, there being at that time a number of bills in the hands of committees of the Senate, none reported, and the Senate idle for want of them, he, in his place, called

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