Hamilton objected to the draught in toto; said that the contrast drawn between the conduct of France and England amounted to a declaration of war; he denied that France had ever done us favors; that it was mean for a nation to acknowledge favors; that the dispositions of the people of this country towards France, he considered as a serious calamity; that the executive ought not, by an echo of this language, to nourish that disposition in the people; that the offers in commerce made us by France, were the offspring of the moment, of circumstances which would not last, and it was wrong to receive as permanent, things merely temporary; that he could demonstrate that Great Britain showed us more favors than France.  In complaisance to him I whittled down the expressions without opposition; struck out that of ’favors ancient and recent’ from France; softened some terms, and omitted some sentiments respecting Great Britain.  He still was against the whole, but insisted that, at any rate, it should be a secret communication, because the matters it stated were still depending.  These were, 1. the inexecution of the treaty; 2. the restraining our commerce to their own ports and those of their friends.  Knox joined Hamilton in every thing.  Randolph was for the communications; that the documents respecting the first should be given in as public; but that those respecting the second should not be given to the legislature at all, but kept secret.  I began to tremble now for the whole, lest all should be kept secret.  I urged, especially, the duty now incumbent on the President, to lay before the legislature and the public what had passed on the inexecution of the treaty, since Mr. Hammond’s answer of this month might be considered as the last we should ever have; that, therefore, it could no longer be considered as a negotiation pending.  I urged that the documents respecting the stopping our corn ought also to go, but insisted that if it should be thought better to withhold them, the restrictions should not go to those respecting the treaty; that neither of these subjects was more in a state of pendency than the recall of Mr. Genet, on which, nevertheless, no scruples had been expressed.  The President took up the subject with more vehemence than I have seen him show, and decided without reserve, that not only what had passed on the inexecution of the treaty should go in as public (in which Hamilton and Knox had divided in opinion from Randolph and myself), but also that those respecting the stopping our corn should go in as public (wherein Hamilton, Knox, and Randolph had been against me.) This was the first instance I had seen of his deciding on the opinion of one against that of three others, which proved his own to have been very strong.

December the 1st, 1793.  Beckley tells me he had the following fact from Lear.  Langdon, Cabot, and some others of the Senate, standing in a knot before the fire after the Senate had adjourned, and growling together about some measure which they had just lost; ‘Ah!’ said Cabot, ’things will never go right till you have a President for life, and an hereditary Senate.’  Langdon told this to Lear, who mentioned it to the President.  The President seemed struck with it, and declared he had not supposed there was a man in the United States who could have entertained such an idea.