without abandoning all respect to my public character.  Yet I will pray you to touch this string, which I know to be a tender one with Congress, with the utmost delicacy.  I had rather be ruined in my fortune, than in their esteem.  If they allow me half a year’s salary as an outfit, I can get through my debts in time.  If they raise the salary to what it was, or even pay our house rent and taxes, I can live with more decency.  I trust that Mr. Adams’s house at the Hague, and Dr. Franklin’s at Passy,—­the rent of which has been always allowed him, will give just expectations of the same allowance to me.  Mr. Jay, however, did not charge it, but he lived economically and laid up money.

I will take the liberty of hazarding to you some thoughts on the policy of entering into treaties with the European nations, and the nature of them.  I am not wedded to these ideas, and, therefore, shall relinquish them cheerfully when Congress shall adopt others, and zealously endeavor to carry theirs into effect.  First, as to the policy of making treaties.  Congress, by the Confederation, have no original and inherent power over the commerce of the States.  But by the 9th article, they are authorized to enter into treaties of commerce.  The moment these treaties are concluded, the jurisdiction of Congress over the commerce of the States, springs into existence, and that of the particular States is superseded so far as the articles of the treaty may have taken up the subject.  There are two restrictions only, on the exercise of the power of treaty by Congress. 1st.  That they shall not, by such treaty, restrain the legislatures of the States from imposing such duties on foreigners, as their own people are subject to:  nor 2ndly, from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any particular species of goods.  Leaving these two points free, Congress may, by treaty, establish any system of commerce they please; but, as I before observed, it is by treaty alone they can do it.  Though they may exercise their other powers by resolution or ordinance, those over commerce can only be exercised by forming a treaty, and this, probably, by an accidental wording of our Confederation.  If, therefore, it is better for the States that Congress should regulate their commerce, it is proper that they should form treaties with all nations with whom we may possibly trade.  You see that my primary object in the formation of treaties, is to take the commerce of the States out of the hands of the States, and to place it under the superintendence of Congress, so far as the imperfect provisions of our constitution will admit, and until the States shall, by new compact, make them more perfect.  I would say then to every nation on earth, by treaty, your people shall trade freely with us, and ours with you, paying no more than the most favored nation in order to put an end to the right of individual States, acting by fits and starts, to interrupt our commerce or to embroil us with any nation.  As to the terms of these treaties, the question becomes more difficult.  I will mention three different plans. 1.  That no duties shall be laid by either party on the productions of the other. 2.  That each may be permitted to equalize their duties to those laid by the other. 3.  That each shall pay in the ports of the other, such duties only as the most favored nations pay.