of bamboo with a sharp instrument, and I have several of them in my possession.  They must banish him from home, and if they receive him again, or assist him with the smallest sum, they are liable to all his debts.  On the prodigal son’s return, and assurance of amendment, this writ may be redeemed on payment of five dollars to the proattins, and satisfying the creditors.  This kind of marriage is productive of much confusion, for till the time it takes place the young man belongs to one dusun and family, and afterwards to another, and as they have no records to refer to there is great uncertainty in settling the time when debts were contracted, and the like.  Sometimes the redemption of the family and their return to the former dusun take place in the second or third generation; and in many cases it is doubtful whether they ever took place or not; the two parties contradicting each other, and perhaps no evidence to refer to.  Hence arise various and intricate bechars.

THIRD, OR MALAYAN MODE OF MARRIAGE.

Besides the modes of marriage above described, a third form, called semando, has been adopted from the Malays, and thence termed semando malayo or mardika (free).  This marriage is a regular treaty between the parties, on the footing of equality.  The adat paid to the girl’s friends has usually been twelve dollars.  The agreement stipulates that all effects, gains, or earnings are to be equally the property of both, and in case of divorce by mutual consent the stock, debts, and credits are to be equally divided.  If the man only insists on the divorce he gives the woman her half of the effects, and loses the twelve dollars he has paid.  If the woman only claims the divorce she forfeits her right to the proportion of the effects, but is entitled to keep her tikar, bantal, and dandan (paraphernalia), and her relations are liable to pay back the twelve dollars; but it is seldom demanded.  This mode, doubtless the most conformable to our ideas of conjugal right and felicity, is that which the chiefs of the Rejang country have formally consented to establish throughout their jurisdiction, and to their orders the influence of the Malayan priests will contribute to give efficacy.

In the ambel anak marriage, according to the institutions of Passummah, when the father resolves to dismiss the husband of his daughter and send him back to his dusun the sum for which he can redeem his wife and family is a hundred dollars:  and if he can raise that, and the woman is willing to go with him, the father cannot refuse them; and now the affair is changed into a kulo marriage; the man returns to his former tungguan (settlement or family) and becomes of more consequence in society.  These people are no strangers to that sentiment which we call a regard to family.  There are some families among them more esteemed than others, though not graced with any title or employment in the state.  The origin of this distinction it is difficult to trace; but it may have arisen from