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Table of Contents | |
Section | Page |
Start of eBook | 1 |
INTRODUCTION | 1 |
BIBLIOGRAPHY | 4 |
FOOTNOTE: | 4 |
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA | 4 |
THE PERSIAN WAR | 4 |
HISTORY OF THE WARS: | 4 |
BOOK I | 4 |
I | 4 |
II | 6 |
III | 7 |
IV | 10 |
V | 12 |
VI | 16 |
VII. | 17 |
VIII | 20 |
IX | 22 |
X | 24 |
XI | 26 |
XII | 30 |
XIII | 31 |
XIV | 34 |
XV | 39 |
XVI | 42 |
XVII | 43 |
XVIII | 47 |
XIX | 52 |
XX | 55 |
XXI | 57 |
XXII | 59 |
XXIII | 60 |
XXIV | 63 |
XXV | 68 |
XXVI | 72 |
FOOTNOTES: | 73 |
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK II | 74 |
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK II | 74 |
I | 74 |
II | 76 |
III | 77 |
IV | 81 |
V | 83 |
VI | 86 |
VII | 89 |
VIII | 91 |
IX | 95 |
X | 97 |
XI | 99 |
XII | 102 |
XIII | 105 |
XIV | 107 |
XV | 108 |
XVI | 111 |
XVII | 113 |
XVIII | 115 |
XIX | 117 |
XX | 120 |
XXI | 122 |
XXII | 125 |
XXIII | 129 |
XXIV | 131 |
XXV | 133 |
XXVI | 135 |
XXVII | 139 |
XXVIII | 143 |
XXIX | 146 |
XXX | 149 |
FOOTNOTES: | 154 |
INDEX | 154 |
Eirenaeus, Roman general, sent to Lazica, I. xii. 14 | 166 |
167 | |
Ildiger, in the army of Martinus, II. xxiv. 13 | 169 |
Macedonians, founders of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, II. xxviii. 4 | 172 |
Oasis, city in upper Aegypt, former home of the Nobatae, I. xix. 30 | 174 |
178 | |
180 | |
White Syrians, old name for the inhabitants of Armenia Minor, I. xvii. 21 | 182 |
Procopius is known to posterity as the historian of the eventful reign of Justinian (527-565 A.D.), and the chronicler of the great deeds of the general Belisarius. He was born late in the fifth century in the city of Caesarea in Palestine. As to his education and early years we are not informed, but we know that he studied to fit himself for the legal profession. He came as a young man to Constantinople, and seems to have made his mark immediately. For as early as the year 527 he was appointed legal adviser and private secretary[1] to Belisarius, then a very young man who had been serving on the staff of the general Justinian, and had only recently been advanced to the office of general. Shortly after this Justinian was called by his uncle Justinus to share the throne of the Roman Empire, and four months later Justinus died, leaving Justinian sole emperor of the Romans. Thus the stage was set for the scenes which are presented in the pages of Procopius. His own activity continued till well nigh the end of Justinian’s life, and he seems to have outlived his hero, Belisarius.
During the eventful years of Belisarius’ campaigning in Africa, in Italy, and in the East, Procopius was moving about with him and was an eye-witness of the events he describes in his writings. In 527 we find him in Mesopotamia; in 533 he accompanied Belisarius to Africa; and in 536 he journeyed with him to Italy. He was therefore quite correct in the assertion which he makes rather modestly in the introduction of his history, that he was better qualified than anyone else to write the history of that period. Besides his intimacy with Belisarius it should be added that his position gave him the further advantage of a certain standing at the imperial court in Constantinople, and brought him the acquaintance of many of the leading men of his day. Thus we have the testimony of one intimately associated with the administration, and this, together with the importance of the events through which he lived, makes his record exceedingly interesting as well as historically important. One must admit that his position was not one to encourage impartiality in his presentation of facts, and that the imperial favour was not won by plain speaking; nevertheless we have before us a man who could not obliterate himself enough to play the abject flatterer always, and he gives us the reverse, too, of his brilliant picture, as we shall see presently.
Procopius’ three works give us a fairly complete account of the reign of Justinian up till near the year 560 A.D., and he has done us the favour of setting forth three different points of view which vary so widely that posterity has sometimes found it difficult to reconcile them. His greatest work, as well as his earliest, is the History of the Wars, in eight books. The material is not arranged strictly according to chronological sequence, but
The history is more general than the title would imply, and all the important events of the time are touched upon. So while we read much of the campaigns against the nations who were crowding back the boundaries of the old empire, we also hear of civic affairs such as the great Nika insurrection in Byzantium in 532; similarly a careful account is given of the pestilence of 540, and the care shewn in describing the nature of the disease shews plainly that the author must have had some acquaintance with the medical science of the time.
After the seventh book of the History of the Wars Procopius wrote the Anecdota, or Secret History. Here he freed himself from all the restraints of respect or fear, and set down without scruple everything which he had been led to suppress or gloss over in the History through motives of policy. He attacks unmercifully the emperor and empress and even Belisarius and his wife Antonina, and displays to us one of the blackest pictures ever set down in writing. It is a record of wanton crime and shameless debauchery, of intrigue and scandal both in public and in private life. It is plain that the thing is overdone, and the very extravagance of the calumny makes it impossible to be believed; again and again we meet statements which, if not absolutely impossible, are at least highly improbable. Many of the events of the History are presented in an entirely new light; we seem to hear one speaking out of the bitterness of his heart. It should be said, at the same time, that there are very few contradictions in statements of fact. The author has plainly singled out the empress Theodora as the principal victim of his venomous darts, and he gives an account of her early years which is both shocking and disgusting, but which, happily, we are not forced to regard as true. It goes without saying that such a work as this could not have been published during the lifetime of the author, and it appears that it was not given to the world until after the death of Justinian in 565.
Serious doubts have been entertained in times past as to the authenticity of the Anecdota, for at first sight it seems impossible that the man who wrote in the calm tone of the History and who indulged in the fulsome praise of the panegyric On the Buildings could have also written the bitter libels of the Anecdota. It has come to be seen, however, that this feeling is not supported by any unanswerable arguments, and it is now believed to be highly probable at least, that the Anecdota is the work of Procopius. Its bitterness may be extreme and its calumnies exaggerated beyond all reason, but it must be regarded as prompted by a reaction against the hollow life of the Byzantine court.
The third work is entitled On the Buildings, and is plainly an attempt to gain favour with the emperor. We can only guess as to what the immediate occasion was for its composition. It is plain, however, that the publication of the History could not have aroused the enthusiasm of Justinian; there was no attempt in it to praise the emperor, and one might even read an unfavourable judgment between the lines. And it is not at all unlikely that he was moved to envy by the praises bestowed upon his general, Belisarius. At any rate the work On the Buildings is written in the empty style of the fawning flatterer. It is divided into six short books and contains an account of all the public buildings of Justinian’s reign in every district of the empire. The subject was well chosen and the material ample, and Procopius lost no opportunity of lauding his sovereign to the skies. It is an excellent example of the florid panegyric style which was, unfortunately, in great favour with the literary world of his own as well as later Byzantine times. But in spite of its faults, this work is a record of the greatest importance for the study of the period, since it is a storehouse of information concerning the internal administration of the empire.
The style of Procopius is in general clear and straightforward, and shews the mind of one who endeavours to speak the truth in simple language wherever he is not under constraint to avoid it. At the same time he is not ignorant of the arts of rhetoric, and especially in the speeches he is fond of introducing sounding phrases and sententious statements. He was a great admirer of the classical writers of prose, and their influence is everywhere apparent in his writing; in particular he is much indebted to the historians Herodotus and Thucydides, and he borrows from them many expressions and turns of phrase. But the Greek which he writes is not the pure Attic, and we find many evidences of the influence of the contemporary spoken language.
Procopius writes at times as a Christian, and at times as one imbued with the ideas of the ancient religion of Greece. Doubtless his study of the classical writers led him into this, perhaps unconsciously. At any rate it seems not to have been with him a matter in which even consistency was demanded. It was politic to espouse the religion of the state, but still he often allows himself to speak as if he were a contemporary of Thucydides.
The text followed is that of Haury, issued in the Teubner series, 1905-1913.
The editio princeps of Procopius was published by David Hoeschel, Augsburg, 1607; the Secret History was not included, and only summaries of the six books of the work On the Buildings were given. The edition is not important except as being the first.
The Secret History was printed for the first time separately with a Latin translation by Alemannus, Lyon, 1623.
The first complete edition was that of Maltretus, Paris, 1661-63, reprinted in Venice, 1729; the edition included a Latin translation of all the works, which was taken over into the edition of Procopius in the Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae by Dindorf, Bonn, 1833-38.
Two editions of recent years are to be mentioned: Domenico Comparetti, La Guerra Gotica di Procopio di Cesarea; testo Greco emendato sui manoscritti con traduxione Italiana, Rome, 1895-98; 3 vols. Jacobus Haury, Procopii Caesariensis Opera Omnia, Leipzig, 1905-13; 3 vols. (Bibl. Teub.).
Among a number of works on Procopius or on special subjects connected with his writings the following may be mentioned:
Felix Dahn: Procopius von Caesarea, Berlin, 1865.
Julius Jung: Geographisch-Historisches bei
Procopius von Caesarea,
Wiener Studien 5 (1883) 85-115.
W. Gundlach: Quaestiones Procopianae,
Progr. Hanau, 1861, also
Dissert. Marburg, 1861.
J. Haury: Procopiana, Progr. Augsburg, 1891.
B. Pancenko: Ueber die Geheimgeschichte des Prokop, Viz. Vrem. 2 (1895).
J. Haury: Zur Beurteilung des Geschichtschreibers
Procopius von
Caesarea, Munich, 1896-97.
1971. The Teubner edition in 4 volumes by J. Haury (1905-1913) has been re-edited by G. Wirth.
[1]
[Greek: xymboulos], Proc. Bell. I. xii. 24. He is elsewhere referred to as [Greek: paredros] or [Greek: hypographeus].
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK I
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
THE PERSIAN WAR
Procopius of Caesarea has written the history of the wars which Justinian, Emperor of the Romans, waged against the barbarians of the East and of the West, relating separately the events of each one, to the end that the long course of time may not overwhelm deeds of singular importance through lack of a record, and thus abandon them to oblivion and utterly obliterate them. The memory of these events he deemed would be a great thing and most helpful to men of the present time, and to future generations as well, in case time should ever again place men under a similar stress. For men who purpose to enter upon a war or are preparing themselves for any kind of struggle may derive some benefit from a narrative of a similar situation in history, inasmuch as this discloses the final result attained by men of an earlier day in a struggle of the same sort, and foreshadows, at least for those who are most prudent in planning, what outcome present events will probably have. Furthermore he had assurance that he was especially competent to write the history of these events, if for no other reason, because it fell to his lot, when appointed adviser to the general Belisarius, to be an eye-witness of practically all the events to be described. It was his conviction that while cleverness is appropriate to rhetoric, and inventiveness to poetry, truth alone is appropriate to history. In accordance with this principle he has not concealed the failures of even his most intimate acquaintances, but has written down with complete accuracy everything which befell those concerned, whether it happened to be done well or ill by them.
It will be evident that no more important or mightier deeds are to be found in history than those which have been enacted in these wars,—provided one wishes to base his judgment on the truth. For in them more remarkable feats have been performed than in any other wars with which we are acquainted; unless, indeed, any reader of this narrative should give the place of honour to antiquity, and consider contemporary achievements unworthy to be counted remarkable. There are those, for example, who call the soldiers of the present day “bowmen,” while to those of the most ancient times they wish to attribute such lofty terms as “hand-to-hand fighters,” “shield-men,” and other names of that sort; and they think that the valour of those times has by no means survived to the present,—an opinion which is at once careless and wholly remote from actual experience of these matters. For the thought has never occurred to them that, as regards the Homeric bowmen who had the misfortune to be ridiculed by this term[1] derived from their art, they were neither carried by horse nor protected by spear or shield[2]. In fact there was no protection at all for their bodies; they entered battle on foot, and were compelled to conceal themselves, either singling out the shield of some comrade[3], or seeking safety behind a tombstone on a mound[4], from which position
[408 A.D.] When the Roman Emperor Arcadius was at the point of death in Byzantium, having a malechild, Theodosius, who was still unweaned, he felt grave fears not only for him but for the government as well, not knowing how he should provide wisely for both. For he perceived that, if he provided a partner in government for Theodosius, he would in fact be destroying his own son by bringing forward against him a foe clothed in the regal power; while if he set him alone over the empire, many would try to mount the throne, taking advantage, as they might be expected to do, of the helplessness of the child. These men would rise against the government, and, after destroying Theodosius, would make themselves tyrants without difficulty, since the boy had no kinsman in Byzantium to be his guardian. For Arcadius had no hope that the boy’s uncle, Honorius, would succour him, inasmuch as the situation in Italy was already troublesome. And he was equally disturbed by the attitude of the Medes, fearing lest these barbarians should trample down the youthful emperor and do the Romans irreparable harm. When Arcadius was confronted with this difficult situation, though he had not shewn himself sagacious in other
[441 A.D.] When Theodosius had grown to manhood and was in the prime of life, and Isdigerdes had been taken from the world by disease, Vararanes, the Persian King, invaded the Roman domains with a mighty army; however he did no damage, but returned to his home without accomplishing anything. This came about in the following way. Anatolius, General of the East, had, as it happened, been sent by the Emperor Theodosius as ambassador to the Persians, alone and unaccompanied; as he approached the Median army, solitary as he was, he leapt down from his horse, and advanced on foot toward Vararanes. And when Vararanes saw him, he enquired from those who were near who this man could be who was coming forward. And they replied that he was the general of the Romans. Thereupon the king was so dumbfounded by this excessive degree of respect that he himself wheeled his horse about and rode away, and the whole Persian host followed him. When he had reached his own territory, he received the envoy with great cordiality, and granted the treaty of peace on the terms which Anatolius desired of him; one condition, however, he added, that neither party should construct any new fortification in his own territory in the neighbourhood of the boundary line between the two countries. When this treaty had been executed, both sovereigns then continued to administer the affairs of their respective countries as seemed best to them.
At a later time the Persian King Perozes became involved in a war concerning boundaries with the nation of the Ephthalitae Huns, who are called White Huns, gathered an imposing army, and marched against them. The Ephthalitae are of the stock of the Huns in fact as well as in name; however they do not mingle with any of the Huns known to us, for they occupy a land neither adjoining nor even very near to them; but their territory lies immediately to the north of Persia; indeed their city, called Gorgo, is located over against the Persian frontier, and is consequently the centre of frequent contests concerning boundary lines between the two peoples. For they are not nomads like the other Hunnic peoples, but for a long period have been established in a goodly land. As a result of this they have never made any incursion into the Roman territory except in company with the Median army. They are the only ones among the Huns who have white bodies and countenances which are not ugly. It is also true that their manner of living is unlike that of their kinsmen, nor do they live a savage life as they do; but they are ruled by one king, and since they possess a lawful constitution, they observe right and justice in their dealings both with one another and with their neighbours, in no degree less than the Romans and the Persians. Moreover, the wealthy citizens are in the habit of attaching to themselves friends to the number of twenty or more, as the case may be, and these become permanently their banquet-companions, and have a share in all their property, enjoying some kind of a common right in this matter. Then, when the man who has gathered such a company together comes to die, it is the custom that all these men be borne alive into the tomb with him.
Perozes, marching against these Ephthalitae, was accompanied by an ambassador, Eusebius by name, who, as it happened, had been sent to his court by the Emperor Zeno. Now the Ephthalitae made it appear to their enemy that they had turned to flight because they were wholly terrified by their attack, and they retired with all speed to a place which was shut in on every side by precipitous mountains, and abundantly screened by a close forest of wide-spreading trees. Now as one advanced between the mountains to a great distance, a broad way appeared in the valley, extending apparently to an indefinite distance, but at the end it had no outlet at all, but terminated in the very midst of the circle of mountains. So Perozes, with no thought at all of treachery, and forgetting that he was marching in a hostile country, continued the pursuit without the least caution. A small body of the Huns were in flight before him, while the greater part of their force, by concealing themselves in the rough country, got in the rear of the hostile army; but as yet they desired not to be seen by them, in order that they might advance well into the trap and get as far as possible in among the mountains, and thus be no longer able to turn back. When the
Not long after this, disregarding the oath he had sworn, he was eager to avenge himself upon the Huns for the insult done him. He therefore straightway gathered together from the whole land all the Persians and their allies, and led them against the Ephthalitae; of all his sons he left behind him only one, Cabades by name, who, as it happened, was just past the age of boyhood; all the others, about thirty in number, he took with him. The Ephthalitae, upon learning of his invasion, were aggrieved at the deception they had suffered at the hands of their enemy, and bitterly reproached their king as having abandoned them to the Medes. He, with a laugh, enquired of them what in the world of theirs he had abandoned, whether their land or their arms or any other part of their possessions. They thereupon retorted that he had abandoned nothing, except, forsooth, the one opportunity on which, as it turned out, everything else depended. Now the Ephthalitae with all zeal demanded that they should go out to meet the invaders, but the king sought to restrain them at any rate for the moment. For he insisted that as yet they had received no definite information as to the invasion, for the Persians were still within their own boundaries. So, remaining where he was, he busied himself as follows. In the plain where the Persians were to make their irruption into the land of the Ephthalitae he marked off a tract of very great extent and made a deep trench of sufficient width; but in the centre he left a small portion of ground intact, enough to serve as a way for ten horses. Over the trench he placed reeds, and upon the reeds he scattered earth, thereby concealing the true surface. He then directed the forces of the Huns that, when the time came to retire inside the trench, they should draw themselves together into a narrow column and pass rather slowly across this neck of land, taking care that they should not fall into the ditch[7]. And he hung from the top of the royal banner the salt over which Perozes had once sworn the oath which he had disregarded in taking the field against the Huns. Now as long as he heard that the enemy were in their own territory, he remained at rest; but when he learned from his scouts that they had reached the city of Gorgo which lies on the extreme Persian frontier, and that departing thence they were now advancing against his army, remaining himself with the greater part of his troops inside the trench, he sent forward a small detachment with instructions to allow themselves to be seen at a distance by the enemy in the plain, and, when once they had been seen, to flee at full speed to the rear, keeping in mind his command concerning the trench as soon as they drew near to it. They did as directed, and, as they approached the trench, they drew themselves into a narrow column, and all passed over and joined the rest of the army. But the Persians, having no means of perceiving the
The story of this pearl, as told by the Persians, is worth recounting, for perhaps to some it may not seem altogether incredible. For they say that it was lodged in its oyster in the sea which washes the Persian coast, and that the oyster was swimming not far from the shore; both its valves were standing open and the pearl lay between them, a wonderful sight and notable, for no pearl in all history could be compared with it at all, either in size or in beauty. A shark, then, of enormous size and dreadful fierceness, fell in love with this sight and followed close upon it, leaving it neither day nor night; even when he was compelled to take thought for food, he would only look about for something eatable where he was, and when he found some bit, he would snatch it up and eat it hurriedly; then overtaking the oyster immediately, he would sate himself again with the sight he loved. At length a fisherman, they say, noticed what was passing, but in terror of the monster he recoiled from the danger; however, he reported the whole matter to the king, Perozes. Now when Perozes heard his account, they say that a great longing for the pearl came over him, and he urged on this fisherman with many flatteries and hopes of reward. Unable to resist the importunities of the monarch, he is said to have addressed Perozes as follows: “My master, precious to a man is money, more precious still is his life, but most prized of all are his children; and being naturally constrained by his love for them
[484 A.D.] Thus Perozes was destroyed and the whole Persian army with him. For the few who by chance did not fall into the ditch found themselves at the mercy of the enemy. As a result of this experience a law was established among the Persians that, while marching in hostile territory, they should never engage in any pursuit, even if it should happen that the enemy had been driven back by force. Thereupon those who had not marched with Perozes and had remained in their own land chose as their king Cabades, the youngest son of Perozes, who was then the only one surviving. At that time, then, the Persians became subject and tributary to the Ephthalitae, until Cabades had established his power most securely and no longer deemed it necessary to pay the annual tribute to them. And the time these barbarians ruled over the Persians was two years.
But as time went on Cabades became more high-handed in the administration of the government, and introduced innovations into the constitution, among which was a law which he promulgated providing that Persians should have communal intercourse with their women, a measure which by no means pleased the common people. [486 A.D.] Accordingly they rose against him, removed him from the throne, and kept him in prison in chains. They then chose Blases, the brother of Perozes, to be their king, since, as has been said, no male offspring of Perozes was left, and it is not lawful among the Persians for any man by birth a common citizen to be set upon the throne, except in case the royal family be totally extinct. Blases, upon receiving the royal power, gathered together the nobles of the Persians and held a conference concerning Cabades; for it was not the wish of the majority to put the man to death. After the expression of many opinions on both sides there came forward a certain man of repute among the Persians, whose name was Gousanastades, and whose office that of “chanaranges” (which would be the Persian term for general); his official province lay on the very frontier of the Persian territory in a district which adjoins the land of the Ephthalitae. Holding up his knife, the kind with which the Persians were accustomed to trim their nails, of about the length of a man’s finger, but not one-third as wide as a finger, he said: “You see this knife, how extremely small it is; nevertheless it is able at the present time to accomplish a deed, which, be assured, my dear Persians, a little later two myriads of mail-clad men could not bring to pass.” This he said hinting that, if they did not put Cabades to death, he would straightway make trouble for the Persians. But they were altogether unwilling to put to death a man of the royal blood, and decided to confine him in a castle which it is their habit to call the “Prison of Oblivion.” For if anyone is cast into it, the law permits no mention of him to be made thereafter, but death is the penalty for the man who speaks his name; for this reason it has received this title among the Persians. On one occasion, however, the History of the Armenians relates that the operation of the law regarding the Prison of Oblivion was suspended by the Persians in the following way.
There was once a truceless war, lasting two and thirty years, between the Persians and the Armenians, when Pacurius was king of the Persians, and of the Armenians, Arsaces, of the line of the Arsacidae. And by the long continuance of this war it came about that both sides suffered beyond measure, and especially the Armenians. But each nation was possessed by such great distrust of the other that neither of them could make overtures of peace to their opponents. In the meantime it happened that the Persians became engaged in a war with certain other barbarians who lived not far from the Armenians. Accordingly the Armenians, in their eagerness to make a display
Not long after this certain persons slandered Arsaces, saying that he was purposing to undertake some seditious enterprise. Pacurius was persuaded by these men and again summoned him, intimating that he was anxious to confer with him on general matters. And he, without any hesitation at all, came to the king, taking with him several of the most warlike among the Armenians, and among them Bassicius, who was at once his general and counsellor; for he was both brave and sagacious to a remarkable degree. Straightway, then, Pacurius heaped reproach and abuse upon both Arsaces and Bassicius, because, disregarding the sworn compact, they had so speedily turned their thoughts toward secession. They, however, denied the charge, and swore most insistently that no such thing had been considered by them. At first, therefore, Pacurius kept them under guard in disgrace, but after a time he enquired of the Magi what should be done with them. Now the Magi deemed it by no means just to condemn men who denied their guilt and had not been explicitly found guilty, but they suggested to him an artifice by which Arsaces himself might be compelled to become openly his own accuser. They bade him cover the floor of the royal tent with earth, one half from the land of Persia, and the other half from Armenia. This the king did as directed. Then the Magi, after putting the whole tent under a spell by means of some magic rites, bade the king take his walk there in company with Arsaces, reproaching him meanwhile with having violated the sworn agreement. They said, further, that they too must be present at the conversation, for in this way there would be witnesses of all that was said. Accordingly Pacurius straightway summoned Arsaces, and began to walk to and fro with him in the tent in the presence of the Magi; he enquired of the man why he had disregarded his sworn promises, and was setting about to harass the Persians and Armenians once more with grievous troubles. Now as long as the conversation took place on the ground which was covered with the earth from the land of Persia, Arsaces continued to make denial, and, pledging himself with the most fearful oaths, insisted that he was
After a time, when the Persians were marching against a barbarian nation, they were accompanied by an Armenian who had been especially intimate with Arsaces and had followed him when he went into the Persian land. This man proved himself a capable warrior in this campaign, as Pacurius observed, and was the chief cause of the Persian victory. For this reason Pacurius begged him to make any request he wished, assuring him that he would be refused nothing by him. The Armenian asked for nothing else than that he might for one day pay homage to Arsaces in the way he might desire. Now it annoyed the king exceedingly, that he should be compelled to set aside a law so ancient; however, in order to be wholly true to his word, he permitted that the request be granted. When the man found himself by the king’s order in the Prison of Oblivion, he greeted Arsaces, and both men, embracing each other, joined their voices in a sweet lament, and, bewailing the hard fate that was upon them, were able only with difficulty to release each other from the embrace. Then, when they had sated themselves with weeping and ceased from tears, the Armenian bathed Arsaces, and completely adorned his person, neglecting nothing, and, putting on him the royal robe, caused him to recline on a bed of rushes. Then Arsaces entertained those present with a royal banquet just as was formerly his custom. During this feast many speeches were made over the cups which greatly pleased Arsaces, and many incidents occurred which delighted his heart. The drinking was prolonged until nightfall, all feeling the keenest delight in their mutual intercourse; at length they parted from each other with great reluctance, and separated thoroughly imbued with happiness. Then they tell how Arsaces
While Cabades was in the prison he was cared for by his wife, who went in to him constantly and carried him supplies of food. Now the keeper of the prison began to make advances to her, for she was exceedingly beautiful to look upon. And when Cabades learned this from his wife, he bade her give herself over to the man to treat as he wished. In this way the keeper of the prison came to be familiar with the woman, and he conceived for her an extraordinary love, and as a result permitted her to go in to her husband just as she wished, and to depart from there again without interference from anyone. Now there was a Persian notable, Seoses by name, a devoted friend of Cabades, who was constantly in the neighbourhood of this prison, watching his opportunity, in the hope that he might in some way be able to effect his deliverance. And he sent word to Cabades through his wife that he was keeping horses and men in readiness not far from the prison, and he indicated to him a certain spot. Then one day as night drew near Cabades persuaded his wife to give him her own garment, and, dressing herself in his clothes, to sit instead of him in the prison where he usually sat. In this way, therefore, Cabades made his escape from the prison. For although the guards who were on duty saw him, they supposed that it was the woman, and therefore decided not to hinder or otherwise annoy him. At daybreak they saw in the cell the woman in her husband’s clothes, and were so completely deceived as to think that Cabades was there, and this belief prevailed during several days, until Cabades had advanced well on his way. As to the fate which befell the woman after the stratagem had come to light, and the manner in which they punished her, I am unable to speak with accuracy. For the Persian accounts do not agree with each other, and for this reason I omit the narration of them.
Cabades, in company with Seoses, completely escaped detection, and reached the Ephthalitae Huns; there the king gave him his daughter in marriage, and then, since Cabades was now his son-in-law, he put under his command a very formidable army for a campaign against the Persians. This army the Persians were quite unwilling to encounter, and they made haste to flee in every direction. And when Cabades reached the territory where Gousanastades exercised his authority,
A little later Cabades was owing the king of the Ephthalitae a sum of money which he was not able to pay him, and he therefore requested the Roman emperor Anastasius to lend him this money. Whereupon Anastasius conferred with some of his friends and enquired of them whether this should be done; and they would not permit him to make the loan. For, as they pointed out, it was inexpedient to make more secure by means of their money the friendship between their enemies and the Ephthalitae; indeed it was better for the Romans to disturb their relations as much as possible. It was for this reason, and for no just cause, that Cabades decided to make an expedition against the Romans. [502 A.D.] First he invaded the land of the Armenians, moving with such rapidity as to anticipate the news of his coming, and, after plundering the greater part of it in a rapid campaign, he unexpectedly arrived at the city of Amida, which is situated in Mesopotamia, and, although the season was winter, he invested the town. Now the citizens of Amida had no soldiers at hand, seeing that it was a time of peace and prosperity, and in other respects were utterly unprepared; nevertheless they were quite unwilling to yield to the enemy, and shewed an unexpected fortitude in holding out against dangers and hardships.
Now there was among the Syrians a certain just man, Jacobus by name, who had trained himself with exactitude in matters pertaining to religion. This man had confined himself many years before in a place called Endielon, a day’s journey from Amida, in order that he might with more security devote himself to pious contemplation. The men of this place, assisting his purpose, had surrounded him with a kind of fencing, in which the stakes were not continuous, but set at intervals, so that those who approached could see and hold converse with him. And they had constructed for him a small roof over his head, sufficient to keep off the rain and snow. There this man had been sitting for a long time, never yielding either to heat or cold, and sustaining his life with certain seeds, which he was accustomed to eat, not indeed every day, but only at long intervals. Now some of the Ephthalitae who were overrunning the country thereabout saw this Jacobus and with great eagerness drew their bows with intent to shoot at him. But the hands of every one of them became motionless and utterly unable to manage the bow. When this was noised about through the army and came to the ears of Cabades, he desired to see the thing with his own eyes; and when he saw it, both he and the Persians who were with him were seized with great astonishment, and he entreated Jacobus to forgive the barbarians their crime. And he forgave them with a word, and the men were released from their distress. Cabades then bade the man ask for whatever he wished, supposing that he would ask for a great sum of money, and he also added with youthful recklessness that he would be refused nothing by him. But he requested Cabades to grant to him all the men who during that war should come to him as fugitives. This request Cabades granted, and gave him a written pledge of his personal safety. And great numbers of men, as might be expected, came flocking to him from all sides and found safety there; for the deed became widely known. Thus, then, did these things take place.
Cabades, in besieging Amida, brought against every part of the defences the engines known as rams; but the townspeople constantly broke off the heads of the rams by means of timbers thrown across them[8]. However, Cabades did not slacken his efforts until he realized that the wall could not be successfully assailed in this way. For, though he battered the wall many times, he was quite unable to break down any portion of the defence, or even to shake it; so secure had been the work of the builders who had constructed it long before. Failing in this, Cabades raised an artificial hill to threaten the city, considerably overtopping the wall; but the besieged, starting from the inside of their defences, made a tunnel extending under the hill, and from there stealthily carried out the earth, until they hollowed out a great part of the inside of the hill. However, the outside kept the form which it had at first assumed, and afforded
Not many days later one of the Persians saw close by one of the towers the mouth of an old underground passage, which was insecurely concealed with some few small stones. In the night he came there alone, and, making trial of the entrance, got inside the circuit-wall; then at daybreak he reported the whole matter to Cabades. The king himself on the following night came to the spot with a few men, bringing ladders which he had made ready. And he was favoured by a piece of good fortune; for the defence of the very tower which happened to be nearest to the passage had fallen by lot to those of the Christians who are most careful in their observances, whom they call monks. These men, as chance would have it, were keeping some annual religious festival to God on that day. When night came on they all felt great weariness[9] on account of the festival, and, having sated themselves with food and drink beyond their wont, they fell into a sweet and gentle sleep, and were consequently quite unaware of what was going on. So the Persians made their way through the passage inside the fortifications, a few at a time, and, mounting the tower, they found the monks still sleeping and slew them to a man. When Cabades learned this, he brought his ladders up to the wall close by this tower. It was already day. And those of the townsmen who were keeping guard on the adjoining tower became aware of the disaster, and ran thither with all speed to give assistance. Then for a long time both sides struggled to crowd back the other, and already the townsmen were gaining the advantage, killing many of those who had mounted the wall, and throwing back the men on the ladders, and they came very near to averting the danger. But Cabades drew his sword and, terrifying the Persians constantly with it, rushed in person to the ladders and would not let them draw back, and death was the
A short time after this he departed, leaving there to garrison the place a thousand men under command of Glones, a Persian, and some few unfortunates among the citizens of Amida who were destined to minister as servants to the daily wants of the Persians; he himself with all the remainder of the army and the captives marched away homeward. These captives were treated by Cabades with a generosity befitting a king; for after a short time he released all of them to return to their homes, but he pretended that they had escaped from him by stealth[10]; and the Roman Emperor, Anastasius, also shewed them honour worthy of their bravery, for he remitted to the city all the annual taxes for the space of seven years, and presented all of them as a body and each one of them separately with many good things, so that they came fully to forget the misfortunes which had befallen them. But this happened in later years.
At that time the Emperor Anastasius, upon learning that Amida was being besieged, dispatched with all speed an army of sufficient strength. But in this army there were general officers in command of every symmory[11], while the supreme command was divided between the following four generals: Areobindus, at that time General of the East, the son-in-law of Olyvrius, who had been Emperor in the West not long before; Celer, commander of the palace troops (this officer the Romans are accustomed to call “magister"); besides these still, there were the commanders of troops in Byzantium, Patricias, the Phrygian, and Hypatius, the nephew of the emperor; these four, then, were the generals. With them also was associated Justinus, who at a later time became emperor upon the death of Anastasius, and Patriciolus with his son Vitalianus, who raised an armed insurrection against the Emperor Anastasius not long afterwards and made himself tyrant; also Pharesmanes, a native of Colchis, and a man of exceptional ability as a warrior, and the Goths Godidisklus and Bessas, who were among those
Now this army was mustered with considerable delay, and advanced with little speed. As a result of this they did not find the barbarians in the Roman territory; for the Persians had made their attack suddenly, and had immediately withdrawn with all their booty to their own land. Now no one of the generals desired for the present to undertake the siege of the garrison left in Amida, for they learned that they had carried in a large supply of provisions; but they made haste to invade the land of the enemy. However they did not advance together against the barbarians but they encamped apart from one another as they proceeded. When Cabades learned this (for he happened to be close by), he came with all speed to the Roman frontier and confronted them. But the Romans had not yet learned that Cabades was moving against them with his whole force, and they supposed that some small Persian army was there. Accordingly the forces of Areobindus established their camp in a place called Arzamon, at a distance of two days’ journey from the city of Constantina, and those of Patricius and Hypatius in a place called Siphrios, which is distant not less than three hundred and fifty stades from the city of Amida. As for Celer, he had not yet arrived.
Areobindus, when he ascertained that Cabades was coming upon them with his whole army, abandoned his camp, and, in company with all his men, turned to flight and retired on the run to Constantina. And the enemy, coming up not long afterwards, captured the camp without a man in it and all the money it contained. From there they advanced swiftly against the other Roman army. Now the troops of Patricius and Hypatius had happened upon eight hundred Ephthalitae who were marching in advance of the Persian army, and they had killed practically all of them. Then, since they had learned nothing of Cabades and the Persian army, supposing that they had won the victory, they began to conduct themselves with less caution. At any rate they had stacked their arms and were preparing themselves a lunch; for already the appropriate time of day was drawing near. Now a small stream flowed in this place and in it the Romans began to wash the
After this Areobindus went to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, while the other generals reached Amida, and, in spite of the winter season, invested it. And although they made many attempts they were unable to carry the fortress by storm, but they were on the point of accomplishing their object by starvation; for all the provisions of the besieged were exhausted. The generals, however, had ascertained nothing of the straits in which the enemy were; but since they saw that their own troops were distressed by the labour of the siege and the wintry weather, and at the same time suspected that a Persian army would be coming upon them before long, they were eager to quit the place on any terms whatever. The Persians, on their part, not knowing what would become of them in such terrible straits, continued to conceal scrupulously their lack of the necessities of life, and made it appear that they had an abundance of all provisions, wishing to return to their homes with the reputation of honour. So a proposal was discussed between them, according to which the Persians were to deliver over the city to the Romans upon receipt of one thousand pounds of gold. Both parties then gladly executed the terms of the agreement, and the son of Glones, upon receiving the money, delivered over Amida to the Romans. For Glones himself had already died in the following manner.
When the Romans had not yet encamped before the city of Amida but were not far from its vicinity, a certain countryman, who was accustomed to enter the city secretly with fowls and loaves and many other delicacies, which he sold to this Glones at a great price, came before the general Patricius and promised to deliver into his hands Glones and two hundred Persians, if he should receive from him assurance of some requital. And the general promised that he should have everything he desired, and thus dismissed the fellow. He then tore his garments in a dreadful manner, and, assuming the aspect of one who had been weeping, entered the city. And coming before Glones, and tearing his hair he said: “O Master, I happened to be bringing in for you all the good things from my village, when some Roman soldiers chanced upon me (for, as you know, they are constantly wandering about the country here in small bands and doing violence to the miserable country-folk), and they inflicted upon me blows not to be endured, and, taking away everything, they departed,—the robbers, whose ancient custom it is to fear the Persians and to beat the farmers. But do you, O Master, take thought to defend yourself and us and the Persians. For if you go hunting into the outskirts of the city, you will find rare game. For the accursed rascals go about by fours or fives to do their robbery.” Thus he spoke. And Glones was persuaded, and enquired of the fellow about how many Persians he thought would be sufficient for him to carry out the enterprise. He said that about fifty would do, for they would never meet more than five of them going together; however, in order to forestall any unexpected circumstance, it would do no harm to take with him even one hundred men; and if he should double this number it would be still better from every point of view; for no harm could come to a man from the larger number. Glones accordingly picked out two hundred horsemen and bade the fellow lead the way for them. But he insisted that it was better for him to be sent first to spy out the ground, and, if he should bring back word that he had seen Romans still going about in the same districts, that then the Persians should make their sally at the fitting moment. Accordingly, since he seemed to Glones to speak well, he was sent forward by his own order. Then he came before the general Patricius and explained everything; and the general sent with him two of his own body-guard and a thousand soldiers. These he concealed about a village called Thilasamon, forty stades distant from Amida, among valleys and woody places, and instructed them to remain there in this ambush; he himself then proceeded to the city on the run, and telling Glones that the prey was ready, he led him and the two hundred horsemen upon the ambush of the enemy. And when they passed the spot where the Romans were lying in wait, without being observed by Glones or any of the Persians, he roused the Romans from their ambuscade
[504 A.D.] Thus the Romans by giving the money recovered Amida two years after it had been captured by the enemy. And when they got into the city, their own negligence and the hardships under which the Persians had maintained themselves were discovered. For upon reckoning the amount of grain left there and the number of barbarians who had gone out, they found that rations for about seven days were left in the city, although Glones and his son had been for a long time doling out provisions to the Persians more sparingly than they were needed. For to the Romans who had remained with them in the city, as I have stated above, they had decided to dispense nothing at all from the time when their enemy began the siege; and so these men at first resorted to unaccustomed foods and laid hold on every forbidden thing, and at the last they even tasted each other’s blood. So the generals realized that they had been deceived by the barbarians, and they reproached the soldiers for their lack of self-control, because they had shewn themselves wanting in obedience to them, when it was possible to capture as prisoners of war such a multitude of Persians and the son of Glones and the city itself, while they had in consequence attached to themselves signal disgrace by carrying Roman money to the enemy, and had taken Amida from the Persians by purchasing it with silver. [506 A.D.] After this the Persians, since their war with the Huns kept dragging on, entered into a treaty with the Romans, which was arranged by them for seven years, and was made by the Roman Celer and the Persian Aspebedes; both armies then retired homeward and remained at peace. Thus, then, as has been told, began the war of the Romans and the Persians, and to this end did it come. But I shall now turn to the narration of the events touching the Caspian Gates.
The Taurus mountain range of Cilicia passes first Cappadocia and Armenia and the land of the so-called Persarmenians, then also Albania and Iberia and all the other countries in this region, both independent and subject to Persia. For it extends to a great distance, and as one proceeds along this range, it always spreads out to an extraordinary breadth and rises to an imposing height. And as one passes beyond the boundary of Iberia there is a sort of path in a very narrow passage, extending for a distance of fifty stades. This path terminates in a place cut off by cliffs and, as it seems, absolutely impossible to pass through. For from there no way out appears, except indeed a small gate set there by nature, just as if it had been made by the hand of man, which has been called from of old the Caspian Gates. From there on there are plains suitable for riding and extremely well watered, and extensive tracts used as pasture land for horses, and level besides. Here almost all the nations of the Huns are settled, extending as far as the Maeotic lake. Now if these Huns go through the gate which I have just mentioned into the land of the Persians and the Romans, they come with their horses fresh and without making any detour or encountering any precipitous places, except in those fifty stades over which, as has been said, they pass to the boundary of Iberia. If, however, they go by any other passes, they reach their destination with great difficulty, and can no longer use the same horses. For the detours which they are forced to make are many and steep besides. When this was observed by Alexander, the son of Philip, he constructed gates in the aforesaid place and established a fortress there. And this was held by many men in turn as time went on, and finally by Ambazouces, a Hun by birth, but a friend of the Romans and the Emperor Anastasius. Now when this Ambazouces had reached an advanced age and was near to death, he sent to Anastasius asking that money be given him, on condition that he hand over the fortress and the Caspian Gates to the Romans. But the Emperor Anastasius was incapable of doing anything without careful investigation, nor was it his custom to act thus: reasoning, therefore, that it was impossible for him to support soldiers in a place which was destitute of all good things, and which had nowhere in the neighbourhood a nation subject to the Romans, he expressed deep gratitude to the man for his good-will toward him, but by no means accepted this proposition. So Ambazouces died of disease not long afterwards, and Cabades overpowered his sons and took possession of the Gates.
The Emperor Anastasius, after concluding the treaty with Cabades, built a city in a place called Daras, exceedingly strong and of real importance, bearing the name of the emperor himself. Now this place is distant from the city of Nisibis one hundred stades lacking two, and from the boundary line which divides the Romans from the Persians about twenty-eight. And the Persians, though eager to prevent the building, were quite unable to do so, being constrained by the war with the Huns in which they were engaged. But as soon as Cabades brought this to an end, he sent to the Romans and accused them of having built a city hard by the Persian frontier, though this had been forbidden in the agreement previously made between the Medes and the Romans[12]. At that time, therefore, the Emperor Anastasius desired, partly by threats, and partly by emphasizing his friendship with him and by bribing him with no mean sum of money, to deceive him and to remove the accusation. And another city also was built by this emperor, similar to the first, in Armenia, hard by the boundaries of Persarmenia; now in this place there had been a village from of old, but it had taken on the dignity of a city by the favour of the Emperor Theodosius even to the name, for it had come to be named after him[13]. But Anastasius surrounded it with a very substantial wall, and thus gave offence to the Persians no less than by the other city; for both of them are strongholds menacing their country.
[Aug. 1, 518 A.D.] And when a little later Anastasius died, Justinus received the empire, forcing aside all the kinsmen of Anastasius, although they were numerous and also very distinguished. Then indeed a sort of anxiety came over Cabades, lest the Persians should make some attempt to overthrow his house as soon as he should end his life; for it was certain that he would not pass on the kingdom to any one of his sons without opposition. For while the law called to the throne the eldest of his children Caoses by reason of his age, he was by no means pleasing to Cabades; and the father’s judgment did violence to the law of nature and of custom as well. And Zames, who was second in age, having had one of his eyes struck out, was prevented by the law. For it is not lawful for a one-eyed man or one having any other deformity to become king over the Persians. But Chosroes, who was born to him by the sister of Aspebedes, the father loved exceedingly; seeing, however, that all the Persians, practically speaking, felt an extravagant admiration for the manliness of Zames (for he was a capable warrior), and worshipped his other virtues, he feared lest they should rise against Chosroes and do irreparable harm to the family and to the kingdom. Therefore it seemed best to him to arrange with the Romans to put an end both to the war and the causes of war, on condition that Chosroes be made an adopted son of the Emperor Justinus; for
When this message was brought to the Emperor Justinus, he himself was overjoyed and Justinian also, the nephew of the emperor, who indeed was expected to receive from him the empire. And they were making all haste to perform the act of setting down in Writing the adoption, as the law of the Romans prescribes—and would have done so, had they not been prevented by Proclus, who was at that time a counsellor to the emperor, holding the office of quaestor, as it is called, a just man and one whom it was manifestly impossible to bribe; for this reason he neither readily proposed any law, nor was he willing to disturb in any way the settled order of things; and he at that time also opposed the proposition, speaking as follows: “To venture on novel projects is not my custom, and indeed I dread them more than any others; for where there is innovation security is by no means preserved. And it seems to me that, even if one should be especially bold in this matter, he would feel reluctance to do the thing and would tremble at the storm which would arise from it; for I believe that nothing else is before our consideration at the present time than the question how we may hand over the Roman empire to the Persians on a seemly pretext. For they make no concealment nor do they employ any blinds, but explicitly acknowledging their purpose they claim without more ado to rob us of our empire, seeking to veil the manifestness of their deceit under a shew of simplicity, and hide a shameless intent behind a pretended unconcern. And yet both of you ought to repel this attempt of the barbarians with all your power; thou, O Emperor, in order that thou mayst not be the last Emperor of the Romans, and thou, O General, that thou mayst not prove a stumbling block to thyself as regards coming to the throne. For other crafty devices which are commonly concealed by a pretentious shew of words might perhaps need an interpreter for the many, but this embassy openly and straight from the very first
Thus spoke Proclus; and the emperor and his nephew gave ear to his words and deliberated upon what should be done. In the meantime Cabades sent another letter also to the Emperor Justinus, asking him to send men of repute in order to establish peace with him, and to indicate by letter the manner in which it would be his desire to accomplish the adoption of his son. And then, indeed, still more than before Proclus decried the attempt of the Persians, and insisted that their concern was to make over to themselves as securely as possible the Roman power. And he proposed as his opinion that the peace should be concluded with them with all possible speed, and that the noblest men should be sent by the emperor for this purpose; and that these men must answer plainly to Cabades, when he enquired in what manner the adoption of Chosroes should be accomplished, that it must be of the sort befitting a barbarian, and his meaning was that the barbarians adopt sons, not by a document, but by arms and armour[14]. Accordingly the Emperor Justinus dismissed the envoys, promising that men who were the noblest of the Romans would follow them not long afterwards, and that they would arrange a settlement regarding the peace and regarding Chosroes in the best possible way. He also answered Cabades by letter to the same effect. Accordingly there were sent from the Romans Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, the late emperor, a patrician who also held the office of General of the East, and Rufinus, the son of Silvanus, a man of note among the patricians and known to Cabades through their fathers; from the Persians came one of great power and high authority, Seoses by name, whose title was adrastadaran salanes, and Mebodes, who held the office of magister. These men came together at a certain spot which is on the boundary line between the land of the Romans and the Persians: there they met and negotiated as to how they should do away with their differences and settle effectually the question of the peace. Chosroes also came to the Tigris River, which is distant from the city of Nisibis about two days journey, in order that, when the details of the peace should seem to both parties to be as well arranged as possible, he might betake himself in person to Byzantium. Now many words were spoken on both sides touching the differences between them, and in particular Seoses made mention of the land of Colchis, which is now called Lazica,
After this Mebodes began to slander Seoses to Cabades, saying that he had proposed the discussion of Lazica purposely, although he had not been instructed to do so by his master, thereby frustrating the peace, and also that he had had words previously with Hypatius, who was by no means well-disposed toward his own sovereign and was trying to prevent the conclusion of peace and the adoption of Chosroes; and many other accusations also were brought forward by the enemies of Seoses, and he was summoned to trial. Now the whole Persian council gathered to sit in judgment moved more by envy than by respect for the law. For they were thoroughly hostile to his office, which was unfamiliar to them, and also were embittered by the natural temper of the man. For while Seoses was a man quite impossible to bribe, and a most exact respecter of justice, he was afflicted with a degree of arrogance not to be compared with that of any other. This quality, indeed, seems to be inbred in the Persian officials, but in Seoses even they thought that the malady had developed to an altogether extraordinary degree. So his accusers said all those things which have been indicated above, and added to this that the man was by no means willing to live in the established fashion or to uphold the institutions of the Persians. For he both reverenced strange divinities, and lately, when his wife had died, he had buried her, though it was forbidden by the laws of the Persians ever to hide in the earth the bodies of the dead. The judges therefore condemned the man to death, while Cabades, though seeming to be deeply moved with sympathy as a friend of Seoses, was by no means willing to rescue him. He did not, on the other hand, make it known that he was angry with him, but, as he said, he was not willing to undo the laws of the Persians, although he owed the man the price of his life, since Seoses was chiefly responsible both for the fact that he was alive and also that he was king. Thus, then, Seoses was condemned and was removed from among men. And the office which began with him ended also with him. For no other man has been made adrastadaran salanes. Rufinus also slandered Hypatius to the emperor. As a result of this the emperor reduced him from his office, and tortured most cruelly certain of his associates only to find out that this slander was absolutely unsound; beyond this, however, he did Hypatius no harm.
Immediately after this, Cabades, though eager to make some kind of an invasion into the land of the Romans, was utterly unable to do so on account of the following obstacle which happened to arise. The Iberians, who live in Asia, are settled in the immediate neighbourhood of the Caspian Gates, which lie to the north of them. Adjoining them on the left towards the west is Lazica, and on the right towards the east are the Persian peoples. This nation is Christian and they guard the rites of this faith more closely than any other men known to us, but they have been subjects of the Persian king, as it happens, from ancient times. And just then Cabades was desirous of forcing them to adopt the rites of his own religion. And he enjoined upon their king, Gourgenes, to do all things as the Persians are accustomed to do them, and in particular not under any circumstances to hide their dead in the earth, but to throw them all to the birds and dogs. For this reason, then, Gourgenes wished to go over to the Emperor Justinus, and he asked that he might receive pledges that the Romans would never abandon the Iberians to the Persians. And the emperor gave him these pledges with great eagerness, and he sent Probus, the nephew of the late emperor Anastasius, a man of patrician rank, with a great sum of money to Bosporus, that he might win over with money an army of Huns and send them as allies to the Iberians. This Bosporus is a city by the sea, on the left as one sails into the so-called Euxine Sea, twenty days journey distant from the city of Cherson, which is the limit of the Roman territory. Between these cities everything is held by the Huns. Now in ancient times the people of Bosporus were autonomous, but lately they had decided to become subject to the Emperor Justinus. Probus, however, departed from there without accomplishing his mission, and the emperor sent Peter as general with some Huns to Lazica to fight with all their strength for Gourgenes. Meanwhile Cabades sent a very considerable army against Gourgenes and the Iberians, and as general a Persian bearing the title of “varizes,” Boes by name. Then it was seen that Gourgenes was too weak to withstand the attack of the Persians, for the help from the Romans was insufficient, and with all the notables of the Iberians he fled to Lazica, taking with him his wife and children and also his brothers, of whom Peranius was the eldest. And when they had reached the boundaries of Lazica, they remained there, and, sheltering themselves by the roughness of the country, they took their stand against the enemy. And the Persians followed after them but did nothing deserving even of mention since the circumstance of the rough country was against them.
Thereafter the Iberians presented themselves at Byzantium and Petrus came to the emperor at his summons; and from then on the emperor demanded that he should assist the Lazi to guard their country, even against their will, and he sent an army and Eirenaeus in command of it. Now there are two fortresses in Lazica[15] which one comes upon immediately upon entering their country from the boundaries of Iberia, and the defence of them had been from of old in charge of the natives, although they experienced great hardship in this matter; for neither corn nor wine nor any other good thing is produced there. Nor indeed can anything be carried in from elsewhere on account of the narrowness of the paths, unless it be carried by men. However, the Lazi were able to live on a certain kind of millet which grows there, since they were accustomed to it. These garrisons the emperor removed from the place and commanded that Roman soldiers should be stationed there to guard the fortresses. And at first the Lazi with difficulty brought in provisions for these soldiers, but later they gave up the service and the Romans abandoned these forts, whereupon the Persians with no trouble took possession of them. This then happened in Lazica.
And the Romans, under the leadership of Sittas and Belisarius, made an inroad into Persarmenia, a territory subject to the Persians, where they plundered a large tract of country and then withdrew with a great multitude of Armenian captives. These two men were both youths and wearing their first beards[16], body-guards of the general Justinian, who later shared the empire with his uncle Justinus. But when a second inroad had been made by the Romans into Armenia, Narses and Aratius unexpectedly confronted them and engaged them in battle. These men not long after this came to the Romans as deserters, and made the expedition to Italy with Belisarius; but on the present occasion they joined battle with the forces of Sittas and Belisarius and gained the advantage over them. An invasion was also made near the city of Nisibis by another Roman army under command of Libelarius of Thrace. This army retired abruptly in flight although no one came out against thorn. And because of this the emperor reduced Libelarius from his office and appointed Belisarius commander of the troops in Daras. It was at that time that Procopius, who wrote this history, was chosen as his adviser. [527 A.D.]
[Apr. 1, 527] Not long after this Justinus, who had declared his nephew Justinian emperor with him, died, and thus the empire came to Justinian alone. [Aug. 1, 527] This Justinian commanded Belisarius to build a fortress in a place called Mindouos, which is over against the very boundary of Persia, on the left as one goes to Nisibis. He accordingly with great haste began to carry out the decision of the emperor, and the fort was already rising to a considerable height by reason of the great number of artisans.
After this the Emperor Justinian appointed Belisarius General of the East and bade him make an expedition against the Persians. And he collected a very formidable army and came to Daras. Hermogenes also came to him from the emperor to assist in setting the army in order, holding the office of magister; this man was formerly counsellor to Vitalianus at the time when he was at war with the Emperor Anastasius. The emperor also sent Rufinus as ambassador, commanding him to remain in Hierapolis on the Euphrates River until he himself should give the word. For already much was being said on both sides concerning peace. Suddenly, however, someone reported to Belisarius and Hermogenes that the Persians were expected to invade the land of the Romans, being eager to capture the city of Daras. And when they heard this, they prepared for the battle as follows. [July, 530] Not far from the gate which lies opposite the city of Nisibis, about a stone’s throw away, they dug a deep trench with many passages across it. Now this trench was not dug in a straight line, but in the following manner. In the middle there was a rather short portion straight, and at either end of this there were dug two cross trenches at right angles to the first; and starting from the extremities of the two cross trenches, they continued two straight trenches in the original direction to a very great distance. Not long afterwards the Persians came with a great army, and all of them made camp in a place called Ammodios, at a distance of twenty stades from the city of Daras. Among the leaders of this army were Pityaxes and the one-eyed Baresmanas. But one general held command over them all, a Persian, whose title was “mirranes” (for thus the Persians designate this office), Perozes by name. This Perozes immediately sent to Belisarius bidding him make ready the bath: for he wished to bathe there on the following day. Accordingly the Romans made the most vigorous preparations for the encounter, with the expectation that they would fight on the succeeding day.
At sunrise, seeing the enemy advancing against them, they arrayed themselves as follows[18]. The extremity of the left straight trench which joined the cross trench, as far as the hill which rises here, was held by Bouzes with a large force of horsemen and by Pharas the Erulian with three hundred of his nation. On the right of these, outside the trench, at the angle formed by the cross trench and the straight section which extended from that point, were Sunicas and Aigan, Massagetae by birth, with six hundred horsemen, in order that, if those under Bouzes and Pharas should be driven back, they might, by moving quickly on the flank, and getting in the rear of the enemy, be able easily to support the Romans at that point. On the other wing also they were arrayed in the same manner; for the extremity of the straight trench was held by a large force of horsemen, who were commanded by John, son of Nicetas, and by Cyril and Marcellus; with them also were Germanus and Dorotheus; while at the angle on the right six hundred horsemen took their stand, commanded by Simmas and Ascan, Massagetae, in order that, as has been said, in case the forces of John should by any chance be driven back, they might move out from there and attack the rear of the Persians. Thus all along the trench stood the detachments of cavalry and the infantry. And behind these in the middle stood the forces of Belisarius and Hermogenes. Thus the Romans arrayed themselves, amounting to five-and-twenty thousand; but the Persian army consisted of forty thousand horse and foot, and they all stood close together facing the front, so as to make the front of the phalanx as deep as possible. Then for a long time neither side began battle with the other, but the Persians seemed to be wondering at the good order of the Romans, and appeared at a loss what to do under the circumstances.
In the late afternoon a certain detachment of the horsemen who held the right wing, separating themselves from the rest of the army, came against the forces of Bouzes and Pharas. And the Romans retired a short distance to the rear. The Persians, however, did not pursue them, but remained there, fearing, I suppose, some move to surround them on the part of the enemy. Then the Romans who had turned to flight suddenly rushed upon them. And the Persians did not withstand their onset and rode back to the phalanx, and again the forces of Bouzes and Pharas stationed themselves in their own position. In this skirmish seven of the Persians fell, and the Romans gained possession of their bodies; thereafter both armies remained quietly in position. But one Persian, a young man, riding up very close to the Roman army, began to challenge all of them, calling for whoever wished to do battle with him. And no one of the whole army dared face the danger, except a certain Andreas, one of the personal attendants of Bouzes, not a soldier nor one who had ever practised at all the business of war, but a trainer of youths
On the following day ten thousand soldiers arrived who had been summoned by the Persians from the city of Nisibis, and Belisarius and Hermogenes wrote to the mirranes as follows: “The first blessing is peace, as is agreed by all men who have even a small share of reason. It follows that if any one should be a destroyer of it, he would be most responsible not only to those near him but also to his whole nation for the troubles which come. The best general, therefore, is that one who is able to bring about peace from war. But you, when affairs were well settled between the Romans and the Persians, have seen fit to bring upon us a war without cause, although
On the succeeding day the mirranes called together all the Persians at about sunrise and spoke as follows: “I am not ignorant that it is not because of words of their leaders, but because of their individual bravery and their shame before each other that the Persians are accustomed to be courageous in the presence of dangers. But seeing you considering why in the world it is that, although the Romans have not
When Belisarius and Hermogenes had finished this exhortation, since they saw the Persians advancing against them, they hastily drew up the soldiers in the same manner as before. And the barbarians, coming up before them, took their stand facing the Romans. But the mirranes did not array all the Persians against the enemy, but only one half of them, while he allowed the others to remain behind. These were to take the places of the men who were fighting and to fall upon their opponents with their vigour intact, so that all might fight in constant rotation. But the detachment of the so-called Immortals alone he ordered to remain at rest until he himself should give the signal. And he took his own station at the middle of the front, putting Pityaxes in command on the right wing, and Baresmanas on the left. In this manner, then, both armies were drawn up. Then Pharas came before Belisarius and Hermogenes, and said: “It does not seem to me that I shall do the enemy any great harm if I remain here with the Eruli; but if we conceal ourselves on this slope, and then, when the Persians have begun the fight, if we climb up by this hill and suddenly come upon their rear, shooting from behind them, we shall in all probability do them the greatest harm.” Thus he spoke, and, since it pleased Belisarius and his staff, he carried out this plan.
But up to midday neither side began battle. As soon, however, as the noon hour was passed, the barbarians began the fight, having postponed the engagement to this time of the day for the reason that they are accustomed to partake of food only towards late afternoon, while the Romans have their meal before noon; and for this reason they thought that the Romans would never hold out so well, if they assailed them while hungry. At first, then, both sides discharged arrows against each other, and the missiles by their great number made, as it were, a vast cloud; and many men were falling on both sides, but the missiles of the barbarians flew much more thickly. For fresh men were always fighting in turn, affording to their enemy not the slightest opportunity to observe what was being done; but even so the Romans did not have the worst of it. For a steady wind blew from their side against the barbarians, and checked to a considerable degree the force of their arrows. Then, after both sides had exhausted all their missiles, they began to use their spears against each other, and the battle had come still more to close quarters. On the Roman side the left wing was suffering especially. For the Cadiseni, who with Pityaxes were fighting at this point, rushing up suddenly in great numbers, routed their enemy, and crowding hard upon the fugitives, were killing many of them. When this was observed by the men under Sunicas and Aigan, they charged against them at full speed. But first the three hundred Eruli under Pharas from the high ground got in the rear of the enemy and made a wonderful display of valorous
But the mirranes stealthily sent to the left a large body of troops and with them all the so-called Immortals. And when these were noticed by Belisarius and Hermogenes, they ordered the six hundred men under Sunicas and Aigan to go to the angle on the right, where the troops of Simmas and Ascan were stationed, and behind them they placed many of Belisarius men. So the Persians who held the left wing under the leadership of Baresmanas, together with the Immortals, charged on the run upon the Romans opposite them, who failed to withstand the attack and beat a hasty retreat. Thereupon the Romans in the angle, and all who were behind them, advanced with great ardour against the pursuers. But inasmuch as they came upon the barbarians from the side, they cut their army into two parts, and the greater portion of them they had on their right, while some also who were left behind were placed on their left. Among these happened to be the standard bearer of Baresmanas, whom Sunicas charged and struck with his spear. And already the Persians who were leading the pursuit perceived in what straits they were, and, wheeling about, they stopped the pursuit and went against their assailants, and thus became exposed to the enemy on both sides. For those in flight before them understood what was happening and turned back again. The Persians, on their part, with the detachment of the Immortals, seeing the standard inclined and lowered to the earth, rushed all together against the Romans at that point with Baresmanas. There the Romans held their ground. And first Sunicas killed Baresmanas and threw him from his horse to the ground. As a result of this the barbarians were seized with great fear and thought no longer of resistance, but fled in utter confusion. And the Romans, having made a circle as it were around them, killed about five thousand. Thus both armies were all set in motion, the Persians in retreat, and the Romans in pursuit. In this part of the conflict all the foot-soldiers who were in the Persian army threw down their shields and were caught and wantonly killed by their enemy. However, the pursuit was not continued by the Romans over a great distance. For Belisarius and Hermogenes refused absolutely to let them go farther, fearing lest the Persians through some necessity should turn about and rout them while pursuing recklessly, and it seemed to them sufficient
And Cabades sent another army into the part of Armenia which is subject to the Romans. This army was composed of Persarmenians and Sunitae, whose land adjoins that of the Alani. There were also Huns with them, of the stock called Sabiri, to the number of three thousand, a most warlike race. And Mermeroes, a Persian, had been made general of the whole force. When this army was three days’ march from Theodosiopolis, they established their camp and, remaining in the land of the Persarmenians, made their preparations for the invasion. Now the general of Armenia was, as it happened, Dorotheus, a man of discretion and experienced in many wars. And Sittas held the office of general in Byzantium, and had authority over the whole army in Armenia. These two, then, upon learning that an army was being assembled in Persarmenia, straightway sent two body-guards with instructions to spy out the whole force of the enemy and report to them. And both of these men got into the barbarian camp, and after noting everything accurately, they departed. And they were travelling toward some place in that region, when they happened unexpectedly upon hostile Huns. By them one of the two, Dagaris by name, was made captive and bound, while the other succeeded in escaping and reported everything to the generals. They then armed their whole force and made an unexpected assault upon the camp of their enemy; and the barbarians, panic-stricken by the unexpected attack, never thought of resistance, but fled as best each one could. Thereupon the Romans, after killing a large number and plundering the camp, immediately marched back.
Not long after this Mermeroes, having collected the whole army, invaded the Roman territory, and they came upon their enemy near the city of Satala. There they established themselves in camp and remained at rest in a place called Octava, which is fifty-six stades distant from the city. Sittas therefore led out a thousand men and concealed them behind one of the many hills which surround the plain in which the city of Satala lies. Dorotheus with the rest of the army he ordered to stay inside the fortifications, because they thought that they were by no means able to withstand the enemy on level ground, since their number was not fewer than thirty thousand, while their own forces scarcely amounted to half that number. On the following day the barbarians came up close to the fortifications and busily set about closing
At that time the Romans also acquired certain Persian strongholds in Persarmenia, both the fortress of Bolum and the fortress called Pharangium, which is the place where the Persians mine gold, which they take to the king. It happened also that a short time before this they had reduced to subjection the Tzanic nation, who had been settled from of old in Roman territory as an autonomous people; and as to these things, the manner in which they were accomplished will be related here and now.
As one goes from the land of Armenia into Persarmenia the Taurus lies on the right, extending into Iberia and the peoples there, as has been said a little before this[19], while on the left the road which continues to descend for a great distance is overhung by exceedingly precipitous mountains, concealed forever by clouds and snow, from which the Phasis River issues and flows into the land of Colchis. In this place from the
Beyond the borders of this people there is a canon whose walls are both high and exceedingly steep, extending as far as the Caucasus mountains. In it are populous towns, and grapes and other fruits grow plentifully. And this canon for about the space of a three days’ journey is tributary to the Romans, but from there begins the territory of Persarmenia; and here is the gold-mine which, with the permission of Cabades, was worked by one of the natives, Symeon by name. When this Symeon saw that both nations were actively engaged in the war, he decided to deprive Cabades of the revenue. Therefore he gave over both himself and Pharangium to the Romans, but refused to deliver over to either one the gold of the mine. And as for the Romans, they did nothing, thinking it sufficient for them that the enemy had lost the income from there, and the Persians were not able against the will of the Romans to force the inhabitants of the place to terms, because they were baffled by the difficult country.
At about the same time Narses and Aratius who at the beginning of this war, as I have stated above,[20] had an encounter with Sittas and Belisarius in the land of the Persarmenians, came together with their mother as deserters to the Romans; and the emperor’s steward, Narses, received them (for he too happened to be a Persarmenian by birth), and he presented them with a large sum of money. When this came to the knowledge of Isaac, their youngest brother, he secretly opened negotiations with the Romans, and delivered over to them the fortress of Bolum, which lies very near the limits of Theodosiopolis. For he directed that soldiers should be concealed somewhere in the vicinity, and he received them into the fort by night, opening stealthily one small gate for them. Thus he too came to Byzantium.
Thus matters stood with the Romans. But the Persians, though defeated by Belisarius in the battle at Daras, refused even so to retire from there, until Rufinus, coming into the presence of Cabades, spoke as follows: “O King, I have been sent by thy brother, who reproaches thee with a just reproach, because the Persians for no righteous cause have come in arms into his land. But it would be more seemly for a king who is not only mighty, but also wise as thou art, to secure a peaceful conclusion of war, rather than, when affairs have been satisfactorily settled, to inflict upon himself and his people unnecessary confusion. Wherefore also I myself have come here with good hopes, in order that from now on both peoples may enjoy the blessings which come from peace.” So spoke Rufinus. And Cabades replied as follows: “O son of Silvanus, by no means try to reverse the causes, understanding as you do best of all men that you Romans have been the chief cause of the whole confusion. For we have taken the Caspian Gates to the advantage of both Persians and Romans, after forcing out the barbarians there, since Anastasius, the Emperor of the Romans, as you yourself doubtless know, when the opportunity was offered him to buy them with money, was not willing to do so, in order that he might not be compelled to squander great sums of money in behalf of both nations by keeping an army there perpetually. And since that time we have stationed that great army there, and have supported it up to the present time, thereby giving you the privilege of inhabiting the land unplundered as far as concerns the barbarians on that side, and of holding your own possessions with complete freedom from trouble. But as if this were not sufficient for you, you have also made a great city, Daras, as a stronghold against the Persians, although this was explicitly forbidden in the treaty which Anatolius arranged with the Persians; and as a result of this it is necessary for the Persian state to be afflicted with the difficulties and the expense of two armies, the one in order that the Massagetae may not be able fearlessly to plunder the land of
At the opening of spring a Persian army under the leadership of Azarethes invaded the Roman territory. They were fifteen thousand strong, all horsemen. With them was Alamoundaras, son of Saccice, with a very large body of Saracens. But this invasion was not made by the Persians in the customary manner; for they did not invade Mesopotamia, as formerly, but the country called Commagene of old, but now Euphratesia, a point from which, as far as we know, the Persians never before conducted a campaign against the Romans. But why the land was called Mesopotamia and why the Persians refrained from making their attack at this point is what I now propose to relate.
There is a mountain in Armenia which is not especially precipitous, two-and-forty stades removed from Theodosiopolis and lying toward the north from it. From this mountain issue two springs, forming immediately two rivers, the one on the right called the Euphrates, and the other the Tigris. One of these, the Tigris, descends, with no deviations and with no tributaries except small ones emptying into it, straight toward the city of Amida. And continuing into the country which lies to the north of this city it enters the land of Assyria. But the Euphrates at its beginning flows for a short distance, and is then immediately lost to sight as it goes on; it does not, however, become subterranean, but a very strange thing happens. For the water is covered by a bog of great depth, extending about fifty stades in length and twenty in breadth; and reeds grow in this mud in great abundance. But the earth there is of such a hard sort that it seems to those who chance upon it to be nothing else than solid ground, so that both pedestrians and horsemen travel over it without any fear. Nay more, even
When Orestes had departed in haste from the Taurians with his sister, it so happened that he contracted some disease. And when he made inquiry about the disease they say that the oracle responded that his trouble would not abate until he built a temple to Artemis in a spot such as the one among the Taurians, and there cut off his hair and named the city after it. So then Orestes, going about the country there, came to Pontus, and saw a mountain which rose steep and towering, while below along the extremities of the mountain flowed the river Iris. Orestes, therefore, supposing at that time that this was the place indicated to him by the oracle, built there a great city and the temple of Artemis, and, shearing off his hair, named after it the city which even up to the present time has been called Comana. The story goes on that after Orestes had done these things, the disease continued to be as violent as before, if not even more so. Then the man perceived that he was not satisfying the oracle by doing these things, and he again went about looking everywhere and found a certain spot in Cappadocia very closely resembling the one among the Taurians. I myself have often seen this place and admired it exceedingly, and have imagined that I was in the land of the Taurians. For this mountain resembles the other remarkably, since the Taurus is here also and the river Sarus is similar to the Euphrates there. So Orestes built in that place an imposing city and two temples, the one to Artemis and the other to his sister Iphigenia, which the Christians have made sanctuaries for themselves, without changing their structure at all. This is called even now Golden Comana, being named from the hair of Orestes, which they say he cut off there and thus escaped from his affliction. But some say that this disease from which he escaped was nothing else than that of madness which seized him after he had killed his own mother. But I shall return to the previous narrative.
From Tauric Armenia and the land of Celesene the River Euphrates, flowing to the right of the Tigris, flows around an extensive territory, and since many rivers join it and among them the Arsinus, whose copious stream flows down from the land of the so-called Persarmenians, it becomes naturally a great river, and flows into the land of the people anciently called White Syrians but now known as the Lesser Armenians, whose first city, Melitene, is one of great importance. From there it flows past Samosata and Hierapolis and all the towns in that region as far as the land of Assyria, where the two rivers unite with each other into one stream which bears the name of the Tigris. The land which lies outside the River Euphrates, beginning with Samosata, was called in ancient times Commagene, but now it is named after the river[22]. But the land inside the river, that namely which is between it and the Tigris, is appropriately named Mesopotamia; however, a portion of it is called not only by this name, but also by certain others. For the land as far as the city of Amida has come to be called Armenia by some, while Edessa together with the country around it is called Osroene, after Osroes, a man who was king in that place in former times, when the men of this country were in alliance with the Persians. After the time, therefore, when the Persians had taken from the Romans the city of Nisibis and certain other places in Mesopotamia, whenever they were about to make an expedition against the Romans, they disregarded the land outside the River Euphrates, which was for the most part unwatered and deserted by men, and gathered themselves here with no trouble, since they were in a land which was their own and which lay very close to the inhabited land of their enemy, and from here they always made their invasions.
When the mirranes[23], defeated in battle[24] and with the greater part of his men lost, came back to the Persian land with the remainder of his army, he received bitter punishment at the hands of King Cabades. For he took away from him a decoration which he was accustomed to bind upon the hair of his head, an ornament wrought of gold and pearls. Now this is a great dignity among the Persians, second only to the kingly honour. For there it is unlawful to wear a gold ring or girdle or brooch or anything else whatsoever, except a man be counted worthy to do so by the king.
Thereafter Cabades began to consider in what manner he himself should make an expedition against the Romans. For after the mirranes had failed in the manner I have told, he felt confidence in no one else. While he was completely at a loss as to what he should do, Alamoundaras, the king of the Saracens, came before him and said: “Not everything, O Master, should be entrusted to fortune, nor should one believe that all wars ought to be successful. For this is not likely and besides it is not in keeping with the course of human events, but this idea is most
When Cabades heard this he could neither oppose nor distrust the plan. For Alamoundaras was most discreet and well experienced in matters of warfare, thoroughly faithful to the Persians, and unusually energetic,—a man who for a space of fifty years forced the Roman state to bend the knee. For beginning from the boundaries of Aegypt and as far as Mesopotamia he plundered the whole country, pillaging one place after another, burning the buildings in his track and making captives of the population by the tens of thousands on each raid, most of whom he killed without consideration, while he gave up the others for great sums of money. And he was confronted by no one at all. For he never made his inroad without looking about, but so suddenly did he move and so very opportunely for himself, that, as a rule, he was already off with all the plunder when the generals and the soldiers were beginning to learn what had happened and to gather themselves against
This man’s suggestion at that time therefore pleased Cabades, and he chose out fifteen thousand men, putting in command of them Azarethes, a Persian, who was an exceptionally able warrior, and he bade Alamoundaras lead the expedition. So they crossed the River Euphrates in Assyria, and, after passing over some uninhabited country, they suddenly and unexpectedly threw their forces into the land of the so-called Commagenae. This was the first invasion made by the Persians from this point into Roman soil, as far as we know from tradition or by any other means, and it paralyzed all the Romans with fear by its unexpectedness. And when this news came to the knowledge of Belisarius, at first he was at a loss, but afterwards he decided to go to the rescue with all speed. So he established a sufficient garrison in each city in order that Cabades with another hostile army might not come there and find the towns of Mesopotamia utterly unguarded, and himself with the rest of the army went to meet the invasion; and crossing the River Euphrates they moved forward in great haste. Now the Roman army amounted
Finally the Persians made their bivouac on the bank of the Euphrates just opposite the city of Callinicus. From there they were about to march through a country absolutely uninhabited by man, and thus to quit the land of the Romans; for they purposed no longer to proceed as before, keeping to the bank of the river. The Romans had passed the night in the city of Sura, and, removing from there, they came upon the enemy just in the act of preparing for the departure. [Ap. 19, 531] Now the feast of Easter was near and would take place on the following day; this feast is reverenced by the Christians above all others, and on the day before it they are accustomed to refrain from food and drink not only throughout the day, but for a large part of the night also they continue the fast. Then, therefore, Belisarius, seeing that all his men were passionately eager to go against the enemy, wished to persuade them to give up this idea (for this course had been counselled by Hermogenes also, who had come recently on an embassy from the emperor); he accordingly called together all who were present and spoke as follows: “O Romans, whither are you rushing? and what has happened to you that you are purposing to choose for yourselves a danger which is not necessary? Men believe that there is only one victory which is unalloyed, namely to suffer no harm at the hands of the enemy, and this very thing has been given us in the present instance by fortune and by the fear of
But the army began to insult him, not in silence nor with any concealment, but they came shouting into his presence, and called him weak and a destroyer of their zeal; and even some of the officers joined with the soldiers in this offence, thus displaying the extent of their daring. And Belisarius, in astonishment at their shamelessness, changed his exhortation and now seemed to be urging them on against the enemy and drawing them up for battle, saying that he had not known before their eagerness to fight, but that now he was of good courage and would go against the enemy with a better hope. He then formed the phalanx with a single front, disposing his men as follows: on the left wing by the river he stationed all the infantry, while on the right where the ground rose sharply he placed Arethas and all his Saracens; he himself with the cavalry took his position in the centre. Thus the Romans arrayed themselves. And when Azarethes saw the enemy gathering in battle line, he exhorted his men with the following words: “Persians as you are, no one would deny that you would not give up your valour in exchange for life, if a choice of the two should be offered. But I say that not even if you should wish, is it within your power to make the choice between the two. For as for men who have the opportunity to escape from danger and live in dishonour it is not at all unnatural that they should, if they wish, choose what is most pleasant instead of what is best; but for men who are bound to die, either gloriously at the hands of the enemy or shamefully led to punishment by your Master, it is extreme folly not to choose what is better instead of what is most shameful. Now, therefore, when things stand thus, I consider that it befits you all to bear in mind not only the enemy but also your own Lord and so enter this battle.”
After Azarethes also had uttered these words of exhortation, he stationed the phalanx opposite his opponents, assigning the Persians the right wing and the Saracens the left. Straightway both sides began the fight, and the battle was exceedingly fierce. For the arrows, shot from either side in very great numbers, caused great loss of life in both armies, while some placed themselves in the interval between the armies and made a display of valorous deeds against each other, and especially among the Persians they were falling by the arrows in great numbers. For while their missiles were incomparably more frequent, since the Persians are almost all bowmen and they learn to make their shots much more rapidly than any other men, still the bows which sent the arrows were weak and not very tightly strung, so that their missiles, hitting a corselet, perhaps, or helmet or shield of a Roman warrior, were broken off and had no power to hurt the man who was hit. The Roman bowmen are always slower indeed, but inasmuch as their bows are extremely stiff and very tightly strung, and one might add that they are handled by stronger men, they easily slay much greater numbers of those they hit than do the Persians, for no armour proves an obstacle to the force of their arrows. Now already two-thirds of the day had passed, and the battle was still even. Then by mutual agreement all the best of the Persian army advanced to attack the Roman right wing, where Arethas and the Saracens had been stationed. But they broke their formation and moved apart, so that they got the reputation of having betrayed the Romans to the Persians. For without awaiting the oncoming enemy they all straightway beat a hasty retreat. So the Persians in this way broke through the enemy’s line and immediately got in the rear of the Roman cavalry. Thus the Romans, who were already exhausted both by the march and the labour of the battle,—and besides this they were all fasting so far on in the day,—now that they were assailed by the enemy on both sides, held out no longer, but the most of them in full flight made their way to the islands in the river which were close by, while some also remained there and performed deeds both amazing and remarkable against the enemy. Among these was Ascan who, after killing many of the notables among the Persians, was gradually hacked to pieces and finally fell, leaving to the enemy abundant reason to remember him. And with him eight hundred others perished after shewing themselves brave men in this struggle, and almost all the Isaurians fell with their leaders, without even daring to lift their weapons against the enemy. For they were thoroughly inexperienced in this business, since they had recently left off farming and entered into the perils of warfare, which before that time were unknown to them. And yet just before these very men had been most furious of all for battle because of their ignorance of warfare, and were then reproaching Belisarius with cowardice. They were not in fact all Isaurians but the majority of them were Lycaones.
Belisarius with some few men remained there, and as long as he saw Ascan and his men holding out, he also in company with those who were with him held back the enemy; but when some of Ascan’s troops had fallen, and the others had turned to flee wherever they could, then at length he too fled with his men and came to the phalanx of infantry, who with Peter were still fighting, although not many in number now, since the most of them too had fled. There he himself gave up his horse and commanded all his men to do the same thing and on foot with the others to fight off the oncoming enemy. And those of the Persians who were following the fugitives, after pursuing for only a short distance, straightway returned and rushed upon the infantry and Belisarius with all the others. Then the Romans turned their backs to the river so that no movement to surround them might be executed by the enemy, and as best they could under the circumstances were defending themselves against their assailants. And again the battle became fierce, although the two sides were not evenly matched in strength; for foot-soldiers, and a very few of them, were fighting against the whole Persian cavalry. Nevertheless the enemy were not able either to rout them or in any other way to overpower them. For standing shoulder to shoulder they kept themselves constantly massed in a small space, and they formed with their shields a rigid, unyielding barricade, so that they shot at the Persians more conveniently than they were shot at by them. Many a time after giving up, the Persians would advance against them determined to break up and destroy their line, but they always retired again from the assault unsuccessful. For their horses, annoyed by the clashing of the shields, reared up and made confusion for themselves and their riders. Thus both sides continued the struggle until it had become late in the day. And when night had already come on, the Persians withdrew to their camp, and Belisarius accompanied by some few men found a freight-boat and crossed over to the island in the river, while the other Romans reached the same place by swimming. On the following day many freight-boats were brought to the Romans from the city of Callinicus and they were conveyed thither in them, and the Persians, after despoiling the dead, all departed homeward. However they did not find their own dead less numerous than the enemy’s.
When Azarethes reached Persia with his army, although he had prospered in the battle, he found Cabades exceedingly ungrateful, for the following reason. It is a custom among the Persians that, when they are about to march against any of their foes, the king sits on the royal throne, and many baskets are set there before him; and the general also is present who is expected to lead the army against the enemy; then the army passes along before the king, one man at a time, and each of them throws one weapon into the baskets; after this they are sealed with the king’s seal and
At that time the idea occurred to the Emperor Justinian to ally with himself the Aethiopians and the Homeritae, in order to injure the Persians. I shall now first explain what part of the earth these nations occupy, and then I shall point out in what manner the emperor hoped that they would be of help to the Romans. The boundaries of Palestine extend toward the east to the sea which is called the Red Sea. Now this sea, beginning at India, comes to an end at this point in the Roman domain. And there is a city called Aelas on its shore, where the sea comes to an end, as I have said, and becomes a very narrow gulf. And as one sails into the sea from there, the Egyptian mountains lie on the right, extending toward the south; on the other side a country deserted by men extends northward to an indefinite distance; and the land on both sides is visible as one sails in as far as the island called Iotabe, not less than one thousand stades distant from the city of Aelas. On this island Hebrews had lived from of old in autonomy, but in the reign of this Justinian they have become subject to the Romans. From there on there comes a great open sea. And those who sail into this part of it no longer see the land on the right, but they always anchor along the left coast when night comes on. For it is impossible to navigate in the darkness on this sea, since it is everywhere full of shoals. But there are harbours there and great numbers of them, not made by the hand of man, but by the natural contour of the land, and for this reason it is not difficult for mariners to find anchorage wherever they happen to be.
This coast[25] immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine is held by Saracens, who have been settled from of old in the Palm Groves. These groves are in the interior, extending over a great tract of land, and there absolutely nothing else grows except palm trees. The Emperor Justinian had received these palm groves as a present from Abochorabus, the ruler of the Saracens there, and he was appointed by the emperor captain over the Saracens in Palestine. And he guarded the land from plunder constantly, for both to the barbarians over whom he ruled and no less to the enemy, Abochorabus always seemed a man to be feared and an exceptionally energetic fellow. Formally, therefore, the emperor holds the Palm Groves, but for him really to possess himself of any of the country there is utterly impossible. For a land completely destitute of human habitation and extremely dry lies between, extending to the distance of a ten days’ journey; moreover the Palm Groves themselves are by no means worth anything, and Abochorabus only gave the form of a gift, and the emperor accepted it with full knowledge of the fact. So much then for the Palm Groves. Adjoining this people there are other Saracens in possession of the coast, who are called Maddeni and who are subjects of the Homeritae. These Homeritae dwell in the land on the farther side of them on the shore of the sea. And beyond them many other nations are said to be settled as far as the man-eating Saracens. Beyond these are the nations of India. But regarding these matters let each one speak as he may wish.
About opposite the Homeritae on the opposite mainland dwell the Aethiopians who are called Auxomitae, because their king resides in the city of Auxomis. And the expanse of sea which lies between is crossed in a voyage of five days and nights, when a moderately favouring wind blows. For here they are accustomed to navigate by night also, since there are no shoals at all in these parts; this portion of the sea has been called the Red Sea by some. For the sea which one traverses beyond this point as far as the shore and the city of Aelas has received the name of the Arabian Gulf, inasmuch as the country which extends from here to the limits of the city of Gaza used to be called in olden times Arabia, since the king of the Arabs had his palace in early times in the city of Petrae. Now the harbour of the Homeritae from which they are accustomed to put to sea for the voyage to Aethiopia is called Bulicas; and at the end of the sail across the sea they always put in at the harbour of the Adulitae. But the city of Adulis is removed from the harbour a distance of twenty stades (for it lacks only so much of being on the sea), while from the city of Auxomis it is a journey of twelve days.
All the boats which are found in India and on this sea are not made in the same manner as are other ships. For neither are they smeared with pitch, nor with any other substance, nor indeed are the planks fastened together by iron nails going through and through, but they are bound together with a kind of cording. The reason is not as most persons suppose, that there are certain rocks there which draw the iron to themselves (for witness the fact that when the Roman vessels sail from Aelas into this sea, although they are fitted with much iron, no such thing has ever happened to them), but rather because the Indians and the Aethiopians possess neither iron nor any other thing suitable for such purposes. Furthermore, they are not even able to buy any of these things from the Romans since this is explicitly forbidden to all by law; for death is the punishment for one who is caught. Such then is the description of the so-called Red Sea[26] and of the land which lies on either side of it.
From the city of Auxomis to the Aegyptian boundaries of the Roman domain, where the city called Elephantine is situated, is a journey of thirty days for an unencumbered traveller. Within that space many nations are settled, and among them the Blemyes and the Nobatae, who are very large nations. But the Blemyes dwell in the central portion of the country, while the Nobatae possess the territory about the River Nile. Formerly this was not the limit of the Roman empire, but it lay beyond there as far as one would advance in a seven days’ journey; but the Roman Emperor Diocletian came there, and observed that the tribute from these places was of the smallest possible account, since the land is at that point extremely narrow (for rocks rise to an exceedingly great height at no great distance from the Nile and spread over the rest of the country), while a very large body of soldiers had been stationed there from of old, the maintenance of which was an excessive burden upon the public; and at the same time the Nobatae who formerly dwelt about the city of Oasis used to plunder the whole region; so he persuaded these barbarians to move from their own habitations, and to settle along the River Nile, promising to bestow upon them great cities and land both extensive and incomparably better than that which they had previously occupied. For in this way he thought that they would no longer harass the country about Oasis at least, and that they would possess themselves of the land given them, as being their own, and would probably beat off the Blemyes and the other barbarians. And since this pleased the Nobatae, they made the migration immediately, just as Diocletian directed them, and took possession of all the Roman cities and the land on both sides of the river beyond the city of Elephantine. Then it was that this emperor decreed that to them and to the Blemyes a fixed sum of gold should be given every year with the stipulation that they should no longer plunder the land of the
At about the time of this war Hellestheaeus, the king of the Aethiopians, who was a Christian and a most devoted adherent of this faith, discovered that a number of the Homeritae on the opposite mainland were oppressing the Christians there outrageously; many of these rascals were Jews, and many of them held in reverence the old faith which men of the present day call Hellenic. He therefore collected a fleet of ships and an army and came against them, and he conquered them in battle and slew both the king and many of the Homeritae. He then set up in his stead a Christian king, a Homerite by birth, by name Esimiphaeus, and, after ordaining that he should pay a tribute to the Aethiopians every year, he returned to his home. In this Aethiopian army many slaves and all who were readily disposed to crime were quite unwilling to follow the king back, but were left behind and remained there because of their desire for the land of the Homeritae; for it is an extremely goodly land.
These fellows at a time not long after this, in company with certain others, rose against the king Esimiphaeus and put him in confinement in one of the fortresses there, and established another king over the Homeritae, Abramus by name. Now this Abramus was a Christian, but a slave of a Roman citizen who was engaged in the business of shipping in the city of Adulis in Aethiopia. When Hellestheaeus learned this, he was eager to punish Abramus together with those who had revolted with him for their injustice to Esimiphaeus,
At that time, when Hellestheaeus was reigning over the Aethiopians, and Esimiphaeus over the Homeritae, the Emperor Justinian sent an ambassador, Julianus, demanding that both nations on account of their community of religion should make common cause with the Romans in the war against the Persians; for he purposed that the Aethiopians, by purchasing silk from India and selling it among the Romans, might themselves gain much money, while causing the Romans to profit in only one way, namely, that they be no longer compelled to pay over their money to their enemy. (This is the silk of which they are accustomed to make the garments which of old the Greeks called Medic, but which at the present time they name “seric"[28]). As for the Homeritae, it was desired that they should establish Caisus, the fugitive, as captain over the Maddeni, and with a great army of their own people and of the Maddene Saracens make an invasion into the land of the Persians. This Caisus was by birth of the captain’s rank and an exceptionally able warrior, but he had killed one of the relatives of Esimiphaeus and was a fugitive in a land which is utterly destitute of human habitation. So each king, promising to put this demand into effect, dismissed the ambassador, but neither one of them did the things agreed upon by them. For it was impossible for the Aethiopians to buy silk from the Indians, for the Persian merchants always locate themselves at the very harbours where the Indian ships first put in, (since they inhabit the adjoining country), and are accustomed to buy the whole cargoes; and it seemed to the Homeritae a difficult thing to cross a country which was a desert and which extended so far that a long time was required for the journey across it, and then to go against a people much more warlike than themselves. Later on Abramus too, when at length he had established his power most securely, promised the Emperor Justinian many times to invade the land of Persia, but only once began the journey and then straightway turned back. Such then were the relations which the Romans had with the Aethiopians and the Homeritae.
Hermogenes, as soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, came before Cabades to negotiate with him, but he accomplished nothing regarding the peace on account of which he had come, since he found him still swelling with rage against the Romans; for this reason he returned unsuccessful. And Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, having been removed from the office which he held, in order that he might march against the Vandals; but Sittas, as had been decreed by the Emperor Justinian, went to the East in order to guard that portion of the empire. And the Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia with a great army under command of Chanaranges and Aspebedes and Mermeroes. Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been stationed in command of the garrison. This city lies in the land called Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades distant from the city of Amida toward the north; it is just on the River Nymphius which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians. So the Persians began to assail the fortifications, and, while the besieged at first withstood them manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long. For the circuit-wall was quite easily assailable in most parts, and could be captured very easily by a Persian siege, and besides they did not have a sufficient supply of provisions, nor indeed had they engines of war nor anything else that was of any value for defending themselves. Meanwhile Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred stades distant from Martyropolis, but they did not dare to advance further, but established their camp and remained there. Hermogenes also was with them, coming again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point the following event took place.
It has been customary from ancient times both among the Romans and the Persians to maintain spies at public expense; these men are accustomed to go secretly among the enemy, in order that they may investigate accurately what is going on, and may then return and report to the rulers. Many of these men, as is natural, exert themselves to act in a spirit of loyalty to their nation, while some also betray their secrets to the enemy. At that time a certain spy who had been sent from the Persians to the Romans came into the presence of the Emperor Justinian and revealed many things which were taking place among the barbarians, and, in particular, that the nation of the Massagetae, in order to injure the Romans, were on the very point of going out into the land of Persia, and that from there they were prepared to march into the territory of the Romans, and unite with the Persian army. When the emperor heard this, having already a proof of the man’s truthfulness to him, he presented him with a handsome sum of money and persuaded him to go to the Persian army which was besieging the
At this juncture it came about that Cabades became seriously ill, and he called to him one of the Persians who were in closest intimacy with him, Mebodes by name, and conversed with him concerning Chosroes and the kingdom, and said he feared the Persians would make a serious attempt to disregard some of the things which had been decided upon by him. But Mebodes asked him to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing, and bade him be confident that the Persians would never dare to disregard it. So Cabades set it down plainly that Chosroes should become king over the Persians. The document was written by Mebodes himself, and Cabades immediately passed from among men. [Sept. 13, 531] And when everything had been performed as prescribed by law in the burial of the king, then Caoses, confident by reason of the law, tried to lay claim to the office, but Mebodes stood in his way, asserting that no one ought to assume the royal power by his own initiative but by vote of the Persian notables. So Caoses committed the decision in the matter to the magistrates, supposing that there would be no opposition to him from there. But when all the Persian notables had been gathered together for this purpose and were in session, Mebodes read the document and stated the purpose of Cabades regarding Chosroes, and all, calling to mind the virtue of Cabades, straightway declared Chosroes King of the Persians.
Thus then Chosroes secured the power. But at Martyropolis, Sittas and Hermogenes were in fear concerning the city, since they were utterly unable to defend it in its peril, and they sent certain men to the enemy, who came before the generals and spoke as follows: “It has escaped your own notice that you are becoming wrongfully an obstacle to the king of the Persians and to the blessings of peace and to each state. For ambassadors sent from the emperor are even now present in order that they may go to the king of the Persians and there settle the differences and establish a treaty with him; but do you as quickly as possible remove from the land of the Romans and permit the ambassadors to act in the manner which will be of advantage to both peoples. For we are ready also to give as hostages men of repute concerning these very things, to prove that they will be actually accomplished at no distant date.” Such were the words of the ambassadors of the Romans. It happened also that a messenger came to them from the palace, who brought them word that Cabades had
Straightway Rufinus and Alexander and Thomas came to act as ambassadors with Hermogenes, and they all came before the Persian king at the River Tigris. And when Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the ambassadors coaxed Chosroes, and spoke many beguiling words most unbecoming to Roman ambassadors. By this treatment Chosroes became tractable, and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be without end for the price of one hundred and ten “centenaria,” on condition that the commander of troops in Mesopotamia should be no longer at Daras, but should spend all his time in Constantina, as was customary in former times; but the fortresses in Lazica he refused to give back, although he himself demanded that he should receive back from the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress of Bolum. (Now the “centenarium” weighs one hundred pounds, for which reason it is so called; for the Romans call one hundred “centum"). He demanded that this gold be given him, in order that the Romans might not be compelled either to tear down the city of Daras or to share the garrison at the Caspian Gates with the Persians[29]. However the ambassadors, while approving the rest, said that they were not able to concede the fortresses, unless they should first make enquiry of the emperor concerning them. It was decided, accordingly, that Rufinus should be sent concerning them to Byzantium, and that the others should wait until he should return. And it was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days’ time be allowed until he should arrive. When Rufinus reached Byzantium and reported to the emperor what Chosroes’ decision was concerning the peace, the emperor commanded that the peace be concluded by them on these terms.
In the meantime, however, a report which was not true reached Persia saying that the Emperor Justinian had become enraged and put Rufinus to death. Chosroes indeed was much perturbed by this, and, already filled with anger, he advanced against the Romans with his whole army. But Rufinus met him on the way as he was returning not far from the city of Nisibis. Therefore they proceeded to this city themselves, and, since they were about to establish the peace, the ambassadors began to convey the money thither. But the Emperor Justinian was already repenting that
Then indeed the fellow-ambassadors of Rufinus began to regard him with extreme suspicion themselves, and they also denounced him to the emperor, basing their judgment on the fact that Chosroes had been persuaded to concede him everything which he asked of him. However, the emperor showed him no disfavour on account of this. At a time not long after this Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to the court of Chosroes, and they immediately came to agreement with each other concerning the treaty, subject to the condition that both sides should give back all the places which each nation had wrested from the other in that war, and that there should no longer be any military post in Daras; as for the Iberians, it was agreed that the decision rested with them whether they should remain there in Byzantium or return to their own fatherland. And there were many who remained, and many also who returned to their ancestral homes. [532 A.D.] Thus, then, they concluded the so-called “endless peace,” when the Emperor Justinian was already in the sixth year of his reign. And the Romans gave the Persians Pharangium and the fortress of Bolum together with the money, and the Persians gave the Romans the strongholds of Lazica. The Persians also returned Dagaris to the Romans, and received in return for him another man of no mean station. This Dagaris in later times often conquered the Huns in battle when they had invaded the land of the Romans, and drove them out; for he was an exceptionally able warrior. Thus both sides in the manner described made secure the treaty between them.
Straightway it came about that plots were formed against both rulers by their subjects; and I shall now explain how this happened. Chosroes, the son of Cabades, was a man of an unruly turn of mind and strangely fond of innovations. For this reason he himself was always full of excitement and alarms, and he was an unfailing cause of similar feelings in all others. All, therefore, who were men of action among the Persians, in vexation at his administration, were purposing to establish over themselves another king from the house of Cabades. And since they longed earnestly
Cabades, however, the son of Zames, he was quite unable to kill; for he was still being reared under the chanaranges, Adergoudounbades. But he sent a message to the chanaranges, bidding him himself kill the boy he had reared; for he neither thought it well to shew mistrust, nor yet had he power to compel him. The chanaranges, therefore, upon hearing the commands of Chosroes, was exceedingly grieved and, lamenting the misfortune, he communicated to his wife and Cabades’ nurse all that the king had commanded. Then the woman, bursting into tears and seizing the knees of her husband, entreated him by no means to kill Cabades. They therefore consulted together, and planned to bring up the child in the most secure concealment, and to send word in haste to Chosroes that Cabades had been put out of the world for him. And they sent word to the king to this effect, and concealed Cabades in such a way that the affair did not come to the notice of any one, except Varrames, their own child, and one of the servants who seemed to them to be in every way most trustworthy. But when, as time went on, Cabades came of age, the chanaranges began to fear lest what had been done should be brought to light; he therefore gave Cabades money and bade him depart and save himself by flight wherever he could. At that time, then, Chosroes and all the others were in ignorance of the fact that the chanaranges had carried this thing through.
At a later time Chosroes was making an invasion into the land of Colchis with a great army, as will be told in the following narrative[30]. And he was followed by the son of this same chanaranges, Varrames, who took with him a number of his servants, and among them the one who shared with him the knowledge of what had happened to Cabades; while there Varrames told the king everything regarding Cabades, and he brought forward the servant agreeing with him in every particular. When Chosroes learned this he was forthwith exceedingly angry, and he counted it a dreadful
Later on Chosroes destroyed also Mebodes for the following reason. While the king was arranging a certain important matter, he directed Zaberganes who was present to call Mebodes. Now it happened that Zaberganes was on hostile terms with Mebodes. When he came to him, he found him marshalling the soldiers under his command, and he said that the king summoned him to come as quickly as possible. And Mebodes promised that he would follow directly as soon as he should have arranged the matter in hand; but Zaberganes, moved by his hostility to him, reported to Chosroes that Mebodes did not wish to come at present, claiming to have some business or other. Chosroes, therefore, moved with anger, sent one of his attendants commanding Mebodes to go to the tripod. Now as to what this is I shall explain forthwith. An iron tripod stands always before the palace; and whenever anyone of the Persians learns that the king is angry with him, it is not right for such a man to flee for refuge to a sanctuary nor to go elsewhere, but he must seat himself by this tripod and await the verdict of the king, while no one at all dares protect him. There Mebodes sat in pitiable plight for many days, until he was seized and put to death at the command of Chosroes. Such was the final outcome of his good deeds to Chosroes.
[Jan. 1, 532] At this same time an insurrection broke out unexpectedly in Byzantium among the populace, and, contrary to expectation, it proved to be a very serious affair, and ended in great harm to the people and to the senate, as the following account will shew. In every city the population has been divided for a long time past into the Blue and the Green factions; but within comparatively recent times it has come about that, for the sake of these names and the seats which the rival factions occupy in watching the games, they spend their money and abandon their bodies to the most cruel tortures, and even do not think it unworthy to die a most shameful death. And they fight against their opponents knowing not for what end they imperil themselves, but knowing well that, even if they overcome their enemy in the fight, the conclusion of the matter for them will be to be carried off straightway to the prison, and finally, after suffering extreme torture, to be destroyed. So there grows up in them against their fellow men a hostility which has no cause, and at no time does it cease or disappear, for it gives place neither to the ties of marriage nor of relationship nor of friendship, and the case is the same even though those who differ with respect to these colours be brothers or any other kin. They care neither for things divine nor human in comparison with conquering in these struggles; and it matters not whether a sacrilege is committed by anyone at all against God, or whether the laws and the constitution are violated by friend or by foe; nay even when they are perhaps ill supplied with the necessities of life,
But at this time the officers of the city administration in Byzantium were leading away to death some of the rioters. But the members of the two factions, conspiring together and declaring a truce with each other, seized the prisoners and then straightway entered the prison and released all those who were in confinement there, whether they had been condemned on a charge of stirring up sedition, or for any other unlawful act. And all the attendants in the service of the city government were killed indiscriminately; meanwhile, all of the citizens who were sane-minded were fleeing to the opposite mainland, and fire was applied to the city as if it had fallen under the hand of an enemy. The sanctuary of Sophia and the baths of Zeuxippus, and the portion of the imperial residence from the propylaea as far as the so-called House of Ares were destroyed by fire, and besides these both the great colonnades which extended as far as the market place which bears the name of Constantine, in addition to many houses of wealthy men and a vast amount of treasure. During this time the emperor and his consort with a few members of the senate shut themselves up in the palace and remained quietly there. Now the watch-word which the populace passed around to one another was Nika[31], and the insurrection has been called by this name up to the present time.
The praetorian prefect at that time was John the Cappadocian, and Tribunianus, a Pamphylian by birth, was counsellor to the emperor; this person the Romans call “quaestor.” One of these two men, John, was entirely without the advantages of a liberal education; for he learned nothing while attending the elementary school except his letters, and these, too, poorly enough; but by his natural ability he became the most powerful man of whom we know. For he was most capable in deciding upon what was needful and in finding a solution for difficulties. But he became the basest of all men and employed his natural power to further his low designs; neither consideration for God nor any shame before man entered into his mind, but to destroy the lives of many men for the sake of gain and to wreck whole cities was his constant concern. So within a short time indeed he had acquired vast sums of money, and he flung himself completely into the sordid life of a drunken scoundrel; for up to the time of lunch each day he would plunder the property
Now as long as the people were waging this war with each other in behalf of the names of the colours, no attention was paid to the offences of these men against the constitution; but when the factions came to a mutual understanding, as has been said, and so began the sedition, then openly throughout the whole city they began to abuse the two and went about seeking them to kill. Accordingly the emperor, wishing to win the people to his side, instantly dismissed both these men from office. And Phocas, a patrician, he appointed praetorian prefect, a man of the greatest discretion and fitted by nature to be a guardian of justice; Basilides he commanded to fill the office of quaestor, a man known among the patricians for his agreeable qualities and a notable besides. However, the insurrection continued no less violently under them. Now on the fifth day of the insurrection in the late afternoon the Emperor Justinian gave orders to Hypatius and Pompeius, nephews of the late emperor, Anastasius, to go home as quickly as possible, either because he suspected that some plot was being matured by them against his own person, or, it may be, because destiny brought them to this. But they feared that the people would force them to the throne (as in fact fell out), and they said that they would be doing wrong if they should abandon their sovereign when he found himself in such danger. When the Emperor Justinian heard this, he inclined still more to his suspicion, and he bade them quit the palace instantly. Thus, then, these two men betook themselves to their homes, and, as long as it was night, they remained there quietly.
But on the following day at sunrise it became known to the people that both men had quit the palace where they had been staying. So the whole population ran to them, and they declared Hypatius emperor and prepared to lead him to the market-place to assume the power. But the wife of Hypatius, Mary, a discreet woman, who had the greatest reputation for prudence, laid hold of her husband and would not let go, but cried out with loud lamentation and with entreaties to all her kinsmen that the people were leading him on the road to death. But since the throng overpowered her, she unwillingly released her husband, and he by no will of his own came to the Forum of Constantine,
Now the emperor and his court were deliberating as to whether it would be better for them if they remained or if they took to flight in the ships. And many opinions were expressed favouring either course. And the Empress Theodora also spoke to the following effect: “As to the belief that a woman ought not to be daring among men or to assert herself boldly among those who are holding back from fear, I consider that the present crisis most certainly does not permit us to discuss whether the matter should be regarded in this or in some other way. For in the case of those whose interests have come into the greatest danger nothing else seems best except to settle the issue immediately before them in the best possible way. My opinion then is that the present time, above all others, is inopportune for
When Hypatius reached the hippodrome, he went up immediately to where the emperor is accustomed to take his place and seated himself on the royal throne from which the emperor was always accustomed to view the equestrian and athletic contests. And from the palace Mundus went out through the gate which, from the circling descent, has been given the name of the Snail. Belisarius meanwhile began at first to go straight up toward Hypatius himself and the royal throne, and when he came to the adjoining structure where there has been a guard of soldiers from of old, he cried out to the soldiers commanding them to open the door for him as quickly as possible, in order that he might go against the tyrant. But since the soldiers had decided to support neither side, until one of them should be manifestly victorious, they pretended not to hear at all and thus put him off. So Belisarius returned to the emperor and declared that the day was lost for them, for the soldiers who guarded the palace were rebelling against him. The emperor therefore commanded him to go to the so-called Bronze Gate and the propylaea there. So Belisarius, with difficulty and not without danger and great exertion, made his way over ground covered by ruins and half-burned buildings, and ascended to the stadium. And when
Tribunianus and John were thus deprived of office, but at a later time they were both restored to the same positions. And Tribunianus lived on in office many years and died of disease, suffering no further harm from anyone. For he was a smooth fellow and agreeable in every way and well able by the excellence of his education to throw into the shade his affliction of avarice. But John was oppressive and severe alike with all men, inflicting blows upon those whom he met and plundering without respect absolutely all their money; consequently in the tenth year of his office he rightly and justly atoned for his lawless conduct in the following manner.
The Empress Theodora hated him above all others. And while he gave offence to the woman by the wrongs he committed, he was not of a mind to win her by flattery or by kindness in any way, but he openly set himself in opposition to her and kept slandering her to the emperor, neither blushing before her high station nor feeling shame because of the extraordinary love which the emperor felt for her. When the queen perceived what was being done, she purposed to slay the man, but in no way could she do this, since the Emperor Justinian set great store by him. And when John learned of the purpose of the queen regarding him, he was greatly terrified. And whenever he went into his chamber to sleep, he expected every night that some one of the barbarians would fall upon him to slay him; and he kept peeping out of the room and looking about the entrances and remained sleepless, although he had attached to himself many thousands of spearmen and guards, a thing which had been granted to no prefect before that time. But at daybreak, forgetting all his fears of things divine and human, he would become again a plague to all the Romans both in public and in private. And he conversed commonly with sorcerers, and constantly listened to profane oracles which portended for him the imperial office, so that he was plainly walking on air and lifted up by his hopes of the royal power. But in his rascality and the lawlessness of his conduct there was no moderation or abatement. And there was in him absolutely no regard for God, and even when he went to a sanctuary to pray and to pass the night, he did not do at all as the Christians are wont to do, but he clothed himself in a coarse garment appropriate to a priest of the old faith which they are now accustomed to call Hellenic, and throughout that whole night mumbled out some unholy words which he had practised, praying that the mind of the emperor might be still more under his control, and that he himself might be free from harm at the hands of all men.
At this time Belisarius, after subjugating Italy, came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor with his wife Antonina, in order to march against the Persians[32]. And while in the eyes of all others he was an honoured and distinguished person, as was natural, John alone was hostile to him and worked actively against him, for no other reason than that he drew the hatred of all to himself, while Belisarius enjoyed an unequalled popularity. And it was on him that the hope of the Romans centred as he marched once more against the Persians, leaving his wife in Byzantium. Now Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, (for she was the most capable person in the world to contrive the impossible,) purposing to do a favour to the empress, devised the following plan. John had a daughter, Euphemia, who had a great reputation for discretion, but a very young woman and for this reason very susceptible; this girl was exceedingly loved by her father, for she was his only child. By treating this young woman kindly for several days Antonina succeeded most completely in winning her friendship, and she did not refuse to share her secrets with her. And on one occasion when she was present alone with her in her room she pretended to lament the fate which was upon her, saying that although Belisarius had made the Roman empire broader by a goodly measure than it had been before, and though he had brought two captive kings and so great an amount of wealth to Byzantium, he found Justinian ungrateful; and in other respects she slandered the government as not just. Now Euphemia was overjoyed by these words, for she too was hostile to the present administration by reason of her fear of the empress, and she said: “And yet, dearest friend, it is you and Belisarius who are to blame for this, seeing that, though you have opportunity, you are not willing to use your power.” And Antonina replied quickly: “It is because we are not able, my daughter, to undertake revolutions in camp, unless some of those here at home join with us in the task. Now if your father were willing, we should most easily organize this project and accomplish whatever God wills.” When Euphemia heard this, she promised eagerly that the suggestion would be carried out, and departing from there she immediately brought the matter before her father. And he was pleased by the message (for he inferred that this undertaking offered him a way to the fulfilment of his prophecies and to the royal power), and straightway without any hesitation he assented, and bade his child arrange that on the following day he himself should come to confer with Antonina and give pledges. When Antonina learned the mind of John, she wished to lead him as far as possible astray from the understanding of the truth, so she said that for the present it was inadvisable that he should meet her, for fear lest some suspicion should arise strong enough to prevent proceedings; but she was intending straightway to depart for the East to join Belisarius. When,
When the appointed day was at hand, Antonina bade the empress farewell and departed from the city, and she went to Rufinianae, as if to begin on the following day her journey to the East; hither too came John at night in order to carry out the plan which had been agreed upon. Meanwhile the empress denounced to her husband the things which were being done by John to secure the tyranny, and she sent Narses, the eunuch, and Marcellus, the commander of the palace guards to Rufinianae with numerous soldiers, in order that they might investigate what was going on, and, if they found John setting about a revolution, that they might kill the man forthwith and return. So these departed for this task. But they say that the emperor got information of what was being done and sent one of John’s friends to him forbidding him on any condition to meet Antonina secretly. But John (since it was fated that he should fare ill), disregarding the emperor’s warning, about midnight met Antonina, close by a certain wall behind which she had stationed Narses and Marcellus with their men that they might hear what was said. There, while John with unguarded tongue was assenting to the plans for the attack and binding himself with the most dread oaths, Narses and Marcellus suddenly set upon him. But in the natural confusion which resulted the body-guards of John (for they stood close by) came immediately to his side. And one of them smote Marcellus with his sword, not knowing who he was, and thus John was enabled to escape with them, and reached the city with all speed. And if he had had the courage to go straightway before the emperor, I believe that he would have suffered no harm at his hand; but as it was, he fled for refuge to the sanctuary, and gave the empress opportunity to work her will against him at her pleasure.
[May, 541] Thus, then, from being prefect he became a private citizen, and rising from that sanctuary he was conveyed to another, which is situated in the suburb of the city of Cyzicus called by the Cyzicenes Artace. There he donned the garb of a priest, much against his will, not a bishop’s gown however, but that of a presbyter, as they are called. But he was quite unwilling to perform the office of a priest lest at some time it should be a hindrance to his entering again into office; for he was by no means ready to relinquish his hopes. All his property
There was in Cyzicus a certain bishop named Eusebius, a man harsh to all who came in his way, and no less so than John; this man the Cyzicenes denounced to the emperor and summoned to justice. And since they accomplished nothing inasmuch as Eusebius circumvented them by his great power, certain youths agreed together and killed him in the market-place of Cyzicus. Now it happened that John had become especially hostile to Eusebius, and hence the suspicion of the plot fell upon him. Accordingly men were sent from the senate to investigate this act of pollution. And these men first confined John in a prison, and then this man who had been such a powerful prefect, and had been inscribed among the patricians and had mounted the seat of the consuls, than which nothing seems greater, at least in the Roman state, they made to stand naked like any robber or footpad, and thrashing him with many blows upon his back, compelled him to tell his past life. And while John had not been clearly convicted as guilty of the murder of Eusebius, it seemed that God’s justice was exacting from him the penalties of the world. Thereafter they stripped him of all his goods and put him naked on board a ship, being wrapped in a single cloak, and that a very rough one purchased for some few obols; and wherever the ship anchored, those who had him in charge commanded him to ask from those he met bread or obols. Thus begging everywhere along the way he was conveyed to the city of Antinous in Aegypt. And this is now the third year during which they have been guarding him there in confinement. As for John himself, although he has fallen into such troubles, he has not relinquished his hope of royal power, but he made up his mind to denounce certain Alexandrians as owing money to the public treasury. Thus then John the Cappadocian ten years afterward was overtaken by this punishment for his political career.
At that time the Emperor again designated Belisarius General of the East, and, sending him to Libya, gained over the country, as will be told later on in my narrative. When this information came to Chosroes and the Persians, they were mightily vexed, and they already repented having made peace with the Romans, because they perceived that their power was extending greatly. And Chosroes sent envoys to Byzantium, and said that he rejoiced with the Emperor Justinian, and he asked with a laugh to receive his share of the spoils from Libya, on the ground that the emperor would never have been able to conquer in the war with the Vandals if the Persians had not been at peace with him. So then Justinian made a present of money to Chosroes, and not long afterwards dismissed the envoys.
In the city of Daras the following event took place. There was a certain John there serving in a detachment of infantry; this man, in conspiracy with some few of the soldiers, but not all, took possession of the city, essaying to make himself tyrant. Then he established himself in a palace as if in a citadel, and was strengthening his tyranny every day. And if it had not happened that the Persians were continuing to keep peace with the Romans, irreparable harm would have come from this affair to the Romans. But as it was, this was prevented by the agreement which had already been reached, as I have said. On the fourth day of the tyranny some soldiers conspired together, and by the advice of Mamas, the priest of the city, and Anastasius, one of the notable citizens, they went up to the palace at high noon, each man hiding a small sword under his garment. And first at the door of the courtyard they found some few of the body-guards, whom they slew immediately. Then they entered the men’s apartment and laid hold upon the tyrant; but some say that the soldiers were not the first to do this, but that while they were still hesitating in the courtyard and trembling at the danger, a certain sausage-vendor who was with them rushed in with his cleaver and meeting John smote him unexpectedly. But the blow which had been dealt him was not a fatal one, this account goes on to say, and he fled with a great outcry and suddenly fell among these very soldiers. Thus they laid hands upon the man and immediately set fire to the palace and burned it, in order that there might be left no hope from there for those making revolutions; and John they led away to the prison and bound. And one of them, fearing lest the soldiers, upon learning that the tyrant survived, might again make trouble for the city, killed John, and in this way stopped the confusion. Such, then, was the progress of events touching this tyranny.
[1]
Cf. Iliad xi. 385 [Greek: toxota, lobeter, kerai aglae, parthenopipa], the only place where [Greek: toxotes] occurs in Homer.
[2]
Cf. Iliad v. 192.
[3]
Cf. Iliad viii. 267; xi. 371.
[4]
Cf. Iliad iv. 113.
[5]
Cf. Iliad iv. 123.
[6]
Cf. Iliad xi. 390.
[7]
The trench crossed the plain in an approximately straight line. The army of the Ephthalitae were drawn up behind it, facing the advancing Persians, while a few of them went out beyond the trench to draw the attack of the Persians.
[8]
Cf. Thuc. ii. 76, 4.
[9]
Cf. Book VII. xxvi. 4.
[10]
Cf. Thuc. i. 128.
[11]
A division of no fixed number.
[12]
Cf. Book I. ii. 15.
[13]
Modern Erzeroum.
[14]
i.e. “by force.”
[15]
Cf. Book VIII. xiii. 15.
[16]
Cf. Iliad xxiv. 348; Odyssey x. 279.
[17]
Lebanon.
[18]
Roman formation.
a—a, trench.
1. Bouzes and Pharas.
2. Sunicas and Aigan.
3. John, Cyril, Marcellus, Germanus, and Dorotheus.
4. Simmas and Ascan.
5. Belisarius and Hermogenes.
[Illustration: Roman formation.]
1.
3.
(h)======= |——|
===========
hill 2.—| 5. |—4.
a__________| |__________a
=================
[19]
Cf. Book I. x. 2.
[20]
Cf. Book I. xii. 21.
[21]
Cf. Book I. xiii. 2.
[22]
“Euphratesia”; cf. section 2.
[23]
Title meaning a patrician. See Index.
[24]
Ch. xiv. 28-54.
[25]
The coast described here is that of Arabia.
[26]
Rather the “Arabian Gulf.”
[27]
Cf. ch. xv. 31.
[28]
In Latin serica, as coming from the Chinese (Seres).
[29]
Cf. chap. xvi. 7.
[30]
Cf. Book II. xvii.
[31]
i.e. “Conquer.”
[32]
Book VI. xxx. 30.
THE PERSIAN WAR (Continued)
THE PERSIAN WAR (Continued)
Not long after this Chosroes, upon learning that Belisarius had begun to win Italy also for the Emperor Justinian, was no longer able to restrain his thoughts but he wished to discover pretexts, in order that he might break the treaty on some grounds which would seem plausible. And he conferred with Alamoundaras concerning this matter and commanded him to provide causes for war. So Alamoundaras brought against Arethas, the charge that he, Arethas, was doing him violence in a matter of boundary lines, and he entered into conflict with him in time of peace, and began to overrun the land of the Romans on this pretext. And he declared that, as for him, he was not breaking the treaty between the Persians and Romans, for neither one of them had included him in it. And this was true. For no mention of Saracens was ever made in treaties, on the ground that they were included under the names of Persians and Romans. Now this country which at that time was claimed by both tribes of Saracens[1] is called Strata, and extends to the south of the city of Palmyra; nowhere does it produce a single tree or any of the useful growth of corn-lands, for it is burned exceedingly dry by the sun, but from of old it has been devoted to the pasturage of some few flocks. Now Arethas maintained that the place belonged to the Romans, proving his assertion by the name which has long been applied to it by all (for Strata signifies “a paved road” in the Latin tongue), and he also adduced the testimonies of men of the oldest times. Alamoundaras, however, was by no means inclined to quarrel concerning the name, but he claimed that tribute had been given him from of old for the pasturage there by the owners of the flocks. The Emperor Justinian therefore entrusted the settlement of the disputed points to Strategius; a patrician and administrator of the royal treasures, and besides a man of wisdom and of good ancestry, and with him Summus, who had commanded the troops in Palestine. This Summus was the brother of Julian, who not long before had served as envoy to the Aethiopians and Homeritae. And the one of them, Summus, insisted that the Romans ought not to surrender the country, but Strategius begged of the emperor that he should not do the Persians the favour of providing them with pretexts for the war which they already desired, for the sake of a small bit of land and one of absolutely no account, but altogether unproductive and unsuitable for crops. The Emperor Justinian, therefore, took the matter under consideration, and a long time was spent in the settlement of the question.
But Chosroes, the King of the Persians, claimed that the treaty had been broken by Justinian, who had lately displayed great opposition to his house, in that he had attempted in time of peace to attach Alamoundaras to himself. For, as he said, Summus, who had recently gone to the Saracen ostensibly to arrange matters, had hoodwinked him by promises of large sums of money on condition that he should join the Romans, and he
At this point Vittigis, the leader of the Goths, already worsted in the war, sent two envoys to him to persuade him to march against the Romans; but the men whom he sent were not Goths, in order that the real character of the embassy might not be at once obvious and so make negotiations useless, but Ligurian priests who were attracted to this enterprise by rich gifts of money. One of these men, who seemed to be the more worthy, undertook the embassy assuming the pretended name of bishop which did not belong to him at all, while the other followed as his attendant. And when in the course of the journey they came to the land of Thrace, they attached to themselves a man from there to be an interpreter of the Syriac and the Greek tongues, and without being detected by any of the Romans, they reached the land of Persia. For inasmuch as they were at peace, they were not keeping a strict guard over that region. And coming before Chosroes they spoke as follows: “It is true, O King, that all other envoys undertake their task for the sake of advantages to themselves as a rule, but we have been sent by Vittigis, the king of the Goths and the Italians, in order to speak in behalf of thy kingdom; and consider that he is now present before thee speaking these words. If anyone should say, O King, putting all in a word, that thou hast given up thy kingdom and all men everywhere to Justinian, he would be speaking correctly. For since he is by nature a meddler and a lover of those things which in no way belong to him, and is not able to abide by the settled order of things, he has conceived the desire of seizing upon the whole earth, and has become eager to acquire for himself each and every state. Accordingly (since he was neither able alone to assail the Persians, nor with the Persians opposing him to proceed against the others), he decided to deceive thee with the pretence of peace, and by forcing the others to subjection to acquire mighty forces against thy state. Therefore, after having already destroyed the kingdom of the Vandals and subjugated the Moors, while the Goths because of their friendship stood aside for him, he has come against us bringing vast sums of money and many men. Now it is evident that, if he is able also to crush the Goths utterly, he will with us and those already enslaved march against the Persians, neither considering
When Chosroes heard this, it seemed to him that Vittigis advised well, and he was still more eager to break off the treaty. For, moved as he was by envy toward the Emperor Justinian, he neglected completely to consider that the words were spoken to him by men who were bitter enemies of Justinian. But because he wished the thing he willingly consented to be persuaded. And he did the very same thing a little later in the case of the addresses of the Armenians and of the Lazi, which will be spoken of directly. And yet they were bringing as charges against Justinian the very things which would naturally be encomiums for a worthy monarch, namely that he was exerting himself to make his realm larger and much more splendid. For these accusations one might make also against Cyrus, the King of the Persians, and Alexander, the Macedonian. But justice is never accustomed to dwell together with envy. For these reasons, then, Chosroes was purposing to break off the treaty.
At this same time another event also occurred; it was as follows. That Symeon who had given Pharangium into the hands of the Romans persuaded the Emperor Justinian, while the war was still at its height, to present him with certain villages of Armenia. And becoming master of these places, he was plotted against and murdered by those who had formerly possessed them. After this crime had been committed, the perpetrators of the murder fled into the land of Persia. They were two brothers, sons of Perozes. And when the Emperor heard this, he gave over the villages to Amazaspes, the nephew of Symeon, and appointed him ruler over the Armenians. This Amazaspes, as time went on, was denounced to the Emperor Justinian by one of his friends, Acacius by name, on the ground that he was abusing the Armenians and wished to give over to the Persians Theodosiopolis and certain other fortresses. After telling this, Acacius, by the emperor’s will, slew Amazaspes treacherously, and himself secured the command over the Armenians by the gift of the emperor. And being base by nature, he gained the opportunity of displaying his inward character, and he proved to be the most cruel of all men toward his subjects. For he plundered their property without excuse and ordained that they should pay an unheard-of tax of four centenaria[2]. But the Armenians, unable to bear him any longer, conspired together and slew Acacius and fled for refuge to Pharangium.
Therefore the emperor sent Sittas against them from Byzantium. For Sittas had been delaying there since the time when the treaty was made with the Persians. So he came to Armenia, but at first he entered upon the war reluctantly and exerted himself to calm the people and to restore the population to their former habitations, promising to persuade the emperor to remit to them the payment of the new tax. But since the emperor kept assailing him with frequent reproaches for his hesitation, led on by the slanders of Adolius, the son of Acacius, Sittas at last made his preparations for the conflict. First of all he attempted by means of promises of many good things to win over some of the Armenians by persuasion and to attach them to his cause, in order that the task of overpowering the others might be attended with less difficulty and toil. And the tribe called the Aspetiani, great in power and in numbers, was willing to join him. And they went to Sittas and begged him to give them pledges in writing that, if they abandoned their kinsmen in the battle and came to the Roman army, they should remain entirely free from harm, retaining their own possessions. Now Sittas was delighted and wrote to them in tablets, giving them pledges just as they desired of him; he then sealed the writing and sent it to them. Then, confident that by their help he would be victorious in the war without fighting, he went with his whole army to a place called Oenochalakon, where the Armenians had their camp. But by some chance those who carried the tablets went by another road and did not succeed at all in meeting the Aspetiani. Moreover a portion of the Roman army happened upon some few of them, and not knowing the agreement which had been made, treated them as enemies. And Sittas himself caught some of their women and children in a cave and slew them, either because he did not understand what had happened or because he was angry with the Aspetiani for not joining him as had been agreed.
But they, being now possessed with anger, arrayed themselves for battle with all the rest. But since both armies were on exceedingly difficult ground where precipices abounded, they did not fight in one place, but scattered about among the ridges and ravines. So it happened that some few of the Armenians and Sittas with not many of his followers came close upon each other, with only a ravine lying between them. Both parties were horsemen. Then Sittas with a few men following him crossed the ravine and advanced against the enemy; the Armenians, after withdrawing to the rear, stopped, and Sittas pursued no further but remained where he was. Suddenly someone from the Roman army, an Erulian by birth, who had been pursuing the enemy, returning impetuously from them came up to Sittas and his men. Now as it happened Sittas had planted his spear in the ground; and the Erulian’s horse fell upon this with a great rush and shattered it. And the general was exceedingly annoyed by this, and one of the Armenians, seeing him,
After the death of Sittas the emperor commanded Bouzes to go against the Armenians; and he, upon drawing near, sent to them promising to effect a reconciliation between the emperor and all the Armenians, and asking that some of their notables should come to confer with him on these matters. Now the Armenians as a whole were unable to trust Bouzes nor were they willing to receive his proposals. But there was a certain man of the Arsacidae who was especially friendly with him, John by name, the father of Artabanes, and this man, trusting in Bouzes as his friend came to him with his son-in-law, Bassaces, and a few others; but when these men had reached the spot where they were to meet Bouzes on the following day, and had made their bivouac there, they perceived that they had come into a place surrounded by the Roman army. Bassaces, the son-in-law, therefore earnestly entreated John to fly. And since he was not able to persuade him, he left him there alone, and in company with all the others eluded the Romans, and went back again by the same road. And Bouzes found John alone and slew him; and since after this the Armenians had no hope of ever reaching an agreement with the Romans, and since they were unable to prevail over the emperor in war, they came before the Persian king led by Bassaces, an energetic man. And the leading men among them came at that time into the presence of Chosroes and spoke as follows: “Many of us, O Master, are Arsacidae, descendants of that Arsaces who was not unrelated to the Parthian kings when the Persian realm lay under the hand of the Parthians, and who proved himself an illustrious king, inferior to none of his time. Now we have come to thee, and all of us have become slaves and fugitives, not, however, of our own will, but under most hard constraint, as
[539 A.D.] At that time also the comet appeared, at first about as long as a tall man, but later much larger. And the end of it was toward the west and its beginning toward the east, and it followed behind the sun itself. For the sun was in Capricorn and it was in Sagittarius. And some called it “the swordfish” because it was of goodly length and very sharp at the point, and others called it “the bearded star”; it was seen for more than forty days. Now those who were wise
Belisarius, after humbling Vittigis, the king of the Goths and Italians, brought him alive to Byzantium. And I shall now proceed to tell how the army of the Persians invaded the land of the Romans. When the Emperor Justinian perceived that Chosroes was eager for war, he wished to offer him some counsel and to dissuade him from the undertaking. Now it happened that a certain man had come to Byzantium from the city of Daras, Anastasius by name, well known for his sagacity; he it was who had broken the tyranny which had been established recently in Daras. Justinian therefore wrote a letter and sent it by this Anastasius to Chosroes; and the message of the letter was as follows: “It is the part of men of discretion and those by whom divine things are treated with due respect, when causes of war arise, and in
[540 A.D.] When the winter was already reaching its close, and the thirteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian was ending, Chosroes, son of Cabades, invaded the land of the Romans at the opening of spring with a mighty army, and openly broke the so-called endless peace. But he did not enter by the country between the rivers, but advanced with the Euphrates on his right. On the other side of the river stands the last Roman stronghold which is called Circesium, an exceedingly strong place, since the River Aborras, a large stream, has its mouth at this point and mingles with the Euphrates, and this fortress lies exactly in the angle which is made by the junction of the two rivers. And a long second wall outside the fortress cuts off the land between the two rivers, and completes the form of a triangle around Circesium. Chosroes, therefore, not wishing to make trial of so strong a fortress and not having in mind to cross the River Euphrates, but rather to go against the Syrians and Cilicians, without any hesitation led his army forward, and after advancing for what, to an unencumbered traveller, is about a three-days’ journey along the bank of the Euphrates, he came upon the city of Zenobia; this place Zenobia had built in former times, and, as was natural, she gave her name to the city. Now Zenobia was the wife of Odonathus, the ruler of the Saracens of that region, who had been on terms of peace with the Romans from of old. This Odonathus rescued for the Romans the Eastern Empire when it had come under the power of the Medes; but this took place in former times. Chosroes then came near to Zenobia, but upon learning that the place was not important and observing that the land was untenanted and destitute of all good things, he feared lest any time spent by him there would be wasted on an affair of no consequence and would be a hindrance to great undertakings, and he attempted to force the place to surrender. But meeting with no success, he hastened his march forward.
After again accomplishing a journey of equal extent, he reached the city of Sura, which is on the River Euphrates, and stopped very close to it. There it happened that the horse on which Chosroes was riding neighed and stamped the ground with his foot. And the Magi considered the meaning of this incident and announced that the place would be captured. Chosroes then made camp and led his army against the fortifications to assail the wall. Now it happened that a certain Arsaces, an Armenian by birth, was commander of the soldiers in the town; and he made the soldiers mount the parapets, and fighting from there most valiantly slew many of the enemy, but was himself struck by an arrow and died. And then, since it was late in the day, the Persians retired to their camp in order to assail the wall again on the following day; but the Romans were in despair since their leader was dead, and were purposing to make themselves suppliants of Chosroes. On the following day, therefore, they sent the bishop of
After giving these directions to the men Chosroes made ready the army, and commanded them to advance upon the city on the run whenever he should give the signal. So when they came close to the fortifications, the Persians bade farewell to the bishop and remained outside, and the townsmen, seeing that the man was exceedingly happy and that he was being escorted in great honour by the enemy, forgetting all their difficulties opened the gate wide, and received the priest and his following with clapping of hands and much shouting. And when all got inside, the guards began to push the gate in order to close it, but the Persians flung down a stone, which they had provided, between it and the threshold. And the guards pushed and struggled still more, but were quite unable to get the gate
Afterwards either through motives of humanity or of avarice, or as granting a favour to a woman whom he had taken as a captive from the city, Euphemia by name, Chosroes decided to shew some kindness to the inhabitants of Sura; for he had conceived for this woman an extraordinary love (for she was exceedingly beautiful to look upon), and had made her his wedded wife. He sent, accordingly, to Sergiopolis, a city subject to the Romans, named from Sergius, a famous saint, distant from the captured city one hundred and twenty-six stades and lying to the south of it in the so-called Barbarian Plain, and bade Candidus, the bishop of the city, purchase the captives, twelve thousand in number, for two centenaria. But the bishop, alleging that he had no money, refused absolutely to undertake the matter. Chosroes therefore requested him to set down in a document the agreement that he would give the money at a later time, and thus to purchase for a small sum such a multitude of slaves. Candidus did as directed, promising to give the money within a year, and swore the most dire oaths, specifying that he should receive the following punishment if he should not give the money at the time agreed upon, that he should pay double the amount and should himself be no longer a priest, as one who had neglected his sworn promise. And after setting down these things in writing, Candidus received all the inhabitants of Sura. And some few among them survived, but the majority, unable to support the misery which had fallen to their lot, succumbed soon afterwards. After the settlement of this affair Chosroes led his army forward.
It had happened a little before this that the emperor had divided into two parts the military command of the East, leaving the portion as far as the River Euphrates under the control of Belisarius who formerly held the command of the whole, while the portion from there as far as the Persian boundary he entrusted to Bouzes, commanding him to take charge of the whole territory of the East until Belisarius should return from Italy. Bouzes therefore at first remained at Hierapolis, keeping his whole army with him; but
But the Emperor Justinian, upon learning of the inroad of the Persians, immediately sent his nephew Germanus with three hundred followers in great disorder, promising that after no great time a numerous army would follow. And Germanus, upon reaching Antioch, went around the whole circuit of the wall; and the greater part of it he found secure, for along that portion of it which lies on the level ground the River Orontes flows, making it everywhere difficult of access, and the portion which is on higher ground rises upon steep hills and is quite inaccessible to the enemy; but when he attained the highest point, which the men of that place are accustomed to call Orocasias, he noticed that the wall at that point was very easy to assail. For there happens to be in that place a rock, which spreads out to a very considerable width, and rises to a height only a little less than the fortifications. He therefore commanded that they should either cut off the rock by making a deep ditch along the wall, lest
Accordingly they sent Megas, the bishop of Beroea, a man of discretion who at that time happened to be tarrying among them, to beg for mercy from Chosroes; and departing from there he came upon the Median army not far from Hierapolis. And coming into the presence of Chosroes, he entreated him earnestly to have pity upon men who had committed no offence against him and who were not able to hold out against the Persian army. For it was becoming to a king least of all men to trample upon and do violence to those who retreated before him and were quite unwilling to array themselves against him; for not one of the things which he was then doing was a kingly or honourable act, because, without affording any time for consideration to the Roman emperor, so that he might either make the peace secure as might seem well to both sovereigns, or make his preparations for war in accordance with a mutual agreement, as was to be expected, he had thus recklessly advanced in arms against the Romans, while their emperor did not as yet know what had come upon them. When Chosroes heard this, he was utterly unable by reason of his stupidity to order his mind with reason and discretion, but still more than before he was lifted up in spirit. He therefore threatened to destroy all the Syrians and Cilicians, and bidding Megas follow him, he led his army to Hierapolis. When he had come there and established his camp, since he saw that the fortifications were strong and learned that the city was well garrisoned with soldiers, he demanded money from the Hierapolitans, sending to them Paulus as interpreter. This Paulus had been reared in Roman territory and had gone to an elementary school in Antioch, and besides he was said to be by birth of Roman extraction. But in spite of everything
Thus, then, on that day Megas departed thence and went on the way to Antioch, while Chosroes after receiving the ransom was moving toward Beroea. This city lies between Antioch and Hierapolis, at a distance from both of two-days’ journey for an unencumbered traveller. Now while Megas, who travelled with a small company, advanced very quickly, the Persian army was accomplishing only one half of the distance which he travelled each day. And so on the fourth day he reached Antioch, while the Persians came to the suburb of Beroea. And Chosroes immediately sent Paulus and demanded money of the Beroeans, not only as much as he had received from the Hierapolitans, but double the amount, since he saw that their wall in many places was very vulnerable. As for the Beroeans, since they could by no means place confidence in their fortifications, they gladly agreed to give all, but after giving two thousand pounds of silver, they said that they were not able to give the remainder. And since Chosroes pressed them on this account, on the following night all of them fled for refuge into the fortress which is on the acropolis together with the soldiers who had been stationed there to guard the place. And on the following day men were sent to the city by Chosroes in order to receive the money; but on coming near the fortifications they found all the gates closed, and being unable to discover any man, they reported the situation to the king. And he commanded them to set ladders against the wall and to make trial of mounting it, and they did as directed. Then since no one opposed them, they got inside the fortifications and opened the gates at their leisure, and received into the city the whole army and Chosroes himself. By this time the king was furious with anger and he fired nearly the whole city. He then mounted the acropolis and decided to storm the fortress. There indeed the Roman soldiers while valiantly defending themselves slew some of the enemy; but Chosroes was greatly favoured by fortune by reason of the folly of the besieged, who had not sought refuge in this fortress by themselves, but along with all their horses and other animals, and by this inconsiderate act they were placed at a great disadvantage and began to be in danger. For since there was only one spring there and the horses and mules and other animals drank from it when they should not have done so, it came about that the water was exhausted. Such, then, was the situation of the Beroeans.
Megas, upon reaching Antioch and announcing the terms arranged by him with Chosroes, failed utterly to persuade them to carry out this agreement. For it happened that the Emperor Justinian had sent John, the son of Rufinus, and Julian, his private[4] secretary, as ambassadors to Chosroes. The person holding this office is styled “a secretis” by the Romans; for secrets they are accustomed to call “secreta.” These men had reached Antioch and were remaining there. Now Julian, one of the ambassadors, explicitly forbade everybody to give money to the enemy, or to purchase the cities of the emperor, and besides he denounced to Germanus the chief priest Ephraemius, as being eager to deliver over the city to Chosroes. For this reason Megas returned unsuccessful. But Ephraemius, the bishop of Antioch, fearing the attack of the Persians, went into Cilicia. There too came Germanus not long afterwards, taking with him some few men but leaving the most of them in Antioch.
Megas then came in haste to Beroea, and in vexation at what had taken place, he charged Chosroes with having treated the Beroeans outrageously; for while, as it seemed, he had sent him to Antioch to arrange the treaty, he had both plundered the property of the citizens, though they had committed no wrong at all, and had compelled them to shut themselves up in that fortress, and had then set fire to the city and razed it to the ground in defiance of right. To this Chosroes replied as follows: “Verily, my friend, you yourself are responsible for these things, in having compelled us to delay here; for as it is, you have arrived, not at the appointed time, but far behind it. And as for the strange conduct of your fellow-citizens, my most excellent sir, why should one make speeches of great length? For after agreeing to give us a fixed amount of silver for their own safety, they even now do not think it necessary to fulfil the agreement, but placing such complete confidence in the strength of their position, they are disregarding us absolutely, while we are compelled to undertake the siege of a fortress, as you surely see. But for my part, I have hope that with the help of the gods I shall have vengeance upon them shortly, and execute upon the guilty the punishment for the Persians whom I have lost wrongfully before this wall.” So spoke Chosroes, and Megas replied as follows: “If one should consider that as king thou art making these charges against men who are in pitiable and most dishonoured plight, he would be compelled without a word of protest to agree with what thou hast said; for authority which is unlimited is bound by its very nature to carry with it also supremacy in argument; but if one be permitted to shake off all else and to espouse the truth of the matter, thou wouldst have, O King, nothing with which justly to reproach us; but mayst thou hear all mildly. First, as for me, since the time when I was sent to declare to the men of Antioch the message which thou didst send
[June 540 A.D.] Then Chosroes (since Megas said that he had by no means persuaded the inhabitants of Antioch to bring him the money) went with his whole army against them. Some of the population of Antioch thereupon departed from there with their money and fled as each one could. And all the rest likewise were purposing to do the same thing, and would have done so had not the commanders of the troops in Lebanon, Theoctistus and Molatzes, who arrived in the meantime with six thousand men, fortified them with hope and thus prevented their departure. Not long after this the Persian army also came. There they all pitched their tents and made camp fronting on the River Orontes and not very far from the stream. Chosroes then sent Paulus up beside the fortifications and demanded money from the men of Antioch, saying that for ten centenaria[5] of gold he would depart from there, and it was obvious that he would accept even less than this for his withdrawal. And on that day their ambassadors went before Chosroes, and after speaking at length concerning the breaking of the peace and hearing much from him, they retired. But on the morrow the populace of Antioch (for they are not seriously disposed, but are always engaged in jesting and disorderly performance) heaped insults upon Chosroes from the battlements and taunted him with unseemly laughter; and when Paulus came near the fortifications and exhorted them to purchase freedom for themselves and the city for a small sum of money, they very nearly killed him with shots from their bows, and would have done so if he had not seen their purpose in time and guarded against it. On account of this Chosroes, boiling with anger, decided to storm the wall.
On the following day, accordingly, he led up all the Persians against the wall and commanded a portion of the army to make assaults at different points along the river, and he himself with the most of the men and best troops directed an attack against the height. For at this place, as has been stated by me above, the wall of fortification was most vulnerable. Thereupon the Romans, since the structure on which they were to stand when fighting was very narrow, devised the following remedy. Binding together long timbers they suspended them between the towers, and in this way they made these spaces much broader, in order that still more men might be able to ward off the assailants from there. So the Persians, pressing on most vigorously from all sides, were sending their arrows thickly everywhere, and especially along the crest of the hill. Meanwhile the Romans were fighting them back with all their strength, not soldiers alone, but also many of the most courageous youths of the populace. But it appeared that those who were attacking the wall there were engaged in a battle on even terms with their enemy. For the rock which was broad and high and, as it were, drawn up against the fortifications caused the conflict to be just as if on level ground. And if anyone
But the Persians, with no one opposing them, set ladders against the wall and mounted with no difficulty. And quickly reaching the battlements, for a time they were by no means willing to descend, but they seemed like men looking about them and at a loss what to do, because, as it seems to me, they supposed that the rough ground was beset with some ambuscades of the enemy. For the land inside the fortifications which one traverses immediately upon descending from the height is an uninhabited tract extending for a great distance and there are found there rocks which rise to a very great height, and steep places. But some say that it was by the will of Chosroes that
At this point Chosroes, seated on the tower which is on the height, summoned the ambassadors, wishing to say something. And one of his officers, Zaberganes, thinking that he wished to have words with the ambassadors concerning a settlement, came quickly before the king and spoke as follows: “Thou dost not seem to me, O Master, to think in the same way as do the Romans concerning the safety of these men. For they both before fighting offer insults to thy kingdom, and when they are defeated dare the impossible and do the Persians irreparable harm, as if fearing lest some reason for shewing them humanity should be left in thee; but thou art wishing to pity those who do not ask to be saved, and hast shewn zeal to spare those who by no means wish it. Meanwhile these men have set an ambush in a captured city and are destroying the victors by means of snares, although all the soldiers have long since fled from them.” When Chosroes heard this, he sent a large number of the best troops against them, and these not long afterwards returned and announced that nothing untoward had come to pass. For already the Persians had forced back the citizens by their numbers and turned them to flight, and a great slaughter took place there. For the Persians did not spare persons of any age and were slaying all whom they met, old and young alike. At that
Then Chosroes spoke to the ambassadors as follows: “Not far from the truth, I think, is the ancient saying that God does not give blessings unmixed, but He mingles them with troubles and then bestows them upon men. And for this reason we do not even have laughter without tears, but there is always attached to our successes some misfortune, and to our pleasures pain, not permitting anyone to enjoy in its purity such good fortune as is granted. For this city, which is of altogether preeminent importance in fact as well as in name in the land of the Romans I have indeed succeeded in capturing with the least exertion, since God has provided the victory all at once for us, as you doubtless see. But when I behold the massacre of such a multitude of men, and the victory thus drenched with blood, there arises in me no sense of the delight that should follow my achievement. And for this the wretched men of Antioch are to blame, for when the Persians were storming the wall they did not prove able to keep them back, and then when they had already triumphed and had captured the city at the first cry these men with unreasoned daring sought to die fighting against them in close combat. So while all the notables of the Persians were harassing me unceasingly with their demand that I should drag the city as with a net and destroy all the captives, I was commanding the fugitives to press on still more in their flight, in order that they might save themselves as quickly as possible. For to trample upon captives is not holy.” Such high-sounding and airy words did Chosroes speak to the ambassadors, but nevertheless it did not escape them why he gave time to the Romans in their flight.
For he was the cleverest of all men at saying that which was not, and in concealing the truth, and in attributing the blame for the wrongs which he committed to those who suffered the wrong; besides he was ready to agree to everything and to pledge the agreement with an oath, and much more ready to forget completely the things lately agreed to and sworn to by him, and for the sake of money to debase his soul without reluctance to every act of pollution—a past master at feigning piety in his countenance, and absolving himself in words from the responsibility of the act. This man well displayed his own peculiar character on a certain occasion at Sura; for after he had hoodwinked the inhabitants of the city by a trick and had destroyed
Chosroes commanded the army to capture and enslave the survivors of the population of Antioch, and to plunder all the property, while he himself with the ambassadors descended from the height to the sanctuary which they call a church. There Chosroes found stores of gold and silver so great in amount that, though he took no other part of the booty except these stores, he departed possessed of enormous wealth. And he took down from there many wonderful marbles and ordered them to be deposited outside the fortifications, in order that they might convey these too to the land of Persia. When he had finished these things, he gave orders to the Persians to burn the whole city. And the ambassadors begged him to withhold his hand only from the church, for which he had carried away ransom in abundance. This he granted to the ambassadors, but gave orders to burn everything else; then, leaving there a few men who were to fire the city, he himself with all the rest retired to the camp where they had previously set up their tents.
A short time before this calamity God displayed a sign to the inhabitants of that city, by which He indicated the things which were to be. For the standards of the soldiers who had been stationed there for a long time had been standing previously toward the west, but of their own accord they turned and stood toward the east, and then returned again to their former position untouched by anyone. This the soldiers shewed to many who were near at hand and among them the manager of finances in the camp, while the standards were still trembling. This man, Tatianus by name, was an especially discreet person, a native of Mopsuestia. But even so those who saw this sign did not recognize that the mastery of the place would pass from the western to the eastern king, in order, evidently, that escape might be utterly impossible for those who were bound to suffer those things which came to pass.
But I become dizzy as I write of such a great calamity and transmit it to future times, and I am unable to understand why indeed it should be the will of God to exalt on high the fortunes of a man or of a place, and then to cast them down and destroy them for no cause which appears to us. For it is wrong to say that with Him all things are not always done with reason, though he then endured to see Antioch brought down to the ground at the hands of a most unholy man, a city whose beauty and grandeur in every respect could not even so be utterly concealed.
So, then, after the city had been destroyed, the church was left solitary, thanks to the activity and foresight of the Persians to whom this work was assigned. And there were also left about the so-called Cerataeum many houses, not because of the foresight of any man, but, since they were situated at the extremity of the city, and not connected with any other building, the fire failed entirely to reach them. The barbarians burned also the parts outside the fortifications, except the sanctuary which is dedicated to St. Julianus and the houses which stand about this sanctuary. For it happened that the ambassadors had taken up their lodgings there. As for the fortifications, the Persians left them wholly untouched.
A little later the ambassadors again came to Chosroes and spoke as follows: “If our words were not addressed to thee in thy presence, O King, we should never believe that Chosroes, the son of Cabades, had come into the land of the Romans in arms, dishonouring the oaths which have recently been sworn by thee—for such pledges are regarded as the last and most firm security of all things among men to guarantee mutual trust and truthfulness—and breaking the treaty, though hope in treaties is the only thing left to those who are living in insecurity because of the evil deeds of war. For one might say of such a state of affairs that it is nothing else than the transformation of the habits of men into those
And Chosroes, upon hearing this, insisted that the treaty had been broken by the Emperor Justinian; and he enumerated the causes of war which the Emperor afforded, some of them of real importance and others idle and fabricated without any reason; most of all he wished to shew that the letters written by him to Alamoundaras and the Huns were the chief cause of the war, just as I have stated above[6]. But as for any Roman who had invaded the land of Persia, or who had made a display of warlike deeds, he was unable either to mention or to point out such a one. The ambassadors, however, referred the charges in part not to Justinian but to certain of those who had served him, while in the case of others they took exception to what he had said on the ground that the things had not taken place as stated. Finally Chosroes made the demand that the Romans give him a large sum of money, but he warned them not to hope to establish peace for all time by giving money at that moment only. For friendship, he said, which is made by men on terms of money is generally spent as fast as the money is used up. It was necessary, therefore, that the Romans should pay some definite annual sum to the Persians. “For thus,” he said, “the Persians will keep the peace secure for them, guarding the Caspian Gates themselves and no longer feeling resentment at them on account of the city of Daras, in return for which the Persians themselves will be in their pay forever.” “So,” said the ambassadors, “the Persians desire to have the Romans subject and tributary to themselves.” “No,” said Chosroes, “but the Romans will have the Persians as their own soldiers for the future, dispensing to them a fixed payment for their service; for you give an annual payment of gold to some of the Huns and to the Saracens, not as tributary
Then Chosroes went to Seleucia, a city on the sea, one hundred and thirty stades distant from Antioch; and there he neither met nor harmed a single Roman, and he bathed himself alone in the sea-water, and after sacrificing to the sun and such other divinities as he wished, and calling upon the gods many times, he went back. And when he came to the camp, he said that he had a desire to see the city of Apamea which was in the vicinity for no other reason than that of his interest in the place. And the ambassadors unwillingly granted this also, but only on condition that after seeing the city and taking away with him from there one thousand pounds of silver, he should, without inflicting any further injury, march back. But it was evident to the ambassadors and to all the others that Chosroes was setting out for Apamea with this sole purpose, that he might lay hold upon some pretext of no importance and plunder both the city and the land thereabout. Accordingly he first went up to Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, where he expressed great wonder at the grove and at the fountains of water; for both of these are very well worth seeing. And after sacrificing to the nymphs he departed, doing no further damage than burning the sanctuary of the archangel Michael together with certain other buildings, for the following reason. A Persian gentleman of high repute in the army of the Persians and well known to Chosroes, the king, while riding on horseback came in company with some others to a precipitous place near the so-called Tretum, where is a temple of the archangel Michael, the work of Evaris. This man, seeing one of the young men of Antioch on foot and alone concealing himself there, separated from the others and pursued him. Now the young man was a butcher, Aeimachus by name. When he was about to be overtaken, he turned about unexpectedly and threw a stone at his pursuer which hit him on the forehead and penetrated to the membrane by the ear. And the rider fell immediately to the ground, whereupon the youth drew out his sword and slew him. Then at his leisure he stripped him of his weapons and all his gold and whatever else he had on his person, and leaping upon his horse rode on. And whether by the favour of fortune or by his knowledge of the
But Chosroes with his whole army proceeded on the way to Apamea. Now there is a piece of wood one cubit in length in Apamea, a portion of the cross on which the Christ in Jerusalem once endured the punishment not unwillingly, as is generally agreed, and which in ancient times had been conveyed there secretly by a man of Syria. And the men of olden times, believing that it would be a great protection both for themselves and for the city, made for it a sort of wooden chest and deposited it there; and they adorned this chest with much gold and with precious stones and they entrusted it to three priests who were to guard it in all security; and they bring it forth every year and the whole population worship it during one day. Now at that time the people of Apamea, upon learning that the army of the Medes was coming against them, began to be in great fear. And when they heard that Chosroes was absolutely untruthful, they came to Thomas, the chief priest of the city, and begged him to shew them the wood of the cross, in order that after worshipping it for the last time they might die. And he did as they requested. Then indeed it befell that a sight surpassing both description and belief was there seen. For while the priest was carrying the wood and shewing it, above him followed a flame of fire, and the portion of the roof over him was illuminated with a great and unaccustomed light. And while the priest was moving through every part of the temple, the flame continued to advance with him, keeping constantly the place above him in the roof. So the people of Apamea, under the spell of joy at the miracle, were wondering and rejoicing and weeping, and already all felt confidence concerning their safety. And Thomas, after going about the whole temple, laid the wood of the cross in the chest and covered it, and suddenly the light had ceased. Then upon learning that the army of the enemy had come close to the city, he went in great haste to Chosroes. And when the king enquired of the priest whether it was the will of the citizens of Apamea to marshal themselves on the wall against the army of the Medes, the priest replied that no such thing had entered the minds of the men. “Therefore,” said Chosroes, “receive me into the city accompanied by a few men with all the gates opened wide.” And the priest said “Yes, for I have come here to invite thee to do this very thing.” So the whole army pitched their tents and made camp before the fortifications.
Then Chosroes chose out two hundred of the best of the Persians and entered the city. But when he had got inside the gates, he forgot willingly enough what had been agreed upon between himself and the ambassadors, and he commanded the bishop to give not only one thousand pounds of silver nor even ten times that amount, but whatsoever treasures were stored there, being all of gold and silver and of marvellous great size. And I believe that he would not have shrunk from enslaving and plundering the whole city, unless some divine providence had manifestly prevented him; to such a degree did avarice overpower him and the desire of fame turn his mind. For he thought the enslavement of the cities a great glory for himself, considering it absolutely nothing that disregarding treaties and compacts he was performing such deeds against the Romans. This attitude of Chosroes will be revealed by what he undertook to do concerning the city of Daras during his withdrawal at this same time, when he treated his agreements with absolute disregard, and also by what he did to the citizens of Callinicus a little later in time of peace, as will be told by me in the following narrative[8]. But God, as has been said, preserved Apamea. Now when Chosroes had seized all the treasures, and Thomas saw that he was already intoxicated with the abundance of the wealth, then bringing out the wood of the cross with the chest, he opened the chest and displaying the wood said: “O most mighty King, these alone are left me out of all the treasures. Now as for this chest (since it is adorned with gold and precious stones), we do not begrudge thy taking it and keeping it with all the rest, but this wood here, it is our salvation and precious to us, this, I beg and entreat thee, give to me.” So spoke the priest. And Chosroes yielded and fulfilled the request.
Afterwards, being filled with a desire for popular applause, he commanded that the populace should go up into the hippodrome and that the charioteers should hold their accustomed contests. And he himself went up there also, eager to be a spectator of the performances. And since he had heard long before that the Emperor Justinian was extraordinarily fond of the Venetus[9] colour, which is blue, wishing to go against him there also, he was desirous of bringing about victory for the green. So the charioteers, starting from the barriers, began the contest, and by some chance he who was clad in the blue happened to pass his rival and take the lead. And he was followed in the same tracks by the wearer of the green colour. And Chosroes, thinking that this had been done purposely, was angry, and he cried out with a threat that the Caesar had wrongfully surpassed the others, and he commanded that the horses which were running in front should be held up, in order that from then on they might contend in the rear; and when this had been done just as he commanded, then Chosroes and the green faction were accounted victorious.
And when he came to the city of Chalcis, eighty-four stades distant from the city of Beroea, he again seemed to forget the things which had been agreed upon, and encamping not far from the fortifications he sent Paulus to threaten the inhabitants of Chalcis, saying that he would take the city by siege, unless they should purchase their safety by giving ransom, and should give up to the Persians all the soldiers who were there together with their leader. And the citizens of Chalcis were seized with great fear of both sovereigns, and they swore that, as for soldiers, there were absolutely none of them in the city, although they had hidden Adonachus, the commander of the soldiers, and others as well in some houses, in order that they might not be seen by the enemy; and with difficulty they collected two centenaria[10] of gold, for the city they inhabited was not very prosperous, and they gave them to Chosroes as the price of their lives and thus saved both the city and themselves.
From there on Chosroes did not wish to continue the return journey by the road he had come, but to cross the River Euphrates and gather by plunder as much money as possible from Mesopotamia. He therefore constructed a bridge at the place called Obbane, which is forty stades distant from the fortress in Barbalissum; then he himself went across and gave orders to the whole army to cross as quickly as possible, adding that he would break up the bridge on the third day, and he appointed also the time of the day. And when the appointed day was come, it happened that some of the army were left who had not yet crossed, but without the least consideration for them he sent the men to break up the bridge. And those who were left behind returned to their native land as each one could.
Then a sort of ambition came over Chosroes to capture the city of Edessa. For he was led on to this by a saying of the Christians, and it kept irritating his mind, because they maintained that it could not be taken, for the following reason. There was a certain Augarus in early times, toparch of Edessa (for thus the kings of the different nations were called then). Now this Augarus was the most clever of all men of his time, and as a result of this was
At a later time when Augarus was well advanced in years, he was seized with an exceedingly violent attack of gout. And being distressed by the pains and his inability to move in consequence of them, he carried the matter to the physicians, and from the whole land he gathered all who were skilled in these matters. But later he abandoned these men (for they did not succeed in discovering any cure for the trouble), and finding himself helpless, he bewailed the fate which
For this reason it seemed to Chosroes at that time a matter of moment to capture Edessa. And when he came to Batne, a small stronghold of no importance, one day’s journey distant from Edessa, he bivouacked there for that night, but at early dawn he was on the march to Edessa with his whole army. But it fell out that they lost their way and wandered about, and on the following night bivouacked in the same place;
At that time also the Emperor Justinian wrote a letter to Chosroes, promising to carry out the agreement which had been made by him and the ambassadors regarding the peace[12]. When this message was received by Chosroes, he released the hostages and made preparations for his departure, and he wished to sell off all the captives from Antioch. And when the citizens of Edessa learned of this, they displayed an unheard-of zeal. For there was not a person who did not bring ransom for the captives and deposit it in the sanctuary according to the measure of his possessions. And there were some who even exceeded their proportionate amount in so doing. For the harlots took off all the adornment which they wore on their persons, and threw it down there, and any farmer who was in want of plate or of money, but who had an ass or a sheep, brought this to the sanctuary with great zeal. So there was collected an exceedingly great amount of gold and silver and money in other forms, but not a bit of it was given for ransom. For Bouzes happened to be present there, and he took in hand to prevent the transaction, expecting that this would bring him some great gain. Therefore Chosroes moved forward, taking with him all the captives. And the citizens of Carrhae met him holding out to him great sums of money; but he said that it did not belong to him because the most of them are not Christians but are of the old faith.
But when, likewise, the citizens of Constantina offered money, he accepted it, although he asserted that the city belonged to him from his fathers. [503 A.D.] For at the time when Cabades took Amida, he wished also to capture Edessa and Constantina. But when he came near to Edessa he enquired of the Magi whether it would be possible for him to capture the city, pointing out the place to them with his right hand. But they said that the city would not be captured by him by any device, judging by the fact that in stretching out his right hand to it he was not giving thereby the sign of capture or of any other grievous thing, but of salvation. And when Cabades heard this, he was convinced and led his army on to Constantina. And upon arriving there, he issued orders to the whole army to encamp for a siege. Now the priest of Constantina was at that time Baradotus, a just man and especially beloved of God, and his prayers for
And when he reached Daras, he began a siege; but within the city the Romans and Martinus, their general (for it happened that he was there), made their preparations for resistance. Now the city is surrounded by two walls, the inner one of which is of great size and a truly wonderful thing to look upon (for each tower reaches to a height of a hundred feet, and the rest of the wall to sixty), while the outer wall is much smaller, but in other respects strong and one to be reckoned with seriously. And the space between has a breadth of not less than fifty feet; in that place the citizens of Daras are accustomed to put their cattle and other animals when an enemy assails them. At first then Chosroes made an assault on the fortifications toward the west, and forcing back his opponents by overwhelming numbers of missiles, he set fire to the gates of the small wall. However no one of the barbarians dared to get inside. Next he decided to make a tunnel secretly at the eastern side of the city. For at this point alone can the earth be dug, since the other parts of the fortifications were set upon rock by the builders. So the Persians began to dig, beginning from their trench. And since this was very deep, they were neither observed by the enemy nor did they afford them any means of discovering what was being done. So they had already gone under the foundations of the outer wall, and were about to reach the space between the two walls and soon after to pass also the great wall and take the city by force; but since it was not fated to be captured by the Persians, someone from the camp of Chosroes came alone about midday close to the fortifications, whether a man or something else greater than man, and he made it appear to those who saw him that he was collecting the weapons which the Romans had a little before discharged from the wall against the barbarians who were assailing them. And while doing this and holding his shield before him, he seemed to be bantering those who were on the parapet and taunting them with laughter. Then he told them of everything
Now Chosroes built a city in Assyria in a place one day’s journey distant from the city of Ctesiphon, and he named it the Antioch of Chosroes and settled there all the captives from Antioch, constructing for them a bath and a hippodrome and providing that they should have free enjoyment of their other luxuries besides. For he brought with him charioteers and musicians both from Antioch and from the other Roman cities. Besides this he always provisioned these citizens of Antioch at public expense more carefully than in the fashion of captives, and he required that they be called king’s subjects, so as to be subordinate to no one of the magistrates, but to the king alone. And if any one else too who was a Roman in slavery ran away and succeeded in escaping to the Antioch of Chosroes, and if he was called a kinsman by any one of those who lived there, it was no longer possible for the owner of this captive to take him away, not even if he who had enslaved the man happened to be a person of especial note among the Persians.
Thus, then, the portent which had come to the citizens of Antioch in the reign of Anastasius reached this final fulfilment for them. For at that time a violent wind suddenly fell upon the suburb of Daphne, and some of the cypresses which were there of extraordinary height were overturned from the extremities of their roots and fell to the earth—trees which the law forbade absolutely to be cut down. [526 A.D.]
And Belisarius came to Byzantium from Italy, summoned by the emperor; and after he had spent the winter in Byzantium, the emperor sent him as general against Chosroes and the Persians at the opening of spring, together with the officers who had come with him from Italy, one of whom, Valerianus, he commanded to lead the troops in Armenia. [541 A.D.] For Martinus had been sent immediately to the East, and for this reason Chosroes found him at Daras, as has been stated above. And among the Goths, Vittigis remained in Byzantium, but all the rest marched with Belisarius against Chosroes. At that time one of the envoys of Vittigis, he who was assuming the name of bishop, died in the land of Persia, and the other one remained there. And the man who followed them as interpreter withdrew to the land of the Romans, and John, who was commanding the troops in Mesopotamia, arrested him near the boundaries of Constantina, and bringing him into the city confined him in a prison; there the man in answer to his enquiries related everything which had been done. Such, then, was the course of these events. And Belisarius and his followers went in haste, since he was eager to anticipate Chosroes’ making any second invasion into the land of the Romans.
But in the meantime Chosroes was leading his army against Colchis, where the Lazi were calling him in for the following reason. The Lazi at first dwelt in the land of Colchis as subjects of the Romans, but not to the extent of paying them tribute or obeying their commands in any respect, except that, whenever their king died, the Roman emperor would send emblems of the office to him who was about to succeed to the throne. And he, together with his subjects, guarded strictly the boundaries of the land in order that hostile Huns might not proceed from the Caucasus mountains, which adjoin their territory, through Lazica and invade the land of the Romans. And they kept guard without receiving money or troops from the Romans and without ever joining the Roman armies, but they were always engaged in commerce by sea with the Romans who live on the Black Sea. For they themselves have neither salt nor grain nor any other good thing, but by furnishing skins and hides and slaves they secured the supplies which they needed. But when the events came to pass in which Gourgenes, the king of the Iberians, was concerned, as has been told in the preceding narrative[13], Roman soldiers began to be quartered among the Lazi;
And later the Emperor Justinian sent different officers to Lazica, and among them John, whom they called Tzibus, a man of obscure and ignoble descent, but who had climbed to the office of general by virtue of no other thing than that he was the most accomplished villain in the world and most successful in discovering unlawful sources of revenue. This man unsettled and threw into confusion all the relations of the Romans and the Lazi. He also persuaded the Emperor Justinian to build a city on the sea in Lazica, Petra by name; and there he sat as in a citadel and plundered the property of the Lazi. For the salt, and all other cargoes which were considered necessary for the Lazi, it was no longer possible for the merchants to bring into the land of Colchis, nor could they purchase them elsewhere by sending for them, but he set up in Petra the so-called “monopoly” and himself became a retail dealer and overseer of all the handling of these things, buying everything and selling it to the Colchians, not at the customary rates, but as dearly as possible. At the same time, even apart from this, the barbarians were annoyed by the Roman army quartered upon them, a thing which had not been customary previously. Accordingly, since they were no longer able to endure these things, they decided to attach themselves to the Persians and Chosroes, and immediately they sent to them envoys who were to arrange this without the knowledge of the Romans. These men had been instructed that they should take pledges from Chosroes that he would never give up the Lazi against their will to the Romans, and that with this understanding they should bring him with the Persian army into the land.
Accordingly the envoys went to the Persians, and coming secretly before Chosroes they said: “If any people in all time have revolted from their own friends in any manner whatsoever and attached themselves wrongfully to men utterly unknown to them, and after that by the kindness of fortune have been brought back once more with greatest rejoicing to those who were formerly their own, consider, O Most mighty King, that such as these are the Lazi. For the Colchians
And Chosroes, delighted by their words, promised to protect the Lazi, and enquired of the envoys whether it was possible for him to enter the land of Colchis with a large army. For he said that previously he had heard many persons report that the land was exceedingly hard to traverse even for an unimpeded traveller, being extremely rugged and covered very extensively by thick forests of wide-spreading trees. But the envoys stoutly maintained to him that the way through the country would be easy for the whole Persian army, if they cut the trees and threw them into the places which were made difficult by precipices. And they promised that they themselves would be guides of the route, and would take the lead in this work for the Persians. Encouraged by this suggestion, Chosroes gathered a great army and made his preparations for the inroad, not disclosing the plan to the Persians except those alone to whom he was accustomed to communicate his secrets, and commanding the envoys to tell no one what was being done; and he pretended that he was setting out into Iberia, in order to settle matters there; for a Hunnic tribe, he kept saying in explanation, had assailed the Persian domain at that point.
At this time Belisarius had arrived in Mesopotamia and was gathering his army from every quarter, and he also kept sending men into the land of Persia to act as spies. And wishing himself to encounter the enemy there, if they should again make an incursion into the land of the Romans, he was organizing on the spot and equipping the soldiers, who were for the most part without either arms or armour, and in terror of the name of the Persians. Now the spies returned and declared that for the present there would be no invasion of the enemy; for Chosroes was occupied elsewhere with a war against the Huns. And Belisarius, upon learning this, wished to invade the land of the enemy immediately with his whole army. Arethas
And Peter and Bouzes urged him to lead the army without any hesitation against the enemy’s country. And their opinion was followed immediately by the whole council. Rhecithancus, however, and Theoctistus, the commanders of the troops in Lebanon, said that, while they too had the same wish as the others concerning the invasion, they feared that if they abandoned the country of Phoenicia and Syria, Alamoundaras would plunder it at his leisure, and that the emperor would be angry with them because they had not guarded and kept unplundered the territory under their command, and for this reason they were quite unwilling to join the rest of the army in the invasion. But Belisarius
But Chosroes and the Median army, after crossing Iberia, reached the territory of Lazica under the leadership of the envoys; there with no one to withstand them they began to cut down the trees which grow thickly over that very mountainous region, rising to a great height, and spreading out their branches remarkably, so that they made the country absolutely impassable for the army; and these they threw into the rough places, and thus rendered the road altogether easy. And when they arrived in the centre of Colchis (the place where the tales of the poets say that the adventure of Medea and Jason took place), Goubazes, the king of the Lazi, came and did obeisance to Chosroes, the son of Cabades, as Lord, putting himself together with his palace and all Lazica into his hand.
Now there is a coast city named Petra in Colchis, on the sea which is called the Euxine, which in former times had been a place of no importance, but which the Emperor Justinian had rendered strong and otherwise conspicuous by means of the circuit-wall and other buildings which he erected. When Chosroes ascertained that the Roman army was in that place with John, he sent an army and a general, Aniabedes, against them in order to capture the place at the first onset. But John, upon learning of their approach, gave orders that no one should go outside the fortifications nor allow himself to be seen from the parapet by the enemy, and he armed the whole army and stationed them in the vicinity of the gates, commanding them to keep silence and not allow the least sound of any kind to escape from them. So the Persians came close to the fortifications, and since nothing of the enemy was either seen or heard by them they thought that the Romans had abandoned the city and left it destitute of men. For this reason they closed in still more around the fortifications, so as to set up ladders immediately, since no one was defending the wall. And neither seeing nor hearing anything of the enemy, they sent to Chosroes and explained the situation. And he sent the greater part of the army, commanding them to make an attempt upon the fortifications from all sides, and he directed one of the officers to make use of the engine known as a ram around the gate, while he himself, seated on the hill which lies very close to the city, became a spectator of the operations. And straightway the Romans opened the gates all of a sudden, and unexpectedly fell upon and slew great
The city of Petra is on one side inaccessible on account of the sea, and on the other on account of the sheer cliffs which rise there on every hand; indeed it is from this circumstance that the city has received the name it bears. And it has only one approach on the level ground, and that not very broad; for exceedingly high cliffs overhang it on either side. At that point those who formerly built the city provided that that portion of the wall should not be open to attack by making long walls which ran along beside either cliff and guarded the approach for a great distance. And they built two towers, one in each of these walls, not following the customary plan, but as follows. They refused to allow the space in the middle of the structure to be empty, but constructed the entire towers from the ground up to a great height of very large stones which fitted together, in order that they might never be shaken down by a ram or any other engine. Such, then, are the fortifications of Petra. But the Persians secretly made a tunnel into the earth and got under one of the two towers, and from there carried out many of the stones and in their place put wood, which a little later they burned. And the flame, rising little by little, weakened the stones, and all of a sudden shook the whole tower violently and straightway brought it down to the ground. And the Romans who were on the tower perceived what was being done in sufficient time so that they did
Meantime Belisarius and the Roman army, having learned nothing of what was being done there, were going in excellent order from the city of Daras toward Nisibis. And when they had reached the middle of their journey, Belisarius led the army to the right where there were abundant springs of water and level ground sufficient for all to camp upon. And there he gave orders to make a camp at about forty-two stades from the city of Nisibis. But all the others marvelled greatly that he did not wish to camp close to the fortifications, and some were quite unwilling to follow him. Belisarius therefore addressed those of the officers who were about him thus: “It was not my wish to disclose to all what I am thinking. For talk carried about through a camp cannot keep secrets, for it advances little by little until it is carried out even to the enemy. But seeing that the majority of you are allowing yourselves to act in a most disorderly manner, and that each one wishes to be himself supreme commander in the war, I shall now say among you things about which one ought to keep silence, mentioning, however, this first, that when many in an army follow independent judgments it is impossible that anything needful be done. Now I think that Chosroes, in going against other barbarians, has by no means left his own land without sufficient protection, and in particular this city which is of the first rank and is set as a defence to his whole land. In this city I know well that he has stationed soldiers in such number and of such valour as to be sufficient to stand in the way of our assaults. And the proof of this you have near at hand. For he put in command of these men the general Nabedes, who, after Chosroes himself at least, seems to be first among the Persians in glory and in every other sort of honour. This man, I believe, will both make trial of our strength and will permit of our passing by on no other condition than that he be defeated by us in battle. If, therefore, the conflict should be close by the city, the struggle will not be even for us and the Persians. For they, coming out from their stronghold against us, in case of success, should it so happen, will feel unlimited confidence in assailing us, and in case
When Belisarius had said this, all the others except Peter were convinced, and they made camp and remained with him. He, however, associating with himself John, who commanded the troops in Mesopotamia and had no small part of the army, came up to a position not far removed from the fortifications, about ten stades away, and remained quietly there. But Belisarius marshalled the men who were with him as if for combat, and sent word to Peter and his men also to hold themselves in array for battle, until he himself should give the signal; and he said that he knew well that the barbarians would attack them about midday, remembering, as they surely would, that while they themselves are accustomed to partake of food in the late afternoon, the Romans do so about midday. So Belisarius gave this warning; but Peter and his men disregarded his commands, and about midday, being distressed by the sun (for the place is exceedingly dry and hot), they stacked their arms, and with never a thought of the enemy began to go about in disorderly fashion and eat gourds which grew there. And when this was observed by Nabedes, he led the Persian army running at full speed against them. And the Romans, since they did not fail to observe that the Persians were coming out of the fortifications (for they were seen clearly because moving over a level plain), sent to Belisarius urging him to support them, and they themselves snatched up their arms, and in disorder and confusion confronted their foe. But Belisarius and his men, even before the messenger had reached them, discovered by the dust the attack of the Persians, and went to the rescue on the run. And when the Persians came up, the Romans did not withstand their onset, but were routed without any difficulty, and the Persians, following close upon them, killed fifty men, and seized and kept the standard of Peter. And they would have slain them all in this pursuit, for the Romans had no thought of resistance, if Belisarius and the army with him had not come upon them and prevented it. For as the Goths, first of all, came upon them with long spears in close array, the Persians did not await their attack but beat a hasty retreat. And the Romans together with the Goths followed them up and slew a hundred and fifty men. For the pursuit was only of short duration, and the others quickly got inside the fortifications. Then indeed all the Romans withdrew to the camp of Belisarius, and the Persians on the following day set up on a tower instead of a trophy the standard of Peter, and hanging sausages from it they taunted the enemy with laughter; however, they no longer dared to come out against them, but they guarded the city securely.
And Belisarius, seeing that Nisibis was exceedingly strong, and having no hope regarding its capture, was eager to go forward, in order that he might do the enemy some damage by a sudden inroad. Accordingly he broke camp and moved forward with the whole army. And after accomplishing a day’s journey, they came upon a fortress which the Persians call Sisauranon. There were in that place besides the numerous population eight hundred horsemen, the best of the Persians, who were keeping guard under command of a man of note, Bleschames by name. And the Romans made camp close by the fortress and began a siege, but, upon making an assault upon the fortifications, they were beaten back, losing many men in the fight. For the wall happened to be extremely strong, and the barbarians defended it against their assailants with the greatest vigour. Belisarius therefore called together all the officers and spoke as follows: “Experience in many wars, fellow officers, has made it possible for us in difficult situations to foresee what will come to pass, and has made us capable of avoiding disaster by choosing the better course. You understand, therefore, how great a mistake it is for an army to proceed into a hostile land, when many strongholds and many fighting men in them have been left in the rear. Now exactly this has happened to us in the present case. For if we continue our advance, some of the enemy from this place as well as from the city of Nisibis will follow us secretly and will, in all probability, handle us roughly in places which are for them conveniently adapted for an ambuscade or some other sort of attack. And if, by any chance, a second army confronts us and opens battle, it will be necessary for us to array ourselves against both, and we should thus suffer irreparable harm at their hands. And in saying this I do not mention the fact that if we fail in the engagement, should it so happen, we shall after that have absolutely no way of return left to the land of the Romans. Let us not therefore by reason of most ill-considered haste seem to have been our own despoilers, nor by our eagerness for strife do harm to the cause of the Romans. For stupid daring leads to destruction, but discreet hesitation is well adapted always to save those who adopt such a course. Let us therefore establish ourselves here and endeavour to capture this fortress, and let Arethas with his forces be sent into the country of Assyria. For the Saracens are by nature unable to storm a wall, but the cleverest of all men at plundering. And some of the soldiers who are good fighters will join them in the invasion, so that, if no opposition presents itself to them, they may overwhelm those who fall in their way, and if any hostile force encounters them, they may be saved easily by retiring to us. And after we have captured the fortress, if God wills, then with the whole army let us cross the River Tigris, without having to fear mischief from anyone in our rear, and knowing well how matters stand with the Assyrians.”
These words of Belisarius seemed to all well spoken, and he straightway put the plan into execution. Accordingly he commanded Arethas with his troops to advance into Assyria, and with them he sent twelve hundred soldiers, the most of whom were from among his own guard, putting two guardsmen in command of them, Trajan and John who was called the Glutton, both capable warriors. These men he directed to obey Arethas in everything they did, and he commanded Arethas to pillage all that lay before him and then return to the camp and report how matters stood with the Assyrians with regard to military strength. So Arethas and his men crossed the River Tigris and entered Assyria. There they found a goodly land and one which had been free from plunder for a long time, and undefended besides; and moving rapidly they pillaged many of the places there and secured a great amount of rich plunder. And at that time Belisarius captured some of the Persians and learned from them that those who were inside the fortress were altogether out of provisions. For they do not observe the custom which is followed in the cities of Daras and Nisibis, where they put away the annual food-supply in public store-houses, and now that a hostile army had fallen upon them unexpectedly they had not anticipated the event by carrying in any of the necessities of life. And since a great number of persons had taken refuge suddenly in the fortress, they were naturally hard pressed by the want of provisions. When Belisarius learned this, he sent George, a man of the greatest discretion with whom he shared his secrets, to test the men of the place, in the hope that he might be able to arrange some terms of surrender and thus take the place. And George succeeded, after addressing to them many words of exhortation and of kindly invitation, in persuading them to take pledges for their safety and to deliver themselves and the fortress to the Romans. Thus Belisarius captured Sisauranon, and the inhabitants, all of whom were Christians and of Roman origin, he released unscathed, but the Persians he sent with Bleschames to Byzantium, and razed the fortification wall of the fortress to the ground. And the emperor not long afterwards sent these Persians and Bleschames to Italy to fight against the Goths. Such, then, was the course of events which had to do with the fortress of Sisauranon.
But Arethas, fearing lest he should be despoiled of his booty by the Romans, was now unwilling to return to the camp. So he sent some of his followers ostensibly for the purpose of reconnoitring, but secretly commanding them to return as quickly as possible and announce to the army that a large hostile force was at the crossing of the river. For this reason, then, he advised Trajan and John to return by another route to the land of the Romans. So they did not come again to Belisarius, but keeping the River Euphrates on the right they finally arrived at the Theodosiopolis which is near the River Aborrhas.
Belisarius therefore called together all the officers and opened a discussion. Then John, the son of Nicetas, rose first and spoke as follows: “Most excellent Belisarius, I consider that in all time there has never been a general such as you are either in fortune or in valour. And this reputation has come to prevail not alone among the Romans, but also among all barbarians. This fair name, however, you will preserve most securely, if you should be able to take us back alive to the land of the Romans; for now indeed the hopes which we may have are not bright. For I would have you look thus at the situation of this army. The Saracens and the most efficient soldiers of the army crossed the River Tigris, and one day, I know not how long since, they found themselves in such a plight that they have not even succeeded in sending a messenger to us, and Rhecithancus and Theoctistus will depart, as you see surely, believing that the army of Alamoundaras is almost at this very moment in the midst of Phoenicia, pillaging the whole country there. And among those who are left the sick are so numerous that those who will care for them and convey them to the land of the Romans are fewer in number than they are by a great deal. Under these circumstances, if it should fall out that any hostile force should come upon us, either while remaining here or while going back, not a man would be able to carry back word to the Romans in Daras of the calamity which had befallen us. For as for going forward, I consider it impossible even to be spoken of. While, therefore, some hope is still left, it will be of advantage both to make plans for the return and to put the plans into action. For when men have come into danger and especially such danger as this, it is downright folly for them
And after Chosroes had taken Petra, it was announced to him that Belisarius had invaded the Persian territory, and the engagement near the city of Nisibis was reported, as also the capture of the fortress of Sisauranon, and all that the army of Arethas had done after crossing the River Tigris. Straightway, then, he established a garrison in Petra, and with the rest of the army and those of the Romans who had been captured he marched away into the land of Persia. Such, then, were the events which took place in the second invasion of Chosroes. And Belisarius went to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, and passed the winter there.
[542 A.D.] At the opening of spring Chosroes, the son of Cabades, for the third time began an invasion into the land of the Romans with a mighty army, keeping the River Euphrates on the right. And Candidus, the priest of Sergiopolis, upon learning that the Median army had come near there, began to be afraid both for himself and for the city, since he had by no means carried out at the appointed time the agreement which he had made[15]; accordingly he went into the camp of the enemy and entreated Chosroes not to be angry with him because of this. For as for money, he had never had any, and for this reason he had not even wished in the first place to deliver the inhabitants of Sura, and though he had supplicated the Emperor Justinian many times on their behalf, he had failed to receive any help from him. But Chosroes put him under guard, and, torturing him most cruelly, claimed the right to exact from him double the amount of money, just as had been agreed. And Candidus entreated him to send men to Sergiopolis to take all the treasures of the sanctuary there. And when Chosroes followed this suggestion, Candidus sent some of his followers with them. So the inhabitants of Sergiopolis, receiving into the city the men sent by Chosroes, gave them many of the treasures, declaring that nothing else was left them. But Chosroes said that these were by no means sufficient for him, and demanded that he should receive others still more than these. Accordingly he sent men, ostensibly to search out with all diligence the wealth of the city, but in reality to take possession of the city. But since it was fated that Sergiopolis should not be taken by the Persians, one of the Saracens, who,
But when Chosroes arrived at the land of the Commagenae which they call Euphratesia, he had no desire to turn to plundering or to the capture of any stronghold, since he had previously taken everything before him as far as Syria, partly by capture and partly by exacting money, as has been set forth in the preceding narrative. And his purpose was to lead the army straight for Palestine, in order that he might plunder all their treasures and especially those in Jerusalem. For he had it from hearsay that this was an especially goodly land and peopled by wealthy inhabitants. And all the Romans, both officers and soldiers, were far from entertaining any thought of confronting the enemy or of standing in the way of their passage, but manning their strongholds as each one could, they thought it sufficient to preserve them and save themselves.
The Emperor Justinian, upon learning of the inroad of the Persians, again sent Belisarius against them. And he came with great speed to Euphratesia since he had no army with him, riding on the government post-horses, which they are accustomed to call “veredi,” while Justus, the nephew of the emperor, together with Bouzes and certain others, was in Hierapolis where he had fled for refuge. And when these men heard that Belisarius was coming and was not far away, they wrote a letter to him which ran as follows: “Once more Chosroes, as you yourself doubtless know, has taken the field against the Romans, bringing a much greater army than formerly; and where he is purposing to go is not yet evident, except indeed that we hear he is very near, and that he has injured no place, but is always moving ahead. But come
But Chosroes, upon learning that Belisarius with the whole Roman army had encamped at Europum, decided not to continue his advance, but sent one of the royal secretaries, Abandanes by name, a man who enjoyed a great reputation for discretion, to Belisarius, in order to find out by inspection what sort of a general he might be, but ostensibly to make a protest because the Emperor Justinian had not sent the ambassadors to the Persians at all in order that they might settle the arrangements for the peace as had been agreed. When Belisarius learned this, he did as follows. He himself picked out six thousand men of goodly stature and especially fine physique, and set out to hunt at a considerable distance from the camp. Then he commanded Diogenes, the guardsman, and Adolius, the son of Acacius, to cross the river with a thousand horsemen and to move about the bank there, always making it appear to the enemy that if they wished to cross the Euphrates and proceed to their own land, they would never permit them to do so. This Adolius was an Armenian by birth, and he always served the emperor while in the palace as privy counsellor (those who enjoy this honour are called by the Romans “silentiarii"), but at that time he was commander of some Armenians. And these men did as directed.
Now when Belisarius had ascertained that the envoy was close at hand, he set up a tent of some heavy cloth, of the sort which is commonly called a “pavilion,” and seated himself there as one might in a desolate place, seeking thus to indicate that he had come without any equipment. And he arranged the soldiers as follows. On either side of the tent were Thracians and Illyrians, with Goths beyond them, and next to these Eruli, and finally Vandals and Moors. And their line extended for a great distance over the plain. For they did not remain standing always in the same place, but stood apart from one another and kept walking about, looking carelessly and without the least interest upon the envoy of Chosroes. And not one of them had a cloak or any other outer garment to cover the shoulders, but they were sauntering about clad in linen tunics and trousers, and outside these their girdles. And each one had his horse-whip, but for weapons one had a sword, another an axe, another an uncovered bow. And all gave the impression that they were eager to be off on the hunt with never a thought of anything else. So Abandanes came into the presence of Belisarius and said that the king Chosroes was indignant because the agreement previously made had not been kept, in that the envoys had not been sent to him by Caesar (for thus the Persians call the emperor of the Romans), and as a result of this Chosroes had been compelled to come into the land of the Romans in arms. But Belisarius was not terrified by the thought that such a multitude of barbarians were encamped close by, nor did he experience any confusion because of the words of the man, but with a laughing, care-free countenance he made answer, saying: “This course which Chosroes has followed on the present occasion is not in keeping with the way men usually act. For other men, in case a dispute should arise between themselves and any of their neighbours, first carry on negotiations with them, and whenever they do not receive reasonable satisfaction, then finally go against them in war. But he first comes into the midst of the Romans, and then begins to offer suggestions concerning peace.” With such words as these he dismissed the ambassador.
And when Abandanes came to Chosroes, he advised him to take his departure with all possible speed. For he said he had met a general who in manliness and sagacity surpassed all other men, and soldiers such as he at least had never seen, whose orderly conduct had roused in him the greatest admiration. And he added that the contest was not on an even footing as regards risk for him and for Belisarius, for there was this difference, that if he conquered, he himself would conquer the slave of Caesar, but if he by any chance were defeated, he would bring great disgrace upon his kingdom and upon the race of the Persians; and again the Romans, if conquered, could easily save themselves in strongholds and in their own land, while if the Persians should meet with any reverse, not
Chosroes, accordingly, constructed a bridge with great celerity and crossed the River Euphrates suddenly with his whole army. For the Persians are able to cross all rivers without the slightest difficulty because when they are on the march they have in readiness hook-shaped irons with which they fasten together long timbers, and with the help of these they improvise a bridge on the spur of the moment wherever they may desire. And as soon as he had reached the land on the opposite side, he sent to Belisarius and said that he, for his part, had bestowed a favour upon the Romans in the withdrawal of the Median army, and that he was expecting the envoys from them, who ought to present themselves to him at no distant time. Then Belisarius also with the whole Roman army crossed the River Euphrates and immediately sent to Chosroes. And when the messengers came into his presence, they commended him highly for his withdrawal and promised that envoys would come to him promptly from the emperor, who would arrange with him that the terms which had previously been agreed upon concerning the peace should be put into effect. And they asked of him that he treat the Romans as his friends in his journey through their land. This too he agreed to carry out, if they should give him some one of their notable
But in the meantime Chosroes, disregarding the agreement, took the city of Callinicus which was entirely without defenders. For the Romans, seeing that the wall of this city was altogether unsound and easy of capture, were tearing down portions of it in turn and restoring them with new construction. Now just at that time they had torn down one section of it and had not yet built in this interval; when, therefore, they learned that the enemy were close at hand, they carried out the most precious of their treasures, and the wealthy inhabitants withdrew to other strongholds, while the rest without soldiers remained where they were. And it happened that great numbers of farmers had gathered there. These Chosroes enslaved and razed everything to the ground. A little later, upon receiving the hostage, John, he retired to his own country. And the Armenians who had submitted to Chosroes received pledges from the Romans and came with Bassaces to Byzantium. Such was the fortune of the Romans in the third invasion of Chosroes. And Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, in order to be sent again to Italy, since the situation there was already full of difficulties for the Romans.
[542 A.D.] During these times there was a pestilence, by which the whole human race came near to being annihilated. Now in the case of all other scourges sent from Heaven some explanation of a cause might be given by daring men, such as the many theories propounded by those who are clever in these matters; for they love to conjure up causes which are absolutely incomprehensible to man, and to fabricate outlandish theories of natural philosophy, knowing well that they are saying nothing
It started from the Aegyptians who dwell in Pelusium. Then it divided and moved in one direction towards Alexandria and the rest of Aegypt, and in the other direction it came to Palestine on the borders of Aegypt; and from there it spread over the whole world, always moving forward and travelling at times favourable to it. For it seemed to move by fixed arrangement, and to tarry for a specified time in each country, casting its blight slightingly upon none, but spreading in either direction right out to the ends of the world, as if fearing lest some corner of the earth might escape it. For it left neither island nor cave nor mountain ridge which had human inhabitants; and if it had passed by any land, either not affecting the men there or touching them in indifferent fashion, still at a later time it came back; then those who dwelt round about this land, whom formerly it had afflicted most sorely, it did not touch at all, but it did not remove from the place in question until it had given up its just and proper tale of dead, so as to correspond exactly to the number destroyed at the earlier time among those who dwelt round about. And this disease always took its start from the coast, and from there went up to the interior. And in the second year it reached Byzantium in the middle of spring, where it happened that I was staying at that time. And it came as follows. Apparitions of supernatural beings in human guise of every description were seen by many persons, and those who encountered them thought that they were struck by the man they had met in this or that part of the body, as it happened, and immediately upon seeing this apparition they were seized also by the disease. Now at first those who met these
Up to this point, then, everything went in about the same way with all who had taken the disease. But from then on very marked differences developed; and I am unable to say whether the cause of this diversity of symptoms was to be found in the difference in bodies, or in the fact that it followed the wish of Him who brought the disease into the world. For there ensued with some a deep coma, with others a violent delirium, and in either case they suffered the characteristic symptoms of the disease. For those who were under the spell of the coma forgot all those who were familiar to them and seemed to be sleeping constantly. And if anyone cared for them, they would eat without waking, but some also were neglected, and these would die directly through lack of sustenance. But those who were seized with delirium suffered from insomnia and were victims of a distorted imagination; for they suspected that men were coming upon them to destroy
Now some of the physicians who were at a loss because the symptoms were not understood, supposing that the disease centred in the bubonic swellings, decided to investigate the bodies of the dead. And upon opening some of the swellings, they found a strange sort of carbuncle that had grown inside them.
Death came in some cases immediately, in others after many days; and with some the body broke out with black pustules about as large as a lentil and these did not survive even one day, but all succumbed immediately. With many also a vomiting of blood ensued without visible cause and straightway brought death. Moreover I am able to declare this, that the most illustrious physicians predicted that many would die, who unexpectedly escaped entirely from suffering shortly afterwards, and that they declared that many would be saved, who were destined to be carried off almost immediately. So it was that in this disease there was no cause which came within the province of human reasoning; for in all cases the issue tended to be something
And in the case of women who were pregnant death could be certainly foreseen if they were taken with the disease. For some died through miscarriage, but others perished immediately at the time of birth with the infants they bore. However, they say that three women in confinement survived though their children perished, and that one woman died at the very time of child-birth but that the child was born and survived.
Now in those cases where the swelling rose to an unusual size and a discharge of pus had set in, it came about that they escaped from the disease and survived, for clearly the acute condition of the carbuncle had found relief in this direction, and this proved to be in general an indication of returning health; but in cases where the swelling preserved its former appearance there ensued those troubles which I have just mentioned. And with some of them it came about that the thigh was withered, in which case, though the swelling was there, it did not develop the least suppuration. With others who survived the tongue did not remain unaffected, and they lived on either lisping or speaking incoherently and with difficulty.
Now the disease in Byzantium ran a course of four months, and its greatest virulence lasted about three. And at first the deaths were a little more than the normal, then the mortality rose still higher, and afterwards the tale of dead reached five thousand each day, and again it even came to ten thousand and still more than that. Now in the beginning each man attended to the burial of the dead of his own house, and these they threw even into the tombs of others, either escaping detection or using violence; but afterwards confusion and disorder everywhere became complete. For slaves remained destitute of masters, and men who in former times were very prosperous were deprived of the service of their domestics who were either sick or dead, and many houses became completely destitute of human inhabitants. For this reason it came about that some of the notable men of the city because of the universal destitution remained unburied for many days.
And it fell to the lot of the emperor, as was natural, to make provision for the trouble. He therefore detailed soldiers from the palace and distributed money, commanding Theodorus to take charge of this work; this man held the position of announcer of imperial messages, always announcing to the emperor the petitions of his clients, and declaring to them in turn whatever his wish was. In the Latin tongue the Romans designate this office by the term “referendarius.” So those who had not as yet fallen into complete destitution in their domestic affairs attended individually to the burial of those connected with them. But Theodorus, by giving out the emperor’s money and by making further expenditures from his own purse, kept burying the bodies which were not cared for. And when it came about that all the tombs which had existed previously were filled with the dead, then they dug up all the places about the city one after the other, laid the dead there, each one as he could, and departed; but later on those who were making these trenches, no longer able to keep up with the number of the dying, mounted the towers of the fortifications in Sycae[17], and tearing off the roofs threw the bodies in there in complete disorder; and they piled them up just as each one happened to fall, and filled practically all the towers with corpses, and then covered them again with their roofs. As a result of this an evil stench pervaded the city and distressed the inhabitants still more, and especially whenever the wind blew fresh from that quarter.
At that time all the customary rites of burial were overlooked. For the dead were not carried out escorted by a procession in the customary manner, nor were the usual chants sung over them, but it was sufficient if one carried on his shoulders the body of one of the dead to the parts of the city which bordered on the sea and flung him down; and there the corpses would be thrown upon skiffs in a heap, to be conveyed wherever it might chance. At that time, too, those of the population who had formerly been members of the factions laid aside their mutual enmity and in common they attended to the burial rites of the dead, and they carried with their own hands the bodies of those who were no connections of theirs and buried them. Nay, more, those who in times past used to take delight in devoting themselves to pursuits both shameful and base, shook off the unrighteousness of their daily lives and practised the duties of religion with diligence, not so much because they had learned wisdom at last nor because they had become all of a sudden lovers of virtue, as it were—for when qualities have become fixed in men by nature or by the training of a long period of time, it is impossible for them to lay them aside thus lightly, except, indeed, some divine influence for good has breathed upon them—but then all, so to speak, being thoroughly terrified by the things which were happening, and supposing that they would die immediately,
During that time it seemed no easy thing to see any man in the streets of Byzantium, but all who had the good fortune to be in health were sitting in their houses, either attending the sick or mourning the dead. And if one did succeed in meeting a man going out, he was carrying one of the dead. And work of every description ceased, and all the trades were abandoned by the artisans, and all other work as well, such as each had in hand. Indeed in a city which was simply abounding in all good things starvation almost absolute was running riot. Certainly it seemed a difficult and very notable thing to have a sufficiency of bread or of anything else; so that with some of the sick it appeared that the end of life came about sooner than it should have come by reason of the lack of the necessities of life. And, to put all in a word, it was not possible to see a single man in Byzantium clad in the chlamys[18], and especially when the emperor became ill (for he too had a swelling of the groin), but in a city which held dominion over the whole Roman empire every man was wearing clothes befitting private station and remaining quietly at home. Such was the course of the pestilence in the Roman empire at large as well as in Byzantium. And it fell also upon the land of the Persians and visited all the other barbarians besides.
[545 A.D.] Now it happened that Chosroes had come from Assyria to a place toward the north called Adarbiganon, from which he was planning to make an invasion into the Roman domain through Persarmenia. In that place is the great sanctuary of fire, which the Persians reverence above all other gods. There the fire is guarded unquenched by the Magi, and they perform carefully a great number of sacred rites, and in particular they consult an oracle on those matters which are of the greatest importance. This is the fire which the Romans worshipped under the name of Hestia[19] in ancient times. There someone who had been sent from Byzantium to Chosroes announced that Constantianus and Sergius would come before him directly as envoys to arrange the treaty. Now these two men were both trained speakers and exceedingly clever; Constantianus was an Illyrian by birth, and Sergius was from the
And already Chosroes had abandoned Adarbiganon a little before through fear of the plague and was off with his whole army into Assyria, where the pestilence had not as yet become epidemic. Valerianus accordingly encamped close by Theodosiopolis with the troops under him; and with him was arrayed Narses, who had with him Armenians and some of the Eruli. And Martinus, the General of the East, together with Ildiger and Theoctistus, reached the fortress of Citharizon, and fixing his camp there, remained on the spot. This fortress is separated from Theodosiopolis by a journey of four days. There too Peter came not long afterwards together with Adolius and some other commanders. Now the troops in this region were commanded by Isaac, the brother of Narses. And Philemouth and Beros with the Eruli who were under them came into the territory of Chorzianene, not far from the camp of Martinus. And Justus, the emperor’s nephew, and Peranius and John, the son of Nicetas, together with Domentiolus and John, who was called the Glutton, made camp near the place called Phison,
Now Doubios is a land excellent in every respect, and especially blessed with a healthy climate and abundance of good water; and from Theodosiopolis it is removed a journey of eight days. In that region there are plains suitable for riding, and many very populous villages are situated in very close proximity to one another, and numerous merchants conduct their business in them. For from India and the neighbouring regions of Iberia and from practically all the nations of Persia and some of those under Roman sway they bring in merchandise and carry on their dealings with each other there. And the priest of the Christians is called “Catholicos” in the Greek tongue, because he presides alone over the whole region. Now at a distance of about one hundred and twenty stades from Doubios on the right as one travels from the land of the Romans, there is a mountain difficult of ascent and moreover precipitous, and a village crowded into very narrow space by the rough country about, Anglon by name. Thither Nabedes withdrew with his whole army as soon as he learned of the inroad of the enemy, and, confident in his strength of position, he shut himself in. Now the village lies at the extremity of the mountain, and there is a strong fortress bearing the same name as this village on the steep mountain side. So Nabedes with stones and carts blocked up the entrances into the village and thus made it still more difficult of access. And in front of it he dug a sort of trench and stationed the army there, having filled some old cabins with ambuscades of infantrymen Altogether the Persian army amounted to four thousand men.
While these things were being done in this way, the Romans reached a place one day’s journey distant from Anglon, and capturing one of the enemy who was going out as a spy they enquired where in the world Nabedes was then. And he asserted that the man had retired from Anglon with the whole Median army. And when Narses heard this, he was indignant, and he heaped reproaches and abuse upon his fellow-commanders for their hesitation. And others, too, began to do the very same thing, casting insults upon one another; and from then on, giving up all thought of battle and danger, they were eager to plunder the country thereabout. The troops broke camp, accordingly, and without the guidance of generals and without observing any definite formation, they moved forward in complete confusion; for neither had they any countersign among themselves, as is customary in such perilous situations, nor were they arranged in their proper divisions. For the soldiers marched forward, mixed in with the baggage train, as if going to the ready plunder of great wealth. But when they came near to Anglon, they sent out spies who returned to them announcing the array of the enemy. And the generals were thunder-struck by the unexpectedness of it, but they considered it altogether disgraceful and unmanly to turn back with an army of such great size, and so they disposed the army in its three divisions, as well as the circumstances permitted, and advanced straight toward the enemy. Now Peter held the right wing and Valerianus the left, while Martinus and his men arrayed themselves in the centre. And when they came close to their opponents, they halted, preserving their formation, but not without disorder. The cause for this was to be found in the difficulty of the ground, which was very badly broken up, and in the fact that they were entering battle in a formation arranged on the spur of the moment. And up to this time the barbarians, who had gathered themselves into a small space, were remaining quiet, considering the strength of their antagonists, since the order had been given them by Nabedes not under any circumstances to begin the fighting, but if the enemy should assail them, to defend themselves with all their might.
And first Narses with the Eruli and those of the Romans who were under him, engaged with the enemy, and after a hard hand-to-hand struggle, he routed the Persians who were before him. And the barbarians in flight ascended on the run to the fortress, and in so doing they inflicted terrible injury upon one another in the narrow way. And then Narses urged his men forward and pressed still harder upon the enemy, and the rest of the Romans joined in the action. But all of a sudden the men who were in ambush, as has been said[20], came out from the cabins along the narrow alleys, and killed some of the Eruli, falling unexpectedly upon them, and they struck Narses himself a blow on the temple. And his brother Isaac carried him out from among the fighting men, mortally wounded.
And the Romans did not withstand the enemy and all of them fled as fast as they could, never once thinking of resistance and heedless of shame or of any other worthy motive. But the Persians, suspecting that they had not turned thus to a shameless flight, but that they were making use of some ambuscades against them, pursued them as far as the rough ground extended and then turned back, not daring to fight a decisive battle on level ground, a few against many. The Romans, however, and especially all the generals, supposing that the enemy were continuing the pursuit without pause, kept fleeing still faster, wasting not a moment; and they were urging on their horses as they ran with whip and voice, and throwing their corselets and other accoutrements in haste and confusion to the ground. For they had not the courage to array themselves against the Persians if they overtook them, but they placed all hope of safety in their horses’ feet, and, in short, the flight became such that scarcely any one of their horses survived, but when they stopped running, they straightway fell down and expired. And this proved a disaster for the Romans so great as to exceed anything that had ever befallen them previously. For great numbers of them perished and still more fell into the hands of the enemy. And their weapons and draught animals which were taken by the enemy amounted to such an imposing number that Persia seemed as a result of this affair to have become richer. And Adolius, while passing through a fortified place during this retreat—it was situated in Persarmenia—was struck on the head by a stone thrown by one of the inhabitants of the town, and died there. As for the forces of Justus and Peranius, they invaded the country about Taraunon, and after gathering some little plunder, immediately returned.
[544 A.D.] And in the following year, Chosroes, the son of Cabades, for the fourth time invaded the land of the Romans, leading his army towards Mesopotamia. Now this invasion was made by this Chosroes not against Justinian, the Emperor of the Romans, nor indeed against any other man, but only against the God whom the Christians reverence. For when in the first invasion he retired, after failing to capture Edessa[21], both he and the Magi, since they had been worsted by the God of the Christians, fell into a great dejection. Wherefore Chosroes, seeking to allay it, uttered a threat in the palace that he would make slaves of all the inhabitants of Edessa and bring them to the land of Persia, and would turn the city into a pasture for sheep. Accordingly when he had approached the city of Edessa with his whole army, he sent some of the Huns who were following him against that portion of the fortifications of the city which is above the hippodrome, with the purpose of doing no further injury than seizing the flocks which the shepherds had stationed there along the wall in great numbers: for they were confident in the strength of the place, since it was exceedingly steep, and supposed that the enemy would never dare to come so very close to the wall. So the barbarians were already laying hold of the sheep, and the shepherds were trying most valiantly to prevent them. And when a great number of Persians had come to the assistance of the Huns, the barbarians succeeded in detaching something of a flock from there, but Roman soldiers and some of the populace made a sally upon the enemy and the battle became a hand-to-hand struggle; meanwhile the flock of its own accord returned again to the shepherds. Now one of the Huns who was fighting before the others was making more trouble for the Romans than all the rest. And some rustic made a good shot and hit him on the right knee with a sling, and he immediately fell headlong from his horse to the ground, which thing heartened the Romans still more. And the battle which had begun early in the morning ended at midday, and both sides withdrew from the engagement thinking that they had the advantage. So the Romans went inside the fortifications, while the barbarians pitched their tents and made camp in a body about seven stades from the city.
Then Chosroes either saw some vision or else the thought occurred to him that if, after making two attempts, he should not be able to capture Edessa, he would thereby cover himself with much disgrace. Accordingly he decided to sell his withdrawal to the citizens of Edessa for a great sum of money. On the following day, therefore, Paulus the interpreter came along by the wall and said that some of the Roman notables should be sent to Chosroes. And they with all speed chose out four of their illustrious men and sent them. When these men reached the Median camp, they were met according to the king’s order by Zaberganes, who first terrified them with many threats
On the eighth day of the siege he formed the design of erecting an artificial hill against the circuit wall of the city; accordingly he cut down trees in great numbers from the adjacent districts and, without removing the leaves, laid them together in a square before the wall, at a point which no missile from the city could reach; then he heaped an immense amount of earth right upon the trees and above that threw on a great quantity of stones, not such as are suitable for building, but cut at random, and only calculated to raise the hill as quickly as possible to a great height. And he kept laying on long timbers in the midst of the earth and the stones, and made them serve to bind the structure together, in order that as it became high it should not be weak. But Peter, the Roman general (for he happened to be there with Martinus and Peranius), wishing to check the men who were engaged in this work, sent some of the Huns who were under his command against them. And they, by making a sudden attack, killed a great number; and one of the guardsmen, Argek by name, surpassed all others, for he alone killed twenty-seven. From that time on, however, the barbarians kept a careful guard, and there was no further opportunity for anyone to go out against them. But when the artisans engaged in this work, as they moved forward, came within range of missiles, then the Romans offered a most vigorous resistance from the city wall, using both their slings and their bows against them. Wherefore the barbarians devised the following plan.
Now the artificial hill was rising to a great height and was being pushed forward with much haste. And the Romans, being at a loss what to do, again sent off the envoys to Chosroes. And when they had arrived in the enemy’s camp, and said that they had come to make entreaty concerning the same things, they did not even gain a hearing of any kind from the Persians, but they were insulted and driven out from there with a great tumult, and so returned to the city. At first, then, the Romans tried to over-top the wall opposite the hill by means of another structure. But since the Persian work was already rising far above even this, they stopped their building and persuaded Martinus to make the arrangements for a settlement in whatever way he wished. He then came up close to the enemy’s camp and began to converse with some of the Persian commanders. But they, completely deceiving Martinus, said that their king was desirous of peace, but that he was utterly unable to persuade the Roman Emperor to have done with his strife with Chosroes and to establish peace with him at last. And they mentioned as evidence of this the fact that Belisarius, who in power and dignity was far superior to Martinus, as even he himself would not deny, had recently persuaded the king of the Persians, when he was in the midst of Roman territory, to withdraw from there into Persia, promising that envoys from Byzantium would come to him at no distant time and establish peace securely, but that he had done none of the things agreed upon, since he had found himself unable to overcome the determination of the Emperor Justinian.
In the meantime the Romans were busying themselves as follows: They made a tunnel from the city underneath the enemy’s embankment, commanding the diggers not to leave this work until they should get under the middle of the hill. By this means they were planning to burn the embankment. But as the tunnel advanced to about the middle of the hill, a sound of blows, as it were, came to the ears of those Persians who were standing above. And perceiving what was being done, they too began from above and dug on both sides of the middle, so that they might catch the Romans who were doing the damage there. But the Romans found it out and abandoned this attempt, throwing earth into the place which had been hollowed out, and then began to work on the lower part of the embankment at the end which was next to the wall, and by taking out timbers and stones and earth they made an open space just like a chamber; then they threw in there dry trunks of trees of the kind which burn most easily, and saturated them with oil of cedar and added quantities of sulphur and bitumen. So, then, they were keeping these things in readiness; and meanwhile the Persian commanders in frequent meetings with Martinus were carrying on conversations with him in the same strain as the one I have mentioned, making it appear that they would receive proposals in regard to peace. But when at last their hill had been completed, and had been raised to a great elevation, approaching the circuit-wall of the city and rising far above it in height, then they sent Martinus away, definitely refusing to arrange the treaty, and they intended from then on to devote themselves to active warfare.
Accordingly the Romans straightway set fire to the tree-trunks which had been prepared for this purpose. But when the fire had burned only a certain portion of the embankment, and had not yet been able to penetrate through the whole mass, the wood was already entirely exhausted. But they kept throwing fresh wood into the pit, not slackening their efforts for a moment. And when the fire was already active throughout the whole embankment, some smoke appeared at night rising from every part of the hill, and the Romans, who were not yet willing to let the Persians know what was being done, resorted to the following device: They filled small pots with coals and fire and threw these and also ignited arrows in great numbers to all parts of the embankment. And the Persians who were keeping guard there, began to go about in great haste and extinguish these, and they supposed that the smoke arose from them. But since the trouble increased, the barbarians rushed up to help in great numbers, and the Romans, shooting them from the wall, killed many. And Chosroes too came there about sunrise, followed by the greater part of the army, and, upon mounting the hill, he first perceived what the trouble was. For he disclosed the fact that the cause of the smoke was underneath, not in the missiles which the enemy were hurling, and he ordered the whole army to come to the rescue with all speed. And the Romans, taking courage, began to insult them, while the barbarians were at work, some throwing on earth, and others water, where the smoke appeared, hoping thus to get the better of the trouble; however, they were absolutely unable to accomplish anything. For where the earth was thrown on, the smoke, as was natural, was checked at that place, but not long afterwards it rose from another place, since the fire compelled it to force its way out wherever it could. And where the water fell most plentifully it only succeeded in making the bitumen and the sulphur much more active, and caused them to exert their full force upon the wood near by; and it constantly drove the fire forward, since the water could not penetrate inside the embankment in a quantity at all sufficient to extinguish the flame by its abundance. And in the late afternoon the smoke became so great in volume that it was visible to the inhabitants of Carrhae and to some others who dwelt far beyond them. And since a great number of Persians and of Romans had gone up on top of the embankment, a fight took place and a hand-to-hand struggle to drive each other off, and the Romans were victorious. Then even the flames rose and appeared clearly above the embankment, and the Persians abandoned this undertaking.
On the sixth day after this, at early dawn, they made an assault secretly upon a certain part of the circuit-wall with ladders, at the point which is called the Fort. And since the Romans who were keeping guard there were sleeping a quiet, peaceful sleep, as the night was drawing to its close, they silently set the ladders against the wall and were already ascending. But one of the rustics alone among the Romans happened to be awake, and he with a shout and a great noise began to rouse them all. And a hard struggle ensued in which the Persians were worsted, and they retired to their camp, leaving the ladders where they were; these the Romans drew up at their leisure. But Chosroes about midday sent a large part of the army against the so-called Great Gate in order to storm the wall. And the Romans went out and confronted them, not only soldiers, but even rustics and some of the populace, and they conquered the barbarians in battle decisively and turned them to flight. And while the Persians were still being pursued, Paulus, the interpreter, came from Chosroes, and going into the midst of the Romans, he reported that Rhecinarius had come from Byzantium to arrange the peace; and thus the two armies separated. Now it was already some days since Rhecinarius had arrived at the camp of the barbarians. But the Persians had by no means disclosed this fact to the Romans, plainly awaiting the outcome of the attempts upon the wall which they had planned, in order that, if they should be able to capture it, they might seem in no way to be violating the treaty, while if defeated, as actually happened, they might draw up the treaty at the invitation of the Romans. And when Rhecinarius had gone inside the gates, the Persians demanded that those who were to arrange the peace should come to Chosroes without any delay, but the Romans said that envoys would be sent three days later; for that just at the moment their general, Martinus, was unwell.
And Chosroes, suspecting that the reason was not a sound one, prepared for battle. And at that time he only threw a great mass of bricks upon the embankment; but two days later he came against the fortifications of the city with the whole army to storm the wall. And at every gate he stationed some of the commanders and a part of the army, encircling the whole wall in this way, and he brought up ladders and war-engines against it. And in the rear he placed all the Saracens with some of the Persians, not in order to assault the wall, but in order that, when the city was captured, they might gather in the fugitives and catch them as in a drag-net. Such, then, was the purpose of Chosroes in arranging the army in this way. And the fighting began early in the morning, and at first the Persians had the advantage. For they were in great numbers and fighting against a very small force, since the most of the Romans had not heard what was going on and were utterly unprepared. But as the conflict advanced the city became full
At about this time two generals of the Romans died, Justus, the nephew of the emperor, and Peranius, the Iberian, of whom the former succumbed to disease, while Peranius fell from his horse in hunting and suffered a fatal rupture. The emperor therefore appointed others in their places, dispatching Marcellus, his own nephew who was just arriving at the age of manhood, and Constantianus, who a little earlier had been sent as an envoy with Sergius to Chosroes. Then the Emperor Justinian sent Constantianus and Sergius a second time to Chosroes to arrange the truce. And they overtook him in Assyria, at the place where there are two towns, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, built by the Macedonians who after Alexander, the son of Philip, ruled over the Persians and the other nations there. These two towns are separated by the Tigris River only, for they have nothing else between them. There the envoys met Chosroes, and they demanded that he should give back to the Romans the country of Lazica, and establish peace with them on a thoroughly secure basis. But Chosroes said that it was not easy for them to come to terms with each other, unless they should first declare an armistice, and then should continue to go back and forth to each other without so much fear and settle their differences and make a peace which should be on a secure basis for the future. And it was necessary, he said, that in return for this continued armistice the Roman Emperor should give him money and should also send a certain physician, Tribunus by name, in order to spend some specified time with him. For it happened that this physician at a former time had rid him of a severe disease, and as a result of this he was especially beloved and greatly missed by him. When the Emperor Justinian heard this, he immediately sent both Tribunus and the money, amounting to twenty centenaria. [545 A.D.] In this way the treaty was made between the Romans and the Persians for five years, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian.
And a little later Arethas and Alamoundaras, the rulers of the Saracens, waged a war against each other by themselves, unaided either by the Romans or the Persians. And Alamoundaras captured one of the sons of Arethas in a sudden raid while he was pasturing horses, and straightway sacrificed him to Aphrodite; and from this it was known that Arethas was not betraying the Romans to the Persians. Later they both came together in battle with their whole armies, and the forces of Arethas were overwhelmingly victorious, and turning their enemy to flight, they killed many of them. And Arethas came within a little of capturing alive two of the sons of Alamoundaras; however, he did not actually succeed. Such, then, was the course of events among the Saracens.
But it became clear that Chosroes, the Persian king, had made the truce with the Romans with treacherous intent, in order that he might find them remiss on account of the peace and inflict upon them some grave injury. For in the third year of the truce he devised the following schemes. There were in Persia two brothers, Phabrizus and Isdigousnas, both holding most important offices there and at the same time reckoned to be the basest of all the Persians, and having a great reputation for their cleverness and evil ways. Accordingly, since Chosroes had formed the purpose of capturing the city of Daras by a sudden stroke, and to move all the Colchians out of Lazica and establish in their place Persian settlers, he selected these two men to assist him in both undertakings. For it seemed to him that it would be a lucky stroke and a really important achievement to win for himself the land of Colchis and to have it in secure possession, reasoning that this would be advantageous to the Persian empire in many ways. In the first place they would have Iberia in security forever afterwards, since the Iberians would not have anyone with whom, if they revolted, they might find safety; for since the most notable men of these barbarians together with their king, Gourgenes, had looked towards revolt, as I have stated in the preceding pages,[24] the Persians from that time on did not permit them to set up a king over themselves, nor were the Iberians single-minded subjects of the Persians, but there was much suspicion and distrust between them. And it was evident that the Iberians were most thoroughly dissatisfied and that they would attempt a revolution shortly if they could only seize upon some favourable opportunity. Furthermore, the Persian empire would be forever free from plunder by the Huns who lived next to Lazica, and he would send them against the Roman domains more easily and readily, whenever he should so desire. For he considered that, as regards the barbarians dwelling in the Caucasus, Lazica was nothing else than a bulwark against them. But most of all he hoped that the subjugation of Lazica would afford this advantage to the Persians, that starting from there they might overrun with no trouble both by land and by sea the countries along the Euxine Sea, as it is called, and thus win over the Cappadocians and the Galatians and Bithynians who adjoin them, and capture Byzantium by a sudden assault with no one opposing them. For these reasons, then, Chosroes was anxious to gain possession of Lazica, but in the Lazi he had not the least confidence. For since the time when the Romans had withdrawn from Lazica, the common people of the country naturally found the Persian rule burdensome. For the Persians are beyond all other men singular in their ways, and they are excessively rigid as regards the routine of daily life. And their laws are difficult of access for all men, and their requirements quite unbearable. But in comparison with the Lazi the difference of their
When Chosroes had matured these plans, he sent Isdigousnas to Byzantium, ostensibly to act as an envoy, and he picked out five hundred of the most valorous of the Persians and sent them with him, directing them to get inside the city of Daras, and to take their lodgings in many different houses, and at night to set these all on fire, and, while all the Romans were occupied with this fire, as was natural, to open the gates immediately, and receive the rest of the Persian army into the city. For word had been sent previously to the commander of the city of Nisibis to conceal a large force of soldiers near by and hold them in readiness. For in this way Chosroes thought that they would destroy all the Romans with no trouble, and seizing the city of Daras, would hold it securely. But someone who knew well what was being arranged, a Roman who had come to the Persians as a deserter a little earlier, told everything to George, who was staying there at the time; now this was the same man whom I mentioned in the preceding pages[25] as having persuaded the Persians who were besieged in the fortress of Sisauranon to surrender themselves to the Romans. George therefore met this ambassador at the boundary line between Roman and Persian soil and said that this thing he was doing was not after the fashion of an embassy, and that never had so numerous a body of Persians stopped for the night in a city of the Romans. For he ought, he said, to have left behind all the rest in the town of Ammodios, and must himself enter the city of Daras with some few men. Now Isdigousnas was indignant and appeared to take it ill, because he had been insulted wrongfully, in spite of the fact that he was dispatched on an embassy to the Roman emperor. But George, paying no heed to him in his fury, saved the city for the Romans. For he received Isdigousnas into the city with only twenty men.
So having failed in this attempt, the barbarian came to Byzantium as if on an embassy, bringing with him his wife and two daughters (for this was his pretext for the crowd which had been gathered about him); but when he came before the emperor, he was unable to say anything great or small about any serious matter, although he wasted no less than ten months in Roman territory. However, he gave the emperor the gifts from Chosroes, as is customary, and a letter, in which Chosroes requested the Emperor Justinian to send word whether he was enjoying the best possible health. Nevertheless the Emperor Justinian received this Isdigousnas with more friendliness and treated him with greater honour than any of the other ambassadors of whom we know. So true was this that, whenever he entertained him, he caused Braducius, who followed him as interpreter, to recline with him on the couch, a thing which had never before happened in all time. For no one ever saw an interpreter become a table-companion of even one of the more humble officials, not to speak of a king. But he both received and dismissed this man in a style more splendid than that which befits an ambassador, although he had undertaken the embassy for no serious business, as I have said. For if anyone should count up the money expended and the gifts which Isdigousnas carried with him when he went away, he will find them amounting to more than ten centenaria of gold. So the plot against the city of Daras ended in this way for Chosroes.
His first move against Lazica was as follows. He sent into the country a great amount of lumber suitable for the construction of ships, explaining to no one what his purpose was in so doing, but ostensibly he was sending it in order to set up engines of war on the fortifications of Petra. Next he chose out three hundred able warriors of the Persians, and sent them there under command of Phabrizus, whom I have lately mentioned, ordering him to make away with Goubazes as secretly as possible; as for the rest, he himself would take care. Now when this lumber had been conveyed to Lazica, it happened that it was struck suddenly by lightning and reduced to ashes. And Phabrizus, upon arriving in Lazica with the three hundred, began to contrive so that he might carry out the orders received by him from Chosroes regarding Goubazes. Now it happened that one of the men of note among the Colchians, Pharsanses by name, had quarrelled with Goubazes and in consequence had become exceedingly hostile to him, and now he did not dare at all to go into the presence of the king. When this was learned by Phabrizus, he summoned Pharsanses and in a conference with him disclosed the whole project, and enquired of the man in what way he ought to go about the execution of the deed. And it seemed best to them after deliberating together that Phabrizus should go into the city of Petra, and should summon Goubazes there, in order to announce to him what the
[549 A.D.] When the Emperor Justinian heard this, he was overjoyed, and sent seven thousand men under the leadership of Dagisthaeus and a thousand Tzani to the assistance of the Lazi. And when this force reached the land of Colchis, they encamped together with Goubazes and the Lazi about the fortifications of Petra and commenced a siege. But since the Persians who were there made a most stalwart defence from the wall, it came about that much time was spent in the siege; for the Persians had put away an ample store of victuals in the town. And Chosroes, being greatly disturbed by these things, dispatched a great army of horse and foot against the besiegers, putting Mermeroes in command of them. And when Goubazes learned of this, he considered the matter together with Dagisthaeus and acted in the manner which I shall presently set forth.
The river Boas rises close to the territory of the Tzani among the Armenians who dwell around Pharangium. And at first its course inclines to the right for a great distance, and its stream is small and can be forded by anyone with no trouble as far as the place where the territory of the Iberians lies on the right, and the end of the Caucasus lies directly opposite. In that place many nations have their homes, and among them the Alani and Abasgi, who are Christians and friends of the Romans from of old; also the Zechi, and after them the Huns who bear the name Sabeiri. But when this river reaches the point which marks the termination of the Caucasus and of Iberia as well, there other waters also are added to it and it becomes much larger and from there flows on bearing the name of Phasis instead of Boas[26]; and it becomes a navigable stream as far as the so-called Euxine Sea into which it empties; and on either side of it lies Lazica. Now on the right of the stream particularly the whole country for a great distance is populated by the people of Lazica as far as the boundary of Iberia. For all the villages of the Lazi are here beyond the river, and towns have been built there from of old, among which are Archaeopolis, a very strong place, and Sebastopolis, and the fortress of Pitius, and Scanda and Sarapanis
But on this occasion Goubazes, upon learning of the advance of the Persians, directed Dagisthaeus to send some men to guard with all their strength the pass which is below the River Phasis, and he bade him not on any account to abandon the siege until they should be able to capture Petra and the Persians in it. He himself meanwhile with the whole Colchian army came to the frontier of Lazica, in order to devote all his strength to guarding the pass there. Now it happened that long before he had persuaded the Alani and Sabeiri to form an alliance with him, and they had agreed for three centenaria not merely to assist the Lazi in guarding the land from plunder, but also to render Iberia so destitute of men that not even the Persians would be able to come in from there in the future. And Goubazes had promised that the emperor would give them this money. So he reported the agreement to the Emperor Justinian and besought him to send this money for the barbarians and afford the Lazi some consolation in their great distress. He also stated that the treasury owed him his salary for ten years, for though he was assigned a post among the privy counsellors in the palace, he had received no payment from it since the time when Chosroes came into the land of Colchis. And the Emperor Justinian intended to fulfil this request, but some business came up to occupy his attention and he did not send the money at the proper time. So Goubazes was thus engaged.
But Dagisthaeus, being a rather young man and by no means competent to carry on a war against Persia, did not handle the situation properly. For while he ought to have sent certainly the greater part of the army to the pass, and perhaps should have assisted in person in this enterprise, he sent only one hundred men, just as if he were managing a matter of secondary importance. He himself, moreover, though besieging Petra with the whole army, accomplished nothing, although the enemy were few. For while they had been at the beginning not less than fifteen hundred, they had been shot at by Romans and Lazi in their fighting at the wall for a long time, and had made a display of valour such as no others known to us have made, so that many were falling constantly and they were reduced to an exceedingly small number. So while the Persians, plunged in despair and at a loss what to do, were remaining quiet, the Romans made a trench along the wall for a short space, and the circuit-wall at this point fell immediately. But it happened that inside this space there was a building which did not stand back at all from the circuit-wall, and this reached to the whole length of the fallen portion; thus, taking the place of the wall for the besieged, it rendered them secure none the less. But this was not sufficient greatly to disturb the Romans. For knowing well that by doing the same thing elsewhere they would capture the city with the greatest ease, they became still more hopeful than before. For this reason Dagisthaeus sent word to the emperor of what had come to pass, and proposed that prizes of victory should be in readiness for him, indicating what rewards the emperor should bestow upon himself and his brother; for he would capture Petra after no great time. So the Romans and the Tzani made a most vigorous assault upon the wall, but the Persians unexpectedly withstood them, although only a very few were left. And since the Romans were accomplishing nothing by assaulting the wall, they again turned to digging. And they went so far in this work that the foundations of the circuit-wall were no longer on solid ground, but stood for the most part over empty space, and, in the nature of things, would fall almost immediately. And if Dagisthaeus had been willing immediately to apply fire to the foundations, I think that the city would have been captured by them straightway; but, as it was, he was awaiting encouragement from the emperor, and so, always hesitating and wasting time, he remained inactive. Such, then, was the course of events in the Roman camp.
But Mermeroes, after passing the Iberian frontier with the whole Median army, was moving forward with the River Phasis on his right. For he was quite unwilling to go through the country of Lazica, lest any obstacle should confront him there. For he was eager to save the city of Petra and the Persians in it, even though a portion of the circuit-wall had fallen down suddenly. For it had been hanging in the air, as I have said; and volunteers from the Roman army to the number of fifty got inside the city, and raised the shout proclaiming the Emperor Justinian triumphant. These men were led by a young man of Armenian birth, John by name, the son of Thomas whom they used to call by the surname Gouzes. This Thomas had built many of the strongholds about Lazica at the direction of the emperor, and he commanded the soldiers there, seeming to the emperor an intelligent person. Now John, when the Persians joined battle with his men, was wounded and straightway withdrew to the camp with his followers, since no one else of the Roman army came to support him. Meanwhile the Persian Mirranes who commanded the garrison in Petra, fearing for the city, directed all the Persians to keep guard with the greatest diligence, and he himself went to Dagisthaeus, and addressed him with fawning speeches and deceptive words, agreeing readily to surrender the city not long afterwards. In this way he succeeded in deceiving him so that the Roman army did not immediately enter the city.
Now when the army of Mermeroes came to the pass, the Roman garrison, numbering one hundred men, confronted them there and offered a stalwart resistance, and they held in check their opponents who were attempting the entrance. But the Persians by no means withdrew, but those who fell were constantly replaced by others, and they kept advancing, trying with all their strength to force their way in. Among the Persians more than a thousand perished, but at last the Romans were worn out with killing, and, being forced back by the throng, they withdrew, and running up to the heights of the mountain there were saved. Dagisthaeus, upon learning this, straightway abandoned the siege without giving any commands to the army, and proceeded to the River Phasis; and all the Romans followed him, leaving their possessions behind in the camp. And when the Persians observed what was being done, they opened their gates and came forth, and approached the tents of the enemy in order to capture the camp. But the Tzani, who had not followed after Dagisthaeus, as it happened, rushed out to defend the camp, and they routed the enemy without difficulty and killed many. So the Persians fled inside their fortifications, and the Tzani, after plundering the Roman camp proceeded straight for Rhizaeum. And from there they came to Athens and betook themselves to their homes through the territory of the Trapezuntines.
And Mermeroes and the Median army came there on the ninth day after the withdrawal of Dagisthaeus; and in the city they found left of the Persian garrison three hundred and fifty men wounded and unfit for fighting, and only one hundred and fifty men unhurt; for all the rest had perished. Now the survivors had in no case thrown the bodies of the fallen outside the fortifications, but though stifled by the evil stench, they held out in a manner beyond belief, in order that they might not afford the enemy any encouragement for the prosecution of the siege, by letting them know that most of their number had perished. And Mermeroes remarked by way of a taunt that the Roman state was worthy of tears and lamentation, because they had come to such a state of weakness that they had been unable by any device to capture one hundred and fifty Persians without a wall. And he was eager to build up the portions of the circuit-wall which had fallen down; but since at the moment he had neither lime nor any of the other necessary materials for the building ready at hand, he devised the following plan. Filling with sand the linen bags in which the Persians had carried their provisions into the land of Colchis, he laid them in the place of the stones, and the bags thus arranged took the place of the wall. And choosing out three thousand of his able fighting men, he left them there, depositing with them victuals for no great length of time, and commanding them to attend to the building of the fortifications; then he himself with all the rest of the army turned back and marched away.
But since, if he went from there by the same road, no means of provisioning his army was available, since he had left everything in Petra which had been brought in by the army from Iberia, he planned to go by another route through the mountains, where he learned that the country was inhabited, in order that by foraging there he might be able to live off the land. In the course of this journey one of the notables among the Lazi, Phoubelis by name, laid an ambush for the Persians while camping for the night, bringing with him Dagisthaeus with two thousand of the Romans; and these men, making a sudden attack, killed some of the Persians who were grazing their horses, and after securing the horses as plunder they shortly withdrew. Thus, then, Mermeroes with the Median army departed from there.
But Goubazes, upon learning what had befallen the Romans both at Petra and at the pass, did not even so become frightened, nor did he give up the guarding of the pass where he was, considering that their hope centred in that place. For he understood that, even if the Persians had been able by forcing back the Romans on the left of the River Phasis to cross over the pass and get into Petra, they could thereby inflict no injury upon the land of the Lazi, since they were utterly unable to cross the Phasis, in particular because no ships were at their disposal. For in depth this river is not inferior to the deepest
The Emperor Justinian at this time sent to the nation of the Sabeiri the money which had been agreed upon, and he rewarded Goubazes and the Lazi with additional sums of money. And it happened that long before this time he had sent another considerable army also to Lazica, which had not yet arrived there. The commander of this army was Rhecithancus, from Thrace, a man of discretion and a capable warrior. Such then was the course of these events.
Now when Mermeroes got into the mountains, as I have said, he was anxious to fill Petra with provisions from there. For he did not by any means think that the victuals which they had brought in with them would suffice for the garrison there, amounting to three thousand men. But since the supplies they found along the way barely sufficed for the provisioning of that army, which numbered no less than thirty thousand, and since on this account they were able to send nothing at all of consequence to Petra, upon consideration he found it better for them that the greater part of the army should depart from the land of Colchis, and that some few should remain there, who were to convey to the garrison in Petra the most of the provisions which they might find, while using the rest to maintain themselves comfortably. He therefore selected five thousand men and left them there, appointing as commanders over them Phabrizus and three others. For it seemed to him unnecessary to leave more men there, since there was no enemy at all. And he himself with the rest of the army came into Persarmenia and remained quietly in the country around Doubios.
Now the five thousand, upon coming nearer to the frontier of Lazica, encamped in a body beside the Phasis River, and from there they went about in small bands and plundered the neighbouring country. Now when Goubazes perceived this, he sent word to Dagisthaeus to hasten there to his assistance: for it would be possible for them to do the enemy some great harm. And he did as directed, moving forward with the whole Roman army with the River Phasis on the left, until he came to the place where the Lazi where encamped on the opposite bank of the river. Now it happened that the Phasis could be forded at this point, a fact which neither the Romans nor the Persians suspected in the least because of their lack of familiarity with these regions; but the Lazi knew it well, and they made the crossing suddenly and joined the Roman army. And the Persians chose out a thousand men
And John the Cappadocian one year before this came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor. For at that time the Empress Theodora had reached the term of her life. However, he was quite unable to recover any of his former dignities, but he continued to hold the priestly honour against his will; and yet the vision had often come to the man that he would arrive at royalty. For the divine power is accustomed to tempt those whose minds are not solidly grounded by nature, by holding before their vision, on great and lofty hopes, that which is counted splendid among
[1]
That is, the Saracens subject to the Romans and those subject to the Persians.
[2]
Cf. Book I. xxii. 4.
[3]
The Huns placed a part of their force in the rear of the defenders of the pass, which lies between the sea and the mountains, sending them around by the same path, probably, as that used by Xerxes when he destroyed Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans; see Herod. vii. 216-218.
[4]
“Secretary of secrets.”
[5]
Cf. Book I. xxii. 4.
[6]
Cf. Book II. i. 13; iii. 47.
[7]
Cf. Book I. xxii. 4.
[8]
Cf. Book II. xxi. 30-32.
[9]
This term was applied to the “Blue Faction” in Byzantium and elsewhere.
[10]
Cf. Book I. xxii. 4.
[11]
Nine MS. lines are missing at this point.
[12]
Cf. Book II. x. 24.
[13]
Cf. Book I. xii. 4 ff.
[14]
Cf. Book I. viii. 21-22.
[15]
Cf. chap. v. 31.
[16]
I.e. “groin.”
[17]
Modern Galata.
[18]
The official dress.
[19]
Vesta.
[20]
Cf. section 9 above.
[21]
Cf. Book II. xii. 31-34.
[22]
Latin agger, “mound.”
[23]
“Three Towers.”
[24]
Cf. Book I. xii. 5 ff.
[25]
Book II. xix. 23.
[26]
Procopius seems to have confused two separate and distinct rivers.
[27]
Cf. Book II. xv. 11.
[28]
Latin clausura, “a narrow shut-in road.”
* * * * *
Abandanes, secretary of Chosroes, sent to Belisarius, II. xxi. 1 ff.; his report, II. xxi. 13, 14
Abasgi, their location, II. xxix. 15; friends of the Romans, ib.
Abochorabus, ruler of the Saracens of Arabia, presents
the Palm Groves
to Justinian, I. xix. 10 ff.
Aborrhas River, protects one side of Circesium, II. v. 2; near Theodosiopolis, II. xix. 29
Abramus, becomes king of the Homeritae, I. xx. 3; his servile origin, I. xx. 4; defeats two Aethiopian armies, I. xx. 5-7; pays tribute to the Aethiopians, I. xx. 8; his idle promises to Justinian to invade Persia, I. xx. 13
Abydus, city opposite Sestus on the Hellespont, II. iv. 9
Acacius, father of Adolius, II. xxi. 2; denounces Amazaspes to the emperor, II. iii. 4; slays him treacherously, II. iii. 5; his shameless career as governor of Armenia, II. iii. 6, 7; slain by the Armenians, II. iii. 7
Adarbiganon, Chosroes halts there with his army, II. xxiv. 1; the fire-sanctuary located there, II. xxiv. 2; abandoned by Chosroes, II. xxiv. 12
Adergoudounbades, made “chanaranges” by Chosroes, I. vi. 15, 18; saves Cabades from the hand of Chosroes, I. xxiii. 7 ff.; betrayed by his son, I. xxiii. 13; his death, I. xxiii. 21
Adolius, son of Acacius, an Armenian, urges severe
treatment of Armenians,
II. iii. 10; commander of
Roman cavalry, II. xxi. 2, 18, 20; commands a detachment
in an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv. 13; killed
by a stone, II. xxv. 35
Adonachus, commander in Chalcis, II. xii. 2
Adrastadaran Salanes, an office in Persia of high
authority
(lit. “Leader
of the Warriors"), I. vi 18, xi. 25; held only by
Seoses, I. xi. 38
Adulis, in Aethiopia, the city and harbour, distance
from Auxomis,
I. xix. 22; home of a certain
Roman trader, I. xx. 4
Aegypt, its topography, I. xix. 3;
John the Cappadocian an exile there, I. xxv.
43; the pestilence there, II. xxii. 6
Aeimachus, a butcher of Antioch, his encounter with
a Persian horseman,
II. xi. 8 ff.
Aelas, on the “Red Sea,” I. xix. 3, 19, 24
Aethiopians, location of their country, I. xix. 17; the ships used there, I. xix. 23; iron not produced there nor imported from elsewhere, I. xix. 24. 25; sought as allies by Justinian, I. xix. 1, xx. 9 ff., II. iii. 40; unable to buy silk from the Indians, I. xx. 12
Agamemnon, father of Iphigenia, I. xvii. II
Agesta, i.e., “agger,” employed
by the Persians in besieging Edessa,
II. xxvi. 29
Aigan, Massagete chief, in the Roman army at the battle
of Daras,
I. xiii. 20, xiv. 39, 44
Alamoundaras, son of Saccice, king of the Saracens,
marches with the Persian army, I. xvii. 1; his
character and services to the Persians, I. xvii. 40
ff.; advises Cabades to invade Roman territory south
of the Euphrates River,
I. xvii. 30 ff.; retires
with Azarethes before Belisarius, I. xviii. 9 ff.;
brings charge against Arethas of violating boundary
lines, II. i. 3; war with Arethas, II. xxviii. 12-14;
sacrifices to Aphrodite the son of Arethas, II. xxviii.
13; sought as an ally by Justinian, II. i. 13, iii.
47; accused by Justinian of violating the treaty,
II. iv. 21; a menace to Syria and Phoenicia, II.
xvi. 17; also to Lebanon, II. xix. 34
Alani, their location, II. xxix. 15; friends of the Romans, ib.; neighbours of the Sunitae, I. xv. 1; persuaded by Goubazes to ally themselves with him, II. xxix. 29
Albani, a people near the Taurus, I. x. 1
Alexander, son of Philip, fortified the Caspian Gates,
I. x. 9;
Justinian compared with him, II. ii. 15
Alexander, ambassador to the Persians, I. xxii. 1
Alexandria, visited by the pestilence, II. xxii. 6; citizens of, accused by John the Cappadocian, I. xxv. 44
Amazaspes, nephew of Symeon, made ruler of certain
Armenian villages,
II. iii. 3; denounced to
the emperor, II. iii. 4; treacherously slain, II.
iii. 5
Ambazouces, a Hun, offers to sell to Anastasius the
control of the Caspian
Gates, I. x. 10; his death,
I. x. 12
Ambrus, a Saracen Christian, saves Sergiopolis from
capture by Chosroes,
II. xx. 10, 14
Amida, a city on the border between Armenia and Mesopotamia, I. xvii. 24; distance from Martyropolis, I. xxi. 6; distance from the Nymphius River, I. viii. 22; from Siphrios, I. viii. 10; from Endielon, I. vii. 5; from Thilasamon, I. ix. 14; besieged by Cabades, I. vii. 3, 12 ff.; bravely defended, I. vii. 4, 12 ff.; captured by Cabades, I. vii. 29; besieged by the Romans, I. ix. 1-4; recovered by the Romans by purchase, I. ix. 20, 23; captives of, generously treated by Chosroes, I. vii. 34; citizens relieved of taxes, I. vii. 35
Ammodios, a place near Daras, I. xiii. 15, 38; II. xxviii. 35
Anastasius, Roman emperor, uncle of Hypatius, I. viii.
2, xi. 24; of Probus, I. xii. 6; and of Pompeius,
I. xxiv. 19; refuses to purchase from Ambazouces
the control of the Caspian Gates,
I. x. 10, 11, xvi. 4; insurrection
raised against him by Vitalianus, I. viii. 3, xiii.
10; refuses request of Cabades for a loan, I. vii.
1, 2; shews favour to citizens of Amida, I. vii.
35; sends succour to Amida, I. viii. 1; fortifies
Daras, I. x. 13; placates Cabades, I. x. 17; fortifies
Theodosiopolis, I. x. 18, 19; his death, I. xi. 1
Anastasius of Daras, overthrows tyranny there, I. xxvi. 8, II. iv. 15; bears a letter from Justinian to Chosroes, II. iv. 15; detained by Chosroes, II. iv. 26; dismissed by Chosroes, II. v. 27; present with Chosroes at the sack of Sura, II. ix. 10
Anatolius, General of the East, averts danger to the
empire by courtesy
to the Persian king, I. ii.
12-15
Andreas, of Byzantium, his exploits in single combat, I. xiii. 30 ff.
Anglon, village in Persarmenia, II. xxv. 5;
Roman armies routed there, II. xxv. 23 ff.
Aniabedes, sent by Chosroes to capture Petra, II. xvii. 4; impaled by Chosroes, II. xvii. 11
Antinous, city of, in Aegypt, John the Cappadocian
imprisoned there,
I. xxv. 43
Antioch, its importance, I. xvii. 36, II. viii. 23,
ix. 3, x. 5; situation, II. vi. 10, viii. 21; ease
with which it might be captured, I. xvii. 38; character
of the inhabitants, I. xvii. 37, II. viii. 6; distance
from Beroea, II. vii. 21; from Seleucia, II. xi.
1; visited by an earthquake, II. xiv. 6; the citizens
propose to buy off Chosroes, II. vi. 16; besieged
by Chosroes, II. viii. 1 ff.; the wall stormed by
Chosroes, II. viii. 8 ff.; captured by Chosroes,
II. viii. 20 ff.; plundered by Chosroes, II. ix.
14 ff.; burnt, II. ix. 17, 18; young men of, check
the victorious Persians in a street fight,
II. viii. 28, 29, 32, ix.
5; citizens of, massacred by the Persians, II. viii.
34; church of, robbed of great treasures by Chosroes,
II. ix. 15, 16; spared in the burning of the city,
II. ix. 18, x. 6; citizens of, receive portent of
coming misfortunes, II. x. 1 ff.; xiv. 5; two women
of, their sad fate at the capture of the city, II.
viii. 35; captives of, offered for sale by Chosroes,
II. xiii. 2 ff.; settled by Chosroes in a newly built
city under special laws, II. xiv. 1 ff.
Antioch of Chosroes, special laws concerning it, II. xiv. 3, 4
Antonina, wife of Belisarius, brings about the downfall
of John the
Cappadocian, I. xxv.
13 ff.; departs to the East, I. xxv. 23
Apamea, city of Syria, II. xi. 2, 4; wood of the
Cross preserved there, II. xi. 14; it gives forth
a miraculous light in the church, II. xi. 17, 18;
visited by Chosroes, II. xi. 14 ff.; entered by
Chosroes and robbed of all its treasure, II. xi. 24
ff.; a citizen of, accuses a Persian of having violated
his daughter,
II. xi. 36
Aphrodite, son of Arethas sacrificed to, II. xxviii. 13
Apion, an Aegyptian, manager of finances in the Roman army, I. viii. 5
Arabia, its location, I. xix. 20
Arabian Gulf, called “Red Sea” by Procopius, I. xix. 2; its description, I. xix. 2 ff.
Aratius, in company with Narses defeats Sittas and
Belisarius,
I. xii. 21, 22; deserts
to the Romans, I. xii. 22, xv. 31; sent to Italy,
I. xii. 22
Arcadius, Roman emperor, when about to die makes provision
for the
safety of his heir, I. ii.
1 ff.
Archaeopolis, a strong city of Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Areobindus, son-in-law of Olyvrius,
Roman general, I. viii. 1; flees with his
army before Cabades, I. viii. 10, 11; summoned to
Byzantium, I. ix. 1
Ares, House of, portion of the imperial residence in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 9
Arethas, son of Gabalas, made king of the Saracens
of Arabia by Justinian
and pitted against Alamoundaras,
I. xvii. 47, 48; with the Roman army, I. xviii. 7;
at the battle on the Euphrates, I. xviii. 26, 35;
quarrels with Alamoundaras, II. i. 3-7; joins Belisarius
in Mesopotamia, II. xvi. 5; sent by Belisarius to
plunder Assyria, II. xix. 11, 15 ff.; returns another
way, II. xix. 26 ff.; wages war against Alamoundaras,
II. xxviii. 12-14; son of, sacrificed to Aphrodite,
II. xxviii. 13
Argek, a guardsman, his effective fighting against
the Persians at Edessa,
II. xxvi. 26, 27
Armenia, considered by some to extend as far as Amida,
I. xvii. 24;
Armenians wage war with Persia, I. v. 10 ff.;
History of the Armenians, I. v. 9, 40
Arsaces, king of Armenia, progenitor of the Arsacidae, II. iii. 32; his abdication, II. iii. 35
Arsaces, king of Armenia, wages a truceless war with Persia, I. v. 10 ff.; slandered to Pacurius, I. v. 16; victim of strategem of Magi, betrays himself to Pacurius, I. v. 19 ff.; confined in the Prison of Oblivion, I. v. 29 ff.; kills himself, I. v. 39
Arsaces, last king of Armenia, gives his kingdom to Theodosius, II. iii. 35
Arsaces, commander in Sura, killed while valiantly
defending the city,
II. v. 11
Arsacidae, descendants of the Armenian king, Arsaces,
II. iii. 32;
their privileges, II. iii. 35
Arsinus River, tributary to the Euphrates, I. xvii. 21
Artabanes, son of John, of the Arsacidae, slays Sittas, II. iii. 25
Artace, suburb of Cyzicus, I. xxv. 31
Artemis among the Taurians, sanctuary of, in Celesene, I. xvii. 11; a sanctuary of, founded by Orestes in Pontus, I. xvii. 15; another in Cappadocia, I. xvii. 18
Arzamon, in Mesopotamia, distance from Constantina, I. viii. 10
Arzanene, district of Armenia beyond the River Nymphius,
I. viii. 21, II. xv. 7; invaded
by Celer, I. viii. 21
Ascan, a Massagete chief, at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 21, xiv. 44; his exploits at the battle on the Euphrates and his death, I. xviii. 38
Asia, entered from the Hellespont by the Huns, II. iv. 9
Aspebedes, uncle of Chosroes, I. xi. 5, xxiii. 6; negotiates a treaty with Celer, I. ix. 24; shares command of invading army, I. xxi. 4; put to death by Chosroes, I. xxiii. 6
Aspetiani, their alliance with Sittas frustrated by
a misunderstanding,
II. iii. 12-18
Assyria, plundered by Arethas, II. xix. 15 ff.
Athens, a city near Lazica, II. xxix. 22, xxx. 14
Attachas, place in Armenia, distance from Martyropolis, I. xxi. 9
Augarus, toparch of Edessa, II. xii. 8; friend of
Augustus, II. xii. 8, 9; his visit to Rome, II. xii.
9 ff.; with difficulty persuades Augustus to allow
him to return,
II. xii. 11 ff.; receives
from Augustus the promise of a hippodrome for Edessa,
II. xii. 18; his enigmatic
reply to the enquiries of the citizens, II. xii.
19; stricken with gout, seeks relief from physicians,
II. xii. 20, 21; invites Christ to come to Edessa,
II. xii. 24; cured upon receiving the reply of Christ,
II. xii. 28; son of, an unrighteous ruler, delivers
over Edessa to Persia, II. xii. 28
Augustus, Roman emperor, his affection for Augarus, II. xii. 8-19
Augustus, priest in Byzantium, II. xxx. 53, 54
Auxomis, capital city of the Homeritae, I. xix. 17; distance from Adulis, I. xix. 22; from Elephantina and the Roman boundary, I. xix. 27
Auxomitae, name applied to some of the Aethiopians, I. xix. 17
Azarethes, Persian general, invades Roman territory, I. xvii. 1, xviii. 1; retires before Belisarius, I. xviii. 9 ff.; exhorts the Persian army, I. xviii. 27 ff.; arrays them for battle, I. xviii. 30; dishonoured by Cabades, I. xviii. 51 ff.; at the siege of Edessa, II. xxvii. 41
Baradotus, priest of Constantina, his godliness, II. xiii. 13; persuades Cabades to spare Constantina, II. xiii. 14, 15
Barbalissum, fortress on the Euphrates, distance from Obbane, II. xii. 4
Barbarian Plain, The, near Sergiopolis, II. v. 29
Baresmanas, Persian general, at the battle of Daras,
I. xiii. 16, xiv. 32, 45;
standard bearer of, attacked and killed by Sunicas,
I. xiv. 47-50
Barlaus, Gate of, in the wall of Edessa, II. xxvii. 44
Basilides, appointed quaestor in place of Tribunianus, I. xxiv. 18
Basilius, father of John of Edessa, II. xxi. 27
Bassaces, son-in-law of John, accompanies him on a
mission to Bouzes,
II. iii. 29; escapes with
his companions from an ambush, II. iii. 30; leads
an embassy to the Persian king, II. iii. 31; comes
with Armenians to Byzantium, II. xxi. 34
Bassicius, trusted friend of the Armenian king Arsaces,
I. v. 17;
flayed by Pacurius, I. v. 28
Batne, fortress one day’s journey distant from Edessa, II. xii. 31
Belisarius, married to Antonina, I. xxv. 11; in
company with Sittas invades Persarmenia, I. xii. 20,
21; defeated by Narses and Aratius, I. xii. 22;
appointed commander of troops in Daras with Procopius
his adviser,
I. xii. 24; at the command
of Justinian undertakes to build a fortress in Mindouos,
I. xiii. 2, 3; prevented
by the Persians, I. xiii. 4 ff.; made General of
the East, I. xiii. 9; in company with Hermogenes
prepares to meet the Persians at Daras,
I. xiii. 12 ff.; at the
battle of Daras, I. xiii. 19 ff.; sends letters to
Mirranes, I. xiv. 1 ff., 7; address to his soldiers,
I. xiv. 20 ff.; arrays the army on the second day
of the battle of Daras, I. xiv. 28; wins a brilliant
victory, I. xiv. 47 ff.; recalls the Romans from
the pursuit of the Persians, I. xiv. 53; hurries
to meet the invading army of Azarethes I. xviii. 4;
follows the retiring Persian army, I. xviii. 9 ff.;
ridiculed by his army, I. xviii. 12; attempts to
dissuade the Romans from battle, I. xviii. 16 ff.;
insulted by his army, I. xviii. 24; arrays them
for battle, I. xviii. 25, 26; fights valiantly after
most of the Roman army had been routed,
I. xviii. 41 ff.; returns
to Byzantium in order to go against the Vandals, I.
xxi. 2; his share in quelling the Nika insurrection,
I. xxiv. 40 ff.; made General of the East and sent
to Libya, I. xxvi. 1; victorious in Italy, II. i.
1; brings Vittigis to Byzantium, II. iv. 13; shares
the command of the East with Bouzes, II. vi. 1; summoned
from Italy to Byzantium, II. xiv. 8; sent against
Beroea, a town of Syria between Hierapolis and Antioch,
II. vii. 2; distance from Chalcis, II. xii. 1;
Chosroes demands money from the inhabitants,
II. vii. 5; the citizens retire to the acropolis,
II. vii. 7; the lower city entered by Chosroes and
a large part of it fired,
II. vii. 10, 11; acropolis
valiantly defended against Chosroes, II. vii. 12;
miserable plight of the besieged, II. vii. 13; citizens
capitulate to Chosroes, II. vii. 35
Beros, an Erulian leader, encamps near Martinus, II. xxiv. 14; with Philemouth follows Peter into Persia, II. xxiv. 18
Bessas, a Goth, officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3; commander in Martyropolis, I. xxi. 5
Bithynians, on the Euxine Sea, II. xxviii. 23
Black Gulf, II. iv. 8
Black Sea, See “Euxine.”
Blases, brother of Perozes, chosen king in place of
Cabades, deposed,
I. v. 2; imprisoned and
blinded by Cabades, I. vi. 17
Blemyes, a people of upper Aegypt, I. xix. 28; receive
annual payment from the Roman emperor, I. xix. 32,
33;
Diocletian purposes to hold them in check by
means of the Nobatae,
I. xix. 30; their religion,
I. xix. 35, 36
Bleschames, commander of the Persian soldiers in Sisauranon, II. xix. 3; sent to Byzantium by Belisarius with Persian captives, II. xix. 24; sent to Italy by Justinian, II. xix. 25
Blue Faction, their struggles with the Green Faction, I. xxiv. 2-6; favoured by Justinian, II. xi. 32; in the Nika insurrection, I. xxiv. 7 ff.; also called the “Veneti”
Blue Colonnade, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 49
Boas River, considered by Procopius the upper portion
of the Phasis,
II. xxix. 14-16
Boes, a Persian general, I. xii. 10
Bolum, fortress in Persarmenia, near which were the
gold mines of the
Persian king, I. xv. 18;
betrayed to the Romans by Isaac, I. xv. 32, 33; its
return demanded by Chosroes, I. xxii. 3; given up
by the Romans, I. xxii. 18
Boraedes, nephew of Justinian, assists in making Hypatius
prisoner,
I. xxiv. 53
Bosporus, a city on the Euxine, I. xii. 7; citizens
of, put themselves under the sway of Justinus, I. xii.
8;
Justinian accused of seizing it, II. iii. 40
Bouzes, brother of Coutzes, commander in Lebanon,
I. xiii. 5; sent to support Belisarius at Mindouos,
ib.; commander in Martyropolis, I. xxi. 5;
at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 19, 25 ff.; sent
against the Armenians, II. iii. 28; his offers of
friendship distrusted by them, II. iii. 28, 29; slays
John treacherously, II. iii. 31; shares the command
of the East with Belisarius, II. vi. 1; makes suggestions
as to the defence of Hierapolis, II. vi. 2 ff.; abandons
the city, II. vi. 7, 8; prevents the citizens of
Edessa from ransoming the captives of Antioch,
II. xiii. 6; favours invasion
of Persia by Belisarius, II. xvi. 16; takes refuge
with Justus in Hierapolis, II. xx. 20; they invite
Belisarius to join them, II. xx. 21 ff.; but later
come to him at Europum, II. xx. 28
Braducius, interpreter of Isdigousnas, II. xxviii. 41
Bronze Gate, in the emperor’s palace in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 47
Bulicas, harbour of the Homeritae, I. xix. 21
Byzantium, Nika insurrection, I. xxiv. 1 ff.; suburbs
ravaged by Huns, II. iv. 4; visited by the pestilence,
II. xxii. 9 ff.;
Chosroes contemplates its capture by way of
the Euxine, II. xxviii. 23
Cabades, youngest son of Perozes, I. iv. 2; chosen
king of Persia, I. iv. 34; introduces innovations
into the Persian government displeasing the people,
I. v. 1; cast into the Prison
of Oblivion, I. v. 7; escapes from it, I. vi. 7,
8, 10; enters Persia with an army of Ephthalitae,
I. vi. 10-17; appoints Adergoudounbades “chanaranges”
I. vi. 15, 18; deposes Blases, I. vi. 17; institutes
a new office, I. vi. 18, 19; appeals to Anastasius
for a loan, I. vii. 1; invades Roman territory, I.
vii. 3; grants request of Jacobus, the hermit, I.
vii. 9-11; besieges Amida, I. vii. 12-29; captures
Amida, I. vii. 29; puts Glones in command of the
city, I. vii. 33; his treatment of the captives of
Amida, I. vii. 34; routs the Roman armies near Amida,
I. viii. 8-19; shews kindness to Baradotus by sparing
Constantina, II. xiii. 13; desirous of capturing
Edessa and Constantina, II. xiii. 8; abandons his
purpose of capturing Edessa, II. xiii. 9 ff.; retires
in order to meet an invasion of the Huns, I. viii.
19; seizes the Caspian Gates, I. x. 12; protests
at the fortification of Daras, I. x. 16; solicitude
as to his successor, I. xi. 2 ff.; cured by Stephanus
of Edessa, II. xxvi. 31; hates his oldest son Caoses,
I. xi. 3, II. ix. 12; requests Justinus to adopt
Chosroes, I. xi. 9, 20 ff.; unwilling to save Seoses,
I. xi. 36, 37; tries to force the Iberians to adopt
the Persian religion, I. xii. 2 ff.; sends an army
against them, I. xii. 10; sends an army into Roman
Armenia, I. xv. 1; his gold mine at Pharangium, I.
xv. 27; deprived of the revenue therefrom, I. xv.
28, 29; treats with the ambassador Rufinus at Daras,
I. xvi. 1 ff.; punishes Perozes, I. xvii. 26 ff.;
plans a new campaign against the Romans, I. xvii.
29; advised by Alamoundaras, I. xvii. 30 ff.; adopts
the suggestion of Alamoundaras, I. xviii. 1; dishonours
Azarethes, I. xviii. 51 ff.; refuses to negotiate
with Hermogenes, I. xxi. 1; bought pearl from the
Ephthalitae, I. iv. 16; his last illness, I. xxi.
17 ff.; his ability as a ruler, I. vi. 19
Cabades, son of Zames, plot to set him on the Persian
throne in place of
Chosroes, I. xxiii. 4; ordered
to be killed by Chosroes, I. xxiii. 7; escapes by
the help of the chanaranges, I. xxiii. 9 ff.; one
claiming this name entertained by Justinian in Byzantium,
I. xxiii. 23, 24
Cadiseni, in the Persian army at the battle of Daras, I. xiv. 38, 39
Caesar, the title used by the Persians to designate
the Roman emperor,
II. xxi. 9, xi. 35
Caesarea, the home of Procopius, I. i. 1
Caisus, a Homerite, of captain’s rank, a fugitive
because of murder
committed by him, I. xx. 9,
10
Callinicus, city of Mesopotamia, II. xi. 28; on
the Euphrates, I. xviii. 13;
Roman army conveyed thither by boats after the
battle on the Euphrates,
I. xviii. 50; taken by Chosroes,
II. xxi. 30 ff.
Candidus, priest of Sergiopolis, makes agreement with
Chosroes, II. v. 31; punished by Chosroes for failing
to keep his agreement,
II. xx. 2 ff., 15, 16
Caoses, oldest son of Cabades, I. xi. 3; hated by his father, II. ix. 12; claims the throne of Persia upon the death of Cabades, I. xxi. 20; prevented by Mebodes from becoming king, I. xxi. 22
Cappadocia, country of Asia embracing a portion of the Taurus, I. x. 1; desired by Chosroes, II. xxviii. 23; visited by Orestes, I. xvii. 16
Carrhae, city of Mesopotamia, citizens of, offer money
to Chosroes,
II. xiii. 7; able to see
the smoke of the burning “agger” at Edessa,
II. xxvii. 15
Caspian Gates, their location and strategic importance, I. x. 1 ff.; fortified by Alexander, I. x. 9; offered to Anastasius by Ambazouces, I. x. 10; seized by Cabades, I. x. 12, xvi. 4, 7, xxii. 5; guarded by the Persians, II. x. 21
Cassandria, known in ancient times as Potidaea, captured
by the Huns,
II. iv. 5
Catholicos, title of the priest of Doubios, II. xxv. 4
Caucasus Mountains, I. xv. 26; inhabited by Huns, II. xv. 3, 29, xxviii. 22; by Alani, etc., II. xxix. 15; barbarians in, held in check by Lazica, II. xxviii. 22
Celer, Roman general, I. viii. 2; invades Arzanene, I. viii. 21, II. xv. 7; with Patricius and Hypatius besieges Amida, I. ix. 1; negotiates a treaty with Aspebedes, I. ix. 24
Celesene, district in Armenia, I. xvii. 11, 21; sanctuary of Artemis there, I. xvii. 11
Cerataeum, a district of Antioch, II. x. 7
Chalcis, city in Syria, distance from Gabboulon, I. xviii. 8; from Beroea, II. xii. 1; saved from Chosroes by money payment, II. xii. 1, 2
Chanaranges (lit. “Commander of the Frontier
Troops"), Persian
term for “general,”
I. v. 4, vi. 12, xxiii. 7
Chanaranges, Persian general, shares command of invading army, I. xxi. 4; besieges Martyropolis, I. xxi. 14, 15; retires, I. xxi. 27
Cherson, a city at the limits of Roman territory on the Euxine, I. xii. 7
Chersonesus, its wall assailed by the Huns, II. iv. 8
Chorzianene, place in Armenia, Eruli encamp there, II. xxiv. 14
Chosroes, third son of Cabades, I. xi. 5;
Cabades proposes to Justinus that he adopt Chosroes,
I. xi. 6 ff.;
Ch. awaits outcome of negotiations regarding
his adoption by Justinus,
I. xi. 27; retires in anger
to Persia, I. xi. 30; declared by Cabades in his
testament successor to the throne of Persia,
I. xxi. 17 ff.; his election
to the kingship, I. xxi. 22; meets Roman ambassadors
on the Tigris, I. xxii. 1 ff.; failure of their negotiations,
I. xxii. 12 ff.; grants the prayer of Rufinus, I.
xxii. 15; concludes the “endless peace.”
I. xxii. 16, 17; his unpopularity among the Persians,
I. xxiii. 1-3; plot to dethrone him, I. xxiii. 3
ff.; slays Zames and other male relatives, I. xxiii.
6; orders the chanaranges to slay Cabades, son of
Zames, I. xxiii. 7; hears from Varrames how Cabades
had been spared, I. xxiii. 13; his punishment of
Adergoudounbades, I. xxiii. 14 ff.; destroys Mebodes,
I. xxiii. 25 ff.; vexed at Roman successes in Libya,
I. xxvi. 2; demands his share of the spoils, I. xxvi.
3; desires to break the treaty with the Romans, II.
i. 1; charges Justinian with having broken the treaty,
II. i. 12-14, x. 13, 16; hears with favour the ambassadors
of Vittigis, II. ii. 12; receives an embassy from
the Armenians, II. iii. 32 ff.; decides to open hostilities
against the Romans, II. iii. 55; admonished by Justinian
by letter, II. iv. 17 ff.; detains Anastasius, II.
iv. 26; dismisses him, II. v. 27; first invasion
of Roman territory, II. v. 1; marches towards Syria,
II. v. 4; refrains from attacking Zenobia, II. v.
7; arriving at Sura, besieges the city, II. v. 8
ff.; captures it by a strategem, II. v. 22 ff.;
marries Euphemia, II. v. 28; releases captives for
ransom, II. v. 29; hears the plea of Megas, II. vi.
18 ff.; exacts money from the Hierapolitans, II.
vi. 22-24; promises to depart from the East for ten
centenaria of gold, II. vi. 25; demands money from
the Beroeans, II. vii. 5; enters Beroea and fires
a large portion of it, II. vii. 10, 11; besieges
the acropolis, II. vii. 11 ff.; reproached by Megas,
II. vii. 19; his reply, II. vii. 20 ff.; allows
the Beroeans to capitulate, II. vii. 35; moves against
Antioch, II. viii. 1; demands money from the citizens
of Antioch, II. viii. 4; hears the ambassadors, II.
viii. 5; insulted by the citizens, II. viii. 6;
storms the city wall, II. viii. 8 ff.; captures
Antioch, II. viii. 20; reproached by Zaberganes,
II. viii. 30 ff.; addresses the ambassadors, II ix.
1 ff.; his hesitation in allowing the Persians to
enter Antioch,
II. viii. 22-24, ix. 7; his
character II. ix. 8-12; orders the plunder of Antioch,
II. ix. 14; burns the city, II. ix. 17, 18; addressed
by the ambassadors, II. x. 10 ff.; demands money
from them, II. x. 19 ff.; agrees upon terms for peace,
II. x. 24; visits Seleucia, II. xi. 1; visits Daphne,
II. xi. 5 ff.; burns the sanctuary of Michael at
Christ, suffered in Jerusalem, II. xi. 14. See “Jesus.”
Christians, converted two temples into churches, I. xvii. 18; boast that Edessa cannot be captured, II. xii. 7; reverence especially the feast of Easter, I. xviii. 15; the Lazi and Iberians devout Christians, I. xii. 3, II. xxviii. 26; among the Homeritae, abused by Jews, I. xx. 1
Cilicia, the refuge of Ephraemius, II. vii. 17; and Germanus, II. vii. 18
Cilicians, the objective of Chosroes’ invasion, II. v. 4, vi. 21
Cilician screens, used at the siege of Edessa, II. xxvi. 29
Circesiurn, Roman stronghold on the Euphrates, II. v. 2; its excellent defences, II. v. 3
Citharizon, fortress in Armenia, four days from Theodosiopolis,
II. xxiv. 13
Colchis, the old name for Lazica (q.v.) I. xi. 28, etc.
Comana, called “Golden Comana,” a city
of Cappadocia founded by Orestes,
I. xvii. 19
Comana, city in Pontus, founded by Orestes, not the
one
“Among the Taurians,”
I. xvii. 12
Comet, The, its appearance in the heavens, II. iv. 1, 2; various explanations of the meaning of the phenomenon, II. iv. 3
Commagene, old name for Euphratesia, I. xvii. 2, 23, II. xx. 17; invaded by the Persians, I. xviii. 2
Constantianus, an Illyrian, II. xxiv. 4; envoy to Chosroes with Sergius, II. xxiv. 3; appointed general, II. xxviii. 2; sent as envoy to Chosroes with Sergius a second time, II. xxviii. 3 ff.
Constantina, city in Mesopotamia, I. xxii. 3; distance
from Arzamon, I. viii. 10;
Cabades desirous of capturing the city, II.
xiii. 8; spared by Cabades owing to the entreaties
of Baradotus, II. xiii. 13 ff.; claimed by Chosroes
as an inherited possession, II. xiii. 8, 15; citizens
of, their offer of money accepted by Chosroes, II.
xiii. 8
Constantine, Forum of, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 9, 24
Coutzes, Roman general, brother of Bouzes, sent to
support Belisarius at
Mindouos, I. xiii. 5; captured
by the Persians, I. xiii. 8
Ctesiphon, town on the Tigris, II. xxviii. 4-5; distance from the Antioch of Chosroes, II. xiv. 1
Cyril, Roman commander at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 21
Cyrus, king of the Persians, II. ii. 15
Cyzicus, John the Cappadocian exiled thither, I. xxv. 31
Dagaris, a Roman spy, captured by Huns, I. xv. 6; returned to the Romans, I. xxii. 18; his later services to the Romans, I. xxii. 19
Dagisthaeus, commands an army to succour the Lazi,
II. xxix. 10; with Goubazes besieges Petra, II. xxix.
11 ff.; sends an insufficient force to guard the
pass into Lazica,
II. xxix. 33-34; his incompetent
conduct of the siege of Petra, II. xxix. 34 ff.; deceived
by Mirranes, II. xxx. 7; abandons Petra, II. xxx.
11; with Phoubelis attacks Mermeroes, II. xxx. 22;
with Goubazes attacks and almost annihilates the Persians,
II. xxx. 39 ff.
Daphne, suburb of Antioch, II viii. 25; visited by Chosroes, II. xi. 5 ff.; the portent of the uprooted cypresses, II. xiv. 5
Daras, a city in Mesopotamia, fortified by Anastasius,
I. x. 13; distance from Nisibis and the Persian boundary,
I. x. 14; from Ammodius, I. xiii. 15; its formidable
defences, II. xiii. 17; a menace to the Persians,
I. xvi. 6; battle of, I. xiii. 12 ff.; the Persians
demand that its walls be demolished, I. xvi. 7; its
abandonment by the Roman army a condition of the “endless
peace,”
I. xxii. 16; the tyranny
of John, I. xxvi. 5-12; besieged by Chosroes, II.
xi. 28, xiii. 16 ff.; citizens of, make a settlement
with Chosroes, II. xiii. 28;
Chosroes plans to capture it by a ruse, II.
xxviii. 17; failure of the attempt, II. xxviii. 31
ff.
Death, Gate of, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 52
Diocletian, Roman emperor, readjusts the Roman boundary
in Aegypt,
I. xix. 29 ff.; builds the
fortress of Philae, I. xix. 34, 35
Diogenes, a guardsman, commander of cavalry, II. xxi. 2, 18, 20
Domentiolus commands a detachment of an army to invade
Persia,
II. xxiv. 15
Dorotheus, a Roman commander at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 21
Dorotheus, general of Armenia, attacks invading Persian
army,
I. xv. 3 ff.; makes a sally from
Satala upon the Persian army, I. xv. 11 ff.
Doubios, district in Persarmenia, II. xxv. 1, 2;
its trade with India, II. xxv. 3; distance from
Theodosiopolis, II. xxv. 1;
Mermeroes stops there with his army II. xxx.
33; priest of, called Catholicos, II. xxv. 4; sent
to urge the Romans to make peace, II. xxiv. 6, 7
Easter, its especial observance by the Christians, I. xviii. 15
Edessa, the centre of so-called Osroene, I. xvii.
24; in Mesopotamia, II. xxiv. 4;
Augustus promises to build a hippodrome in the
city, II. xii. 18; the story of its toparch Augarus,
II. xii. 8 ff.; citizens of, convinced that the city
could not be captured by barbarians,
II. xii. 7, 26, 30; the
letter of Christ to Augarus inscribed on the city wall,
II. xii. 26; given over to the Persians by the son
of Augarus, II. xii. 28; citizens of, destroy the
Persian guards and give back the city to the
Romans, II. xii. 29; citizens
pay Chosroes two centenaria, II. xii. 34; their zeal
to ransom the captives of Antioch frustrated by Bouzes,
II. xiii. 3 ff.;
Cabades desirous of capturing the city, II.
xii. 6, 7, 31, xiii. 8; abandons his purpose upon
reaching it, II. xiii. 9 ff.; attacked by Chosroes,
II. xxvi. 5 ff.; the home of Sergius, II. xxiv. 4
Elephantina, city in Aegypt, on the Roman boundary, I. xix. 27; near Philae, I. xix. 34, 35
Endielon, place near Amida, I. vii. 5
Ephraemius, chief priest of Antioch, accused of treason
by
Julian, II. vii. 16; retires to Cilicia, II.
vii. 17
Ephthalitae Huns, called White Huns, their manners
and customs,
I. iii. 1, 2; wage war with
Perozes, I. iii. 1 ff.; entrap the Persian army,
I. iii. 8 ff.; in a second war with Perozes completely
destroy his army, I. iv. 1 ff.; force the Persians
to pay tribute, I. iv. 35; receive Cabades after
his escape from the Prison of Oblivion, I. vi. 10;
Cabades owes their king money, I. vii. 1, 2;
punished for impiety towards Jacobus, the hermit,
I. vii. 8; eight hundred Eph. killed by the Persians,
I. viii. 13
Eruli, accustomed to fight without protective armour
except a shield,
II. xxv. 27, 28; in the
Roman army, II. xxi. 4; in the Roman army at the
battle of Daras, I. xiii. 19, xiv. 33, 39; under
Mundus, I. xxiv. 41; in the army of Valerianus, II.
xxiv. 12; with the army of Martinus, II. xxiv. 14;
follow Peter into Persia, II. xxiv. 18; in the battle
of Anglon, II. xxv. 20 ff.
Esimiphaeus, established as king of the Homeritae, I. xx. 1; deposed by insurgents, I. xx. 3; makes idle promise to Justinian, I. xx. 9 ff.
Euphemia, daughter of John the Cappadocian I. xxv. 13
Euphemia, captive of Sura, married by Chosroes, II. v. 28
Euphratesia, ancient name of Commagene I. xvii. 2,
23, II. xx. 17, 20; chosen by Azarethes as the starting
point for an invasion of Roman
territory, I. xvii. 2
Euphrates River, its source in Armenia, I. xvii. 4;
disappears in a strange marsh, I. xvii. 6 ff.; its
course from Celesene as far as the junction with the
Tigris,
I. xvii. 21, 22; receives
the waters of the Aborrhas, II. v. 2; protects one
side of Circesium, ib.; important battle on
its banks, I. xviii. 30 ff.
Europe, invaded by the Huns, II. iv. 4 ff.
Europum, on the Euphrates, headquarters of Belisarius while recruiting his army, II. xx. 24, 27, 28
Eusebius, Roman ambassador to the Persian king Perozes, I. iii. 8; warns Perozes of the stratagem of the Ephthalitae I. iii. 13
Eusebius, bishop of Cyzicus, murdered by the citizens, I. xxv. 37, 38
Euxine Sea, receives the waters of the Phasis, II.
xxix. 18;
Chosroes desires an outlet to it, II. xxviii.
23
Evaris, builder of a temple of Michael at Tretum, near Antioch, II. xi. 7
Florentinus, a Thracian, distinguishes himself at the battle of Satala, I. xv. 15, 16
Gabalas, a Saracen, father of Arethas, I. xvii. 47
Galatians, on the Euxine, II. xxviii. 23
Gabboulon, distance from Chalcis, I. xviii. 8
Gaza, limit of Arabia in olden times, I. xix. 20
Gelimer, brought captive to Byzantium by Belisarius, II. xxi. 28
George, confidant of Belisarius, persuades the inhabitants
of Sisauranon
to capitulate, II. xix. 22, 23;
saves the city of Daras, II. xxviii. 33 f.
Germanus, nephew of Justinian, II. vi. 9; commander
at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 21; sent to meet
the invasion of Chosroes, II. vi. 9; establishes
himself In Antioch and inspects the fortifications,
II. vi. 10; retires into
Cilicia, II. vii. 18
Glones, a Persian, in command of the garrison in Amida, I. vii. 33; destroyed by a stratagem, I. ix. 5-17; son of, I. ix. 4, 18
Godidisklus, a Goth, an officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3
Gorgo, city of the Ephthalitae, against the Persian
frontier,
I. iii. 2, iv. 10
Goths, march with Belisarius against Chosroes,
II. xiv. 10, xviii. 24, xxi.
4
Goubazes, king of Lazica, privy councillor of Justinian
in absentia,
II. xxix. 31; gives himself
and his people over to Chosroes, II. xvii. 2 ff.;
plotted against by Phabrizus, II. xxix. 2 ff.; begs
Justinian to succour the Lazi, II. xxix. 9; with
Dagisthaeus besieges Petra, II. xxix. 11 ff.; defends
one pass against the Persians, II. xxix. 28 ff.; asks
Justinian to send money to the Alani and the Sabeiri,
II. xxix. 30;
Chosroes plans to put him out of the way, II.
xxviii. 30, xxix. 2 ff.; rewarded with money by Justinian,
II. xxx. 28; with Dagisthaeus attacks and almost
annihilates the Persians,
II. xxx. 39 ff.
Gourgenes, king of Iberia, revolts from the Persians,
I. xii. 4 ff., II. xv. 6,
xxviii. 20; retires before the Persian army into
Lazica, I. xii. 11, 12
Gousanastades, “chanaranges,” counsels the execution of Cabades, I. v. 4; put to death by Cabades, I. vi. 18
Greece, plundered by the Huns, II. iv. 11
Greeks, The, I. xix. 35
Green Faction, their struggles with the Blue Faction, I. xxiv. 2-6; in the Nika insurrection, I. xxiv. 7 ff.; favoured by Chosroes at Apamea, II. xi. 32
Hebrews, of Iotabe, formerly autonomous, become subject
to the Romans,
I. xix. 4
Helen, palace named from, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 30
Hellenic faith, The, I. xx. 1, xxv. 10
Hellestheaeus, king of the Aethiopians, his expeditions
against the
Homeritae, I. xx. 1 ff.;
his vain promises to Justinian, I. xx. 9 ff.
Hermogenes, Roman general, sent to assist Belisarius,
I. xiii. 10; in company with Belisarius prepares
to meet the Persians at Daras,
I. xiii. 12 ff.; at the
battle of Daras, I. xiii. 19 ff.; forbids Andreas
to engage in single combat, I. xiii. 35; interchange
of letters with Perozes, I. xiv. 1 ff.; address to
the troops, I. xiv. 20 ff.; arrays the army on the
second day of the battle of Daras, I. xiv. 28; at
the battle of Daras, I. xiv. 44; recalls Romans from
pursuit of the Persians, I. xiv. 53; returns to Byzantium,
I. xvi. 10; sent as ambassador by the emperor, I.
xviii. 16; negotiates unsuccessfully with Chosroes,
I. xxi. 1; accompanies the army of Sittas as ambassador,
I. xxi. 10, 23; ambassador to Chosroes with Rufinus,
I. xxii. 16
Hestia, i.e. Vesta, identified with the Persian fire-divinity, II. xxiv. 2
Hierapolis, city on the Euphrates, I. xiii. 11, xvii.
22; distance from Beroea and Antioch, II. vii. 2;
Bouzes and the Roman army stationed there, II.
vi. 2; suggested plan for its defence, II. vi. 3
ff.; deserted by Bouzes, II. vi. 7, 8; saved from
Chosroes by payment of money, II. vi. 22-24;
Justus and Bouzes take refuge there, II. xx.
20
Homeric bowmen, compared with bowmen of Procopius’ time, I. i. 9-11
Homeritae, people of Arabia, sought as allies by Justinian,
I. xix. 1, xx. 9 ff.; location
of their country, I. xix. 15; domestic conflicts
and intervention of Hellestheaeus, I. xx. 1 ff.
Honorius, Emperor of the West, uncle of Theodosius
II. unable to assist
him, I. ii. 4
Huns, a nomadic people, of ugly countenance, I. iii.
4; their homes, I. x. 6, xii. 7, II. xv. 3, xxviii.
22; their war with Cabades, I. viii. 19, ix. 24,
x. 15, II. xvi. 3;
Justinian attempts to win their support, II.
i. 14, iii. 47, x. 16; capture a Roman spy I. xv.
6; attack of, feared by the Persians at Martyropolis,
I. xxi. 27; invade Roman territory, I. xxi. 28;
often defeated by Dagaris, I. xxii. 19; receiving
annual payments from the Romans, II. x. 23; held
back by the Lazi, II. xv. 3; in the army of Chosroes,
II. xxvi. 5; assist the Romans in the defence of
Edessa, II. xxvi. 25, 26; invade Europe, II. iv.
4 ff.; cross the Hellespont into Asia, II. iv. 9;
plunder Illyricum and Thessaly and Greece as far as
the Isthmus,
II. iv. 10-12
Hypatius, nephew of Anastasius, I. viii. 2; army
routed by Cabades, I. viii. 10-18; his escape, I.
viii. 19; sent as envoy to the Persians, I. xi. 24;
slandered by Rufinus, I. xi. 38; his punishment,
I. xi. 39; sent from the palace by Justinian, I.
xxiv. 19-21; declared emperor by the populace, and
conducted to the hippodrome,
I. xxiv. 22 f.; his wife
Mary, I. xxiv. 23; takes the emperor’s seat
in the hippodrome, I. xxiv. 42; brought before Justinian
as a prisoner, I. xxiv. 53; meets his death bravely,
I. xxiv. 55, 56
Iberia, Iberians, a Christian people, side with the
Romans,
I. xii. 2 ff., II. xv. 6;
come to Byzantium, I. xii. 14; given choice of remaining
in Byzantium or returning to their homes,
I. xxii. 16; dissatisfied
with Persian rule, II. xxviii. 20, 21
Illyricum, invaded by the Huns, II. iv. 5, 10
Immortals, a detachment of the Persian army, I. xiv. 31; at the battle of Daras, I. xiv. 44 ff.
India, washed by the “Red Sea,” I. xix.
3; boats in, tale to account for their construction
without iron,
I. xix. 23, 24; iron not
produced there nor imported from elsewhere, I. xix.
24-26; silk export, I. xx. 9, 12; its trade with
Doubios, II. xxv. 3
Ionian Gulf, II. iv. 4
Iotabe, an Island In the “Red Sea,” I. xix. 3
Iphigenia, the story of her flight from the sanctuary
of Artemis,
I. xvii. 11 ff.; temple
dedicated to her by Orestes, I. xvii. 18
Iris River, in Pontus, I. xvii. 14
Isaac, brother of Narses, betrays Bolum to the Romans
and comes as a
deserter to Byzantium, I.
xv. 32, 33; commander in Armenia, II. xxiv. 14;
carries his brother Narses out of the battle of Anglon,
II. xxv. 24
Isaurians, in the Roman army, I. xviii. 5; commanded by Longinus and Stephanacius, I. xviii. 7; at the battle on the Euphrates, I. xviii. 38; their inexperience in war, I. xviii. 39
Isdigerdes, Persian king, guardian of Theodosius I. ii. 7 ff.
Isdigousnas, high Persian official, II. xxviii. 16; employed by Chosroes for the furtherance of his plans, II. xxviii. 17; attempts to capture Daras for Chosroes by a ruse, II. xxviii. 31 ff.; continues to Byzantium as an envoy, II. xxviii. 38 ff.
Isis, worshipped by the Blemyes and Nobatae, I. xix. 35
Italy, subdued by Belisarius, II. i. 1
Jacobus, a holy man among the Syrians, I. vii. 5 ff.
Jason, the tale of his adventure with Medea in Colchis, II. xvii. 2
Jerusalem, the scene of Christ’s suffering, II. xi. 14; its treasures desired by Chosroes, II. xx. 18
Jesus, his life and work in Palestine, II. xii. 22, 23; invited by Augarus to come to Edessa, II. xii. 24; his reply, in which he promises health to Augarus, II. xii. 25. See also “Christ.”
Jews, oppress the Christians among the Homeritae, I. xx. 1. See also “Hebrews.”
John, father of Artabanes, of the Arsacidae, II. iii. 25; treacherously slain by Bouzes, II. iii. 29-31
John, son of Basilius, a notable of Edessa, given
as a hostage to Chosroes,
I. xxi. 27, 33
John, an Armenian, son of Thomas Gouzes, in the Roman army, II. xxx. 4
John the Cappadocian, praetorian prefect, I. xxiv.
11; his character and ability, I. xxiv. 12-15, xxv.
8-10; highly esteemed by Justinian, I. xxv. 5, 25,
33; dismissed from office, I. xxiv. 17; restored
to office, I. xxv. 1; hated by Theodora, I. xxv.
4-7; hostility to Belisarius, I. xxv. 12; entrapped
by Antonina, I. xxv. 13 ff.; forced to become a priest
and exiled to Cyzicus, I. xxv. 31; looks forward
confidently to becoming emperor, I. xxv. 8, 19, 44,
II. xxx. 50; his easy lot
in Cyzicus, I. xxv. 34, 35; accused of the murder
of Eusebius, I. xxv. 39; his treatment at the trial,
I. xxv. 40; his punishment, I. xxv. 42, 43; imprisoned
in the city of Antinous in Aegypt, I. xxv. 43; returns
to Byzantium, II. xxx. 49, 50; the grotesque fulfilment
of his dreams, II. xxx. 54; his daughter Euphemia,
I. xxv. 13
John, son of Lucas, Roman officer, captured by Alamoundaras,
I. xvii. 43, 44
John, commander of troops in Mesopotamia, arrests
the interpreter of
Vittigis’ envoys, II.
xiv. 12; attacked by the Persians before Nisibis,
II. xviii. 16
John, son of Nicetas, Roman commander at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 21; urges Belisarius to retire from Mesopotamia, II. xix. 36 ff.; commands a detachment of an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv. 15
John, son of Rufinus, sent as ambassador to Chosroes,
II. vii. 15, ix. 1, x. 10, 18 ff.
John Tzibus, governor of Lazica, his origin and character, II. xv. 9; persuades Justinian to build Petra, II. xv. 10; monopolises the retail trade, II. xv. 11, xxix. 21; valiantly defends Petra, II. xvii. 5 ff.; killed by a missile, II. xvii. 16
John, serving in the Roman infantry, his tyranny at Daras, I. xxvi. 5-12; his death, I. xxvi. 12
John the Glutton, a guardsman, sent with Arethas into
Assyria,
II. xix. 15 ff.; commands
a detachment in an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv.
15
Julian, sanctuary of, in Antioch, II. x. 8
Julian, brother of Summas, envoy to the Aethiopians
and Homeritae,
I. xx. 9, II. i. 10; private
secretary of Justinian, sent as ambassador to Chosroes,
II. vii. 15; forbids giving
money to Chosroes and denounces Ephraemius, II. vii.
16
Justinian, nephew of Justinus, I. xi. 10; his great
love for his wife Theodora, I. xxv. 4; favours adoption
of Chosroes by his uncle Justinus, I. xi. 10; as
general, I. xi. 16, xii. 21; becomes emperor upon
the death of Justinus, I. xiii. 1; orders the building
of a fort in Mindouos, I. xiii. 2; appoints Belisarius
General of the East, I. xiii. 9; makes Arethas commander
of many tribes, I. xvii. 47; pits Arethas against
Alamoundaras, I. xvii. 47, 48; orders demolition
of Philae, I. xix. 36; endeavours to secure the alliance
of the Aethiopians and Homeritae,
I. xix. 1, xx. 9 ff.; receives
the Palm Groves as a present from Abochorabus, I. xix.
10 ff.; recalls Belisarius and sends Sittas to the
East, I. xxi. 2, 3; receives information from a Persian
spy, I. xxi. 13; concludes the “endless peace,”
I. xxii. 16; receives in Byzantium the Cabades who
claimed to be the son of Zames,
I. xxiii. 24; his conduct
during the Nika insurrection, I. xxiv. 10 ff.; his
affection for John the Cappadocian, I. xxv. 5, 25,
33; denounced by the Armenian embassy before Chosroes,
II. iii. 37 ff.; refuses to sanction treaty, II.
xiii. 29; summons Belisarius from Italy and sends
him against Chosroes, II. xiv. 8; commands Belisarius
to invade Persia, II. xvi. 5; sends him again against
Chosroes, II. xx. 20; summons Belisarius from the
East in order to send him to Italy,
II. xxi. 34; takes measures
for the relief of the victims of the pestilence,
II. xxiii. 5 ff.; attacked
by the pestilence, II. xxiii. 20; orders Valerianus
and Martinus with others to invade Persia,
II. xxiv. 10; appoints Marcellus
and Constantianus generals, II. xxviii. 2; sanctions
the five-year peace, II. xxviii. 11; receives Isdigousnas
with especial honour, II. xxviii. 38 ff.; sends succour
to the Lazi, II. xxix. 10; neglects to send money
requested by Goubazes, II. xxix. 30-32; finally sends
the money for the Sabeiri, and gifts of money to Goubazes,
II. xxx. 28; sends John
Tzibus to Lazica, II. xv. 9; founds Petra in Lazica,
II. xv. 10, xxix. 20; makes a present of money to
Chosroes, I. xxvi. 4; considers the question of Strata,
II. i. 7 ff.; accused of tampering with Alamoundaras,
II. i. 12-14, iii. 47, x. 16; advises Chosroes not
to wage war, II. iv. 17 ff.; sends Germanus to Syria,
II. vi. 9; sends ambassadors to Chosroes, II. vii.
15; favours the Green Faction, II. xi. 32; writes
to Chosroes, II. xiii. 1; the years of his reign
noted, I. xvi. 10, xxii. 17,
II. iii. 56, v. 1, xxviii. 11, xxx.
48
Justinus, uncle of Justinian, I. xi. 10; an officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3; becomes emperor, I. xi. 1; declines to adopt Chosroes, I. xi. 6 ff.; reduces Hypatius from authority, I. xi. 39; captures Peter of Arzanene during Celer’s invasion, II. xv. 7; supports the Iberians in their revolt from the Persians, I. xii. 5 ff.; makes Justinian partner in the royal power, I. xii. 21; appoints Procopius adviser to Belisarius, I. xii. 24; his death, I. xiii. 1
Justus, nephew of Justinian, assists in making Hypatius
prisoner,
I. xxiv. 53; takes refuge
with Bouzes in Hierapolis II. xx. 20; they invite
Belisarius to join them, II. xx. 21 ff.; but later
come to him in Europum, II. xx. 28; commands a detachment
of an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv. 15; invades
Persia apart from the other commanders, II. xxiv. 20;
invades the country about Taraunon with Peranius,
II. xxv. 35; his death, II. xxviii. 1
Lazica, Lazi, later names for Colchis and Colchi (q.v.),
I. xi. 28; its cities, II. xxix. 18; an unproductive
country, I. xii. 17 II. xxviii. 27; imported salt
and other necessities of life, II. xv. 5, xxviii. 27;
many fortresses there, II. xxx. 27; difficult to
traverse, II. xxix. 24, 25; bulwark against the barbarians
of the Caucasus, II. xxviii. 22; its importance to
Persia, II. xxviii. 18 ff.; the scene of the story
of Jason and Medea, II. xvii. 2; the Lazi in ancient
times allies of the Persians, II. xv. 15; become
allies of the Romans, II. xv. 16; the people Christian,
II. xxviii. 26;
Lazica claimed by the Persians, I. xi. 28;
forts of, abandoned by the Romans and occupied by
the Persians,
I. xii. 19;
Chosroes refuses to return them to the Romans,
I. xxii. 3; finally given up by the Persians, I.
xxii. 18; invaded by Chosroes, I. xxiii. 12, II.
xv. 1, xvii. 1 ff.; limited subjection of the Lazi
to the Romans, II. xv. 2-4; placed under a Roman
magistrate, II. iii. 39; become discontented by reason
of Roman misrule, II. xv. 6 ff.; appeal to Chosroes,
II. xv. 1, 12 ff.; demanded from Chosroes by the
Roman envoys, II. xxviii. 6;
Chosroes plans to populate it with Persians,
II. xxviii. 17;
Lazi hostile to Persian rule, II. xxviii. 25
Lebanon, I. xiii. 5, II. viii. 2, xvi. 17, xix. 33
Libelarius of Thrace, Roman general, invades Mesopotamia, I. xii. 23; reduced from office, I. xii. 24
Libyans, II. iii. 42
Ligurians, envoys of Vittigis to Chosroes, II. ii. 1
Longinus, commander of Isaurians, I. xviii. 7
Lucas, father of John, I. xvii. 44
Lycaones, in the army of Belisarius, I. xviii. 40
Maddeni, tribe of Saracens in Arabia, subject to the
Homeritae,
I. xix. 14, I. xx. 9
Magi, advise Perozes to deceive the Ephthalitae, I. iii. 18 ff.; entrap Arsaces, I. v. 19 ff.; advice to Cabades at the siege of Amida, I. vii. 19; announce to Chosroes that he will capture Sura, II. v. 9; answer Cabades’ enquiry with regard to Edessa, II. xiii. 9, 10; guardians of the fire-sanctuary, II. xxiv. 2
Mamas, priest of Daras, assists in overthrowing the
tyranny of John,
I. xxvi. 8
Marcellus, nephew of Justinian, appointed general, II. xxviii. 2
Marcellus, Roman commander at the battle of Daras
I. xiii. 21; commander of palace guards, sent by
Theodora to assassinate John the
Cappadocian, I. xxv. 24 ff.;
wounded in the encounter, I. xxv. 29
Martinus, given as a hostage to the Persians, I. xxi.
27; sent to the East, II. xiv. 9; defends Daras
against Chosroes, II. xiii. 16 ff.; ordered to invade
Persia with Valerianus, II., xxiv. 10;
General of the East, encamps at Citharizon,
II. xxiv. 13; follows Peter in invading Persia, II.
xxiv. 19; commands the centre at the battle of Anglon
II. xxv. 17; with Peter and Peranius defends Edessa
against Chosroes, II. xxvi. 25 ff.; deceived by the
Persian commanders, II. xxvi. 44 ff., xxvii. 5, 6;
arranges a settlement with Chosroes, II. xxvii. 45,
46
Martyropolis, near the River Nymphius, I. viii. 22; distance from Amida, I. xxi. 6; besieged by the Persians, I. xxi. 5 ff.; fears of Sittas and Hermogenes concerning its safety, I. xxi. 23; siege abandoned by the Persians, I. xxi. 27; near Phison, II. xxiv. 15
Mary, wife of Hypatius, tries to prevent her husband
from going to the
hippodrome, I. xxiv. 23, 24
Massagetae, reported to be preparing to join the Persians, I. xxi. 13. See also"Huns”
Mebodes, a Persian official, sent as envoy to the
Romans, I. xi. 25; slanders Seoses, I. xi. 31; persuades
Cabades to leave a written declaration concerning
Chosroes, I. xxi. 17-19; opposes the claim
of Caoses, I. xxi. 20; secures the election of Chosroes
as king, I. xxi. 22; his tragic death, I. xxiii.
25 ff.
Medea, the tale of her adventure with Jason in Colchis, II. xvii. 2
Medes, the name used by Procopius as an equivalent for “Persians” (q.v.)
Medic garments, called to Procopius’ time “seric,” I. xx. 9
Megas, bishop of Beroea, sent to Chosroes, II. vi.
17; begs him to spare the Roman cities, II. vi. 18
ff.; goes to Antioch, II. vii. 1; fails to persuade
the citizens of Antioch to pay money to Chosroes,
II. vii. 14; his conference
with Chosroes at Beroea, II. vii. 19 ff.
Melitene, chief city of Armenia Minor, I. xvii. 22
Mermeroes, Persian general, invades Roman Armenia, I. xv. 1 ff.; driven back by Dorotheus and Sittas, I. xv. 8; invades Roman territory a second time, I. xv. 9; defeated at Satala, I. xv. 12 ff.; shares command of an invading army, I. xxi. 4; lends an army to the relief of Petra, II. xxix. 13, xxx. 1 ff.; forces the pass into Iberia, II. xxx. 8-10; reaches Petra, II. xxx. 15; taunts the Romans, II. xxx. 17; leaving a garrison in Petra, starts back, II. xxx. 20; attacked by Phoubelis and Goubazes, II. xxx. 22; departs from Lazica with the greater part of his army, II. xxx. 32, 33
Mesopotamia, bounded by the Tigris and the Euphrates,
I. xvii. 23; its hot climate, II. xix. 31;
Persians accustomed to invade Roman territory
from here, I. xvii. 25; avoided by invading Persian
army, I. xvii. 2; invaded by the Persians, I. xxi.
4 ff.
Michael, sanctuary of, in Daphne, burned by Chosroes, II. xi. 6, 12, 13; temple of, at Tretum, II. xi. 7, 13
Mindouos, place near the Persian border, Justinian
attempts to fortify it,
I. xiii. 2, xvi. 7
Mirranes, a Persian term (lit. “Mithra-son,”
denoting properly, not an
office, but a patrician family);
see Perozes 2; also, commander in Petra, deceives
Dagisthaeus, II. xxx. 7
Mocheresis, important city of Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Molatzes, commander of troops in Lebanon, brings succour
to Antioch,
II. viii. 2; flees precipitately
with the soldiers, II. viii. 17-19
Monks, distinguished for piety, I. vii. 22, 24
Moors, II. ii. 8, iii. 46
Mopsuestia, a city of Cilicia, II. x. 2
Mundus, general in Illyricum, assists in quelling
the Nika insurrection,
I. xxiv. 40 ff.
Nabedes, commander of the Persian soldiers in Nisibis,
II. xviii. 9; attacks the Roman troops before the
city, II. xviii. 19 ff.; general in Persarmenia,
takes measures to urge the Romans toward
making peace, II. xxiv. 6; takes
up his position in Anglon, II. xxv. 6; defeats the
Roman armies, II. xxv. 20 ff.
Narses, a Persarmenian, the emperor’s steward,
receives
Narses and Aratius when they desert to the Romans,
I. xv. 31; a eunuch, I. xxv. 24; sent by Theodora
to assist in the assassination of John the Cappadocian,
ib.; overhears his
conversation with Antonina, I. xxv. 26
Narses, a Persarmenian, in company with Aratius defeats
Sittas and
Belisarius, I. xii. 21, 22;
deserts to the Romans, I. xv. 31; dismantles the
sanctuaries in Philae at Justinian’s order, I.
xix. 37; encamps with Valerianus near Theodosiopolis,
II. xxiv. 12; leads the attack at Anglon, II. xxv.
20; dies bravely, II. xxv. 24; brother of Isaac,
II. xxiv. 14
Nicetas, father of the general John, I. xiii. 21, II. xix. 36, xxiv. 15
Nika insurrection, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 1 ff.; significance of the name, I. xxiv. 10
Nile River, the Nobatae dwell along its banks, I. xix. 28, 29; the island of Philae in it, I. xix. 34
Nisibis, distance from the Tigris, I. xi. 27; from Daras, I. x. 14; from Sisauranon, II. xix. 2; bulwark of the Persian empire, II. xviii. 7; its capture by the Persians, I. xvii. 25; its territory invaded by Libelarius, I. xii. 23; by Belisarius, II. xviii. 1 ff.; negotiations with Chosroes there, I. xxii. 10
Nobatae, a people of upper Aegypt, I. xix. 28; settled along the Nile by Diocletian, I. xix. 29 ff.; receive annual payment from the Roman emperor, I. xix. 32, 33; their religion, I. xix. 35
Nymphius River, near Martyropolis, I. viii. 22, xxi. 6; forms boundary between the Roman and Persian territory, I. xxi. 6; boundary of Arzanene, I. viii. 21, II. xv. 7
Obbane, on the Euphrates, distance from Barbalissum, II. xii. 4
Octava, place in Armenia, distance from Satala, I. xv. 9
Odonathus, ruler of the Saracens, husband of Zenobia, II. v. 5; his services to the Romans, II. v. 6
Oenochalakon, place in Armenia, II. iii. 15
Olyvrius, emperor of the West, father-in-law of Areobindus, I. viii. 1
Orestes, the story of his flight from Tauris, I. xvii. 11 ff.
Origenes, a senator, counsels moderation, I. xxiv. 26 ff.
Orocasius, highest part of the city of Antioch, II. vi. 10
Orontes River, flows along by Antioch, II. vi. 10, viii. 3, 35
Osiris, worshipped by the Blemyes and Nobatae, I. xix. 35
Osroene, name applied to country about Edessa, I. xvii. 24; its strongly fortified cities, I. xvii. 34
Osroes, ancient king of Edessa, I. xvii. 24
Pacurius, king of Persia at the time of the truceless
war with the
Armenians, I. v. 10; entraps
Arsaces, I. v. 16 ff.; confines Arsaces in the Prison
of Oblivion, I. v. 29; flays Bassicius, I. v. 28;
grants favour to a friend of Arsaces, I. v. 30 ff.
Palestine, bounded by the “Red Sea,” I.
xix. 2;
Saracens dwelling in it, I. xix. 10; the objective
of Chosroes’ third invasion, II. xx. 18; visited
by the pestilence, II. xxii. 6
Palm Groves, held by Saracens of Arabia, I. xix. 8, 9, II. iii. 41; presented to Justinian, I. xix. 10 ff.
Palmyra, city of Phoenicia, II. i. 6
Parthians, their connection with the first Arsaces, II. iii. 32
Patriciolus, an officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3
Patricias, the Phrygian, Roman general, I. viii. 2; his army routed by Cabades, I. viii. 10-18; his escape, I. viii. 19; entraps Glones with two hundred Persians, I. ix. 5-18
Paulus, interpreter of Chosroes, II. vi. 22; a Roman reared in Antioch, II. vi. 23; presents the Persian demands at Hierapolis, II. vi. 22; at Beroea, II. vii. 5; at Antioch, II. viii. 4; where he exhorts the citizens to abstain from their folly, II. viii. 7; at Chalcis, II. xii. 1; at Edessa, II. xii. 33; a second time at Edessa, II. xxvi. 14, xxvii. 24, 45
Pearl, story of the, I. iv. 17-31
Peloponnesus, escapes plunder by the Huns, II. iv. 11
Pelusium, in Aegypt, the starting point of the pestilence, II. xxii. 6
Peranius, son of Gourgenes, king of Iberia, I. xii.
11; commands a detachment of an army to invade Persia,
II. xxiv. 15; invades the country about Taraunon
with Justus, II. xxv. 35; with Peter and Martinus
defends Edessa against
Chosroes, II. xxvi. 25 ff., xxvii. 42;
Chosroes demands that he and Peter be surrendered
to him, II. xxvi. 38; his death, II. xxviii. 1
Perozes, Persian king, wages war against the Ephthalitae, I. iii. 1, 8; entrapped by the Ephthalitae, I. iii. 10 ff.; escapes with his army, I. iii. 22; his second expedition, I. iv. 1 ff.; destroyed with his army by the Ephthalitae, I. iv. 14 ff.; his famous pearl, I. iv. 14
Perozes, Persian general, I. xiii. 16; interchange of letters with Belisarius and Hermogenes, I. xiv. 1 ff.; address to his troops, I. xiv. 13 ff.; defeated by Belisarius, I. xiv. 28 ff.; punished by Cabades, I. xvii. 26 ff.
Perozes, sons of, murder Symeon, II. iii. 3
Persarmenia, its trade with India, II. xxv. 3; devastated by Sittas and Belisarius, I. xii. 20
Persarmenians, in the Persian army, I. xv. 1
Persians, worship the rising sun, I. iii. 20; their
fire-worship, II. xxiv. 2; do not bury the dead,
I. xi. 35, xii. 4; their set character, II. xxviii.
25; their trade in Indian silk, I. xx. 9; the arrogance
of their officials, I. xi. 33; their custom of counting
an army before and after a campaign,
I. xviii. 52 ff.; their
infantry inefficient, I. xiv. 25; their bowmen quick,
but inferior to those of the Romans, I. xviii. 32;
their skill in bridging rivers, II. xxi. 22; maintain
spies at public expense, I. xxi. 11; suffer a severe
defeat at the hands of the Ephthalitae, I. iv. 13,
14; pay tribute to the Ephthalitae for two years,
I. iv. 35; make peace with Theodosius, I. ii. 15;
unable to prevent the fortification of Daras, I. x.
15; capture Amida, I. vii. 29; receive money from
the Romans and give back Amida, I. ix. 4; wage war
with the Huns during the seven-years’ peace with
the Romans,
I. ix. 24; seize certain
forts in Lazica, I. xii. 19; prevent the fortification
of Mindouos, I. xiii. 7, 8; defeated in battle at
Daras, I. xiv. 47 ff.; defeated in Persarmenia, I.
xv. 8; and in Armenia, I. xv. 16; refrain from
entering Roman territory by Mesopotamia, I. xvii. 25;
victorious in the battle on the Euphrates, I. xviii.
37; invade Mesopotamia, I. xxi. 4; besiege Martyropolis
in vain, I. xxi. 5 ff.; make peace with the Romans,
I. xxii. 17, 18; capture Sura, II. v. 25; and Beroea,
II. vii. 12 ff.; capture and destroy Antioch, II.
viii. 20 ff.; capture Petra, II. xvii. 27; besiege
Edessa in vain, II. xxvi. 5 ff., xxvii. 46; save
Petra from capture by the Romans, II. xxix. 41 ff.;
suffer a severe defeat in Lazica, II. xxx. 39 ff.
Pestilence, The, devastates the whole world, II. xxii. 1 ff.; in Byzantium, II. xxii. 9 ff.; in Persia, II. xxiv. 8, 12
Peter, captured as a boy in Arzanene by Justinus,
II. xv. 7;
Roman general, sent to Lazica, I. xii. 9; summoned
to Byzantium, I. xii. 14; bodyguard of Justinian,
commander of infantry, I. xviii. 6; at the battle
on the Euphrates, I. xviii. 42; favours invasion
of Persia by Belisarius, II. xvi. 16; attacked by
the Persians before Nisibis, II. xviii. 16 ff.; commands
a detachment in an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv.
13; precipitately enters Persia, II. xxiv. 18; commands
the right wing at the battle of Anglon, II. xxv. 17;
with Martinus and Peranius defends Edessa against
Chosroes,
II. xxvi. 25 ff.;
Chosroes demands that he and Peranius be surrendered
to him, II. xxvi. 38; his base character and misrule
in Lazica, II. xv. 6-8
Petra, built by Justinian in Lazica, II. xv. 10, xvii. 3, xxix. 20; its impregnable defences, II. xvii. 18 ff.; attacked by the Persians, II. xvii. 4 ff.; besieged by Chosroes, II. xvii. 13 ff.; captured by Chosroes, II. xvii. 26; fortified with a garrison, II. xix. 48; besieged by the Romans and Lazi, II. xxix. 11 ff.; the siege abandoned, II. xxx. 11; valour of the Persian defenders, II. xxix. 35; monopoly established there by John Tzibus, II. xv. 11, xxix. 21
Petrae, ancient capital of the Arabs, I. xix. 20
Phabrizus, high Persian official, II. xxviii. 16; employed by Chosroes for the furtherance of his plans, II. xxviii. 17; attempts to destroy Goubazes, II. xxix. 2 ff.; left as commander in Lazica by Mermeroes, II. xxx. 32; his forces almost annihilated by the Lazi, II. xxx. 42 ff.
Pharangium, fortress in Persarmenia, occupied by the Romans, I. xv. 18; gold-mines of the Persians there, I. xv. 27, 29; given over to the Romans, I. xv. 29, II. iii. 1; its return demanded by Chosroes, I. xxii. 3; given up by the Romans, I. xxii. 18; near the source of the Boas River, II. xxix. 14
Pharas, an Erulian chief, at the battle of
Daras, I. xiii. 19, 25 ff., xiv. 32, 33, 39
Pharesmanes, of Colchis, an officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3
Pharsanses, a man of note in Lazica, II. xxix. 4; his friendship sought by Phabrizus, II. xxix. 5; saves Goubazes, II. xxix. 7
Phasis River, its source in the Taurus, I. xxv. 21; its course through Lazica, II. xxix. 16; its size and strong current, II. xxx. 25, 26; strongly defended by the Lazi, II. xxx. 27; forded by the Lazi, II. xxx. 37
Philae, fortress established by Diocletian on an island
in the Nile
near Elephantina, I. xix.
34-36; its temples dismantled by Justinian, I. xix.
36, 37
Philemouth, an Erulian chief, encamps near Martinus, I. xxiv. 14; with Beros follows Peter into Persia, II. xxiv. 18
Phison, place in Armenia near Martyropolis, II. xxiv. 15
Phocas, made pretorian prefect in place of John the
Cappadocian,
I. xxiv. 18
Phoenicia, II. xvi. 17
Phoubelis, a notable among the Lazi, with Dagisthaeus
attacks Mermeroes,
II. xxx. 22
Pitius, a fortress in Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Pityaxes, Persian general at the battle of Daras, I. xiii. 16, xiv. 32, 38
Placillianae, palace In Byzantium, I. xxiv. 30
Pompeius, nephew of Anastasius, sent from the palace
by Justinian,
I. xxiv. 19-21; brought
before Justinian as a prisoner, I. xxiv. 53; his
death, I. xxiv. 56
Pontic Romans, their location, II. xxix. 19
Pontus, visited by Orestes, I. xvii. 14
Potidaea, known in later times as Cassandria, captured
by the Huns,
II. iv. 5
Priapus, worshipped by the Blemyes and Nobatae, I. xix. 35
Prison of Oblivion, in Persia, reason for the name,
I. v. 8; law regarding it suspended once in the case
of Arsaces, I. v. 9-29;
Cabades confined therein, I. v. 7
Probus, nephew of Anastasius, sent by Justinus to Bosporus to collect an army of Huns, I. xii. 6, 9
Proclus, quaestor, dissuades Justinus from adopting Chosroes, I. xi. 11 ff.
Procopius of Caesarea, author of the History of the Wars, I. i. 1; eye-witness of the events described, I. i. 3; chosen adviser to Belisarius, I. i. 3, xii. 24; in Byzantium at the time of the pestilence, II. xxii. 9; had seen Cappadocia and Armenia, I. xvii. 17; his frankness in writing, I. i. 5
Pylades, the story of the flight with Orestes from Tauris, I. xvii. 11 ff.
Red Sea, its location, extent, harbours, etc. (confused by Procopius with the Arabian Gulf), I. xix. 2 ff., II. iii. 41
Rhecinarius, envoy to Chosroes, II. xxvii. 24, 25
Rhecithancus, of Thrace, commander of troops in Lebanon,
objects to
invading Persia with Belisarius,
II. xvi. 17 ff.; eager to return to Lebanon, II.
xix. 33, 34; commands an army sent to Lazica, II.
xxx. 29
Rhizaeum, a city near Lazica, II. xxix. 22, xxx. 14
Rhodopolis, important city of Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Romans, used by Procopius to designate the subjects
of the empire of
Byzantium, and mentioned constantly
throughout; lack of discipline in Roman armies, I.
xiv. 14; their bowmen more efficient than those of
the Persians, I. xviii. 34; maintain spies at public
expense, I. xxi. 11
Rufinianae, suburb of Byzantium, I. xxv. 21, 23
Rufinus, son of Silvanus, sent as an envoy to the
Persians, I. xi. 24; slanders Hypatius, I. xi. 38;
sent as ambassador to Hierapolis, I. xiii. 11; treats
with Cabades at Daras, I. xvi. 1 ff.; reports to
the emperor I. xvi. 10; meets Chosroes on the Tigris,
I. xxii. 1; sent, to Byzantium, I. xxii. 7; false
report of his death, I. xxii. 9; persuades Chosroes
to give back the money brought by the ambassadors and
postpone the war, I. xxii. 13, 14;
slandered to the emperor, I. xxii. 15; sent again
as ambassador to Chosroes, I. xxii. 16; brother of
Timostratus, I. xvii. 44; father of John, the ambassador,
II. vii. 15
Sabeiri Huns, their location, II. xxix. 15; in the Persian army, I. xv. 1; persuaded by Goubazes to form an alliance with him, II. xxix. 29; receive promised money from Justinian, II. xxx. 28
Saccice, mother of Alamoundaras, I. xvii. 1
Samosata, city on the Euphrates, I. xvii. 22; on the boundary of Euphratesia, I. xvii. 23
Saracens, experts at plundering, but not at storming cities, II. xix. 12; in Persia, all ruled by Alamoundaras, I. xvii. 45; some in alliance with the Romans, I. xviii. 46; their king Odonathus, II. v. 5; of Arabia, ruled by Arethas, I. xvii. 47; receiving annual payments from the Romans, II. x. 23; settled in the Palm Groves, I. xix. 7, 8; and in Palestine, I. xix. 10; cannibals in Arabia, I. xix. 15; never mentioned in treaties, II. i. 5; observe a religious holiday at the vernal equinox, II. xvi. 18; dispute possession of Strata, II. i. 6; in the army of Chosroes, II. xxvii. 30; in the army of Azarethes, I. xvii. 1, xviii. 30; with the army of Belisarius, I. xviii. 7, 26, 35, 36, II. xvi. 5; wage war among themselves, II. xxviii. 12-14
Sarapanis, a city of Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Sarus River, in Cappadocia, I. xvii. 17
Satala, city in Armenia, its location, I. xv. 9, 10; battle of, I. xv. 12 ff.
Scanda, a city in Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Sebastopolis, a fortress of Lazica, II. xxix. 18
Seleucia, city on the Tigris, founded by the Macedonians, II xxviii. 4
Seleucia, distance from Antioch, II. xi. 1; visited by Chosroes, ib.
Senecius, body-guard of Sittas, given as a hostage
to the Persians,
I. xxi. 27
Seoses, rescues Cabades from the Prison of Oblivion, I. vi. 4. 10; receives the office of “adrastadaran salanes,” I. vi 18, 19; sent as envoy to the Romans, I. vi. 25; slandered by Mebodes and brought to trial, I. xi. 31 ff.; condemned to death, I. xi 37
Sergiopolis, city in Mesopotamia, II. v. 29; citizens of, give much treasure to Chosroes, II. xx. 7; saved from capture by Ambrus, II. xx. 10; besieged In vain by Chosroes, II. xx. 11 ff.
Sergius, an illustrious saint, II. v. 29
Sergius, of Edessa, II. xxiv. 4; envoy to Chosroes with Constantianus, II. xxiv. 3; a second time envoy to Chosroes with Const., II. xxviii. 3 ff.
Sestus, city opposite Abydus on the Hellespont, II. iv. 9
Silentiarius, a title given to certain officials in
the palace at
Byzantium, “privy councillors,”
II. xxii. 1, II. xxix. 31
Silvanus, father of Rufinus, I. xi. 24, xvi. 4
Simmas, Massagete chief, in the Roman army, I. xiii. 21, xiv. 44
Siphrios, a fortress, distance from Amida, I. viii. 10
Sisauranon, fortress in Mesopotamia, II. xix. 2; attacked by Belisarius, II. xix. 4; capitulates to Belisarius, II. xix. 23, 24
Sittas, Roman general, in company with Belisarius
invades Persarmenia,
I. xii. 20, 21; defeated
by Narses and Aratius, I. xii. 22; attacks the Persian
army invading Armenia, I. xv. 3 ff.; occupies the
hills about Satala, I. xv. 10; attacks the Persian
army unexpectedly, I. xv. 12; defeats the Tzani in
battle and then wins them over by kindness,
I. xv. 24, 25; proceeds to the
East, I. xxi. 3; awaits the Persian army at Attachas,
I. xxi. 9; opens negotiations with the Persians before
Martyropolis, I. xxi. 23 ff.; sent against the Armenians,
II. iii. 8 ff.; his death, II. iii. 25; his valour
and achievements, II. iii. 26
Snail, Gate of the, in the palace in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 43
Soinian Gate, in the wall of Edessa, II. xxvii. 41
Solomon, an Armenian, according to one report slew Sittas, II. iii. 27
Sophanene, district in Armenia, I. xxi. 6
Sophia, sanctuary of, destroyed by fire to the Nika
insurrection,
I. xxiv. 9; its treasures
guarded by the priest Augustus, II. xxx. 53
Stephanacius, commander of Isaurians, I. xviii. 7
Stephanus, a physician of note, begs Chosroes to spare
Edessa,
II. xxvi. 31 ff.
Strata, its possession disputed by the Saracens, II. i. 6; meaning of the name, II. i. 7; unproductive, II. i. 11
Strategius, guardian of the royal treasures, sent
as an envoy by Justinian,
II. i. 9; his advice concerning
Strata, II. i. 11
Summus, father of Julian, commander in Palestine,
sent as an envoy by
Justinian, II. i. 9, 10;
his advice concerning Strata, II. i. 11
Sunicas, Massagete chief, in the Roman army, I. xiii. 20, xiv. 39. 40, 44; charges the standard bearer of Baresmanas, I. xiv. 47; kills Baresmanas, I. xiv. 60
Sunitae, march in the Persian army, I. xv. 1
Sura, a city on the Euphrates, I. xviii. 14, II. v.
8; distance from Sergiopolis, II. v. 29; besieged
by Chosroes, II. v. 10 ff.; bishop of, begs Chosroes
to spare the city, II. v. 13 ff.; captured by a stratagem
and destroyed, II. v. 22 ff.; a woman of, made captive
by a barbarian in sight of Chosroes,
II. ix. 9, 10
Sycae, a suburb of Byzantium, modern “Galata,” II. xxiii. 9
Symeon, Sanctuary of, at Amida, burned, I. ix. 18
Symeon, manager of the Persian gold-mine at Pharangium, I. xv. 27; goes over to the Romans, I. xv. 28, 29; presented with certain Armenian villages, II. iii. 1; murdered by the sons of Perozes, II. iii. 2; uncle of Amazaspes, II. iii. 3
Syria, open to invasion by the Persians, I. xvii.
34 ff.,
II. xvi. 17, xix. 34; attacked
by Chosroes, II. v. 4, vi. 21
Syriac tongue, II. ii. 3
Taraunon, a district In Persarmenia, invaded by Justus and Peranius, II. xxv. 35
Tatianus, of Mopsuestia, quarter-master of the camp
in Antioch,
witnesses the portent of the standards,
II. x. 2
Taurians, The, in Celesene, I. xvii. 11 ff., 21
Taurus Mountains, The, their size and extent, I. x. 1, 2, xv. 20, xvii. 17
Theoctistus, commander of troops in Lebanon, brings
succour to Antioch,
II. viii. 2; flees precipitately
with the soldiers, II. viii. 17-19; objects to invading
Persia with Belisarius, II. xvi. 17 ff.; eager to
return to Lebanon, II. xix. 33, 34; commands a detachment
in an army to invade Persia, II. xxiv. 13
Theodoric, leader of the Goths, I. viii. 3
Theodora, wife of Justinian, greatly beloved by him,
I. xxv. 4; her hatred of John the Cappadocian, ib.;
counsels firmness in dealing with the Nika insurrection,
I. xxiv. 33 ff.; encourages Antonina in her plan
to entrap John the Cappadocian,
I. xxv. 22; succeeds in
punishing him, I. xxv. 30; her death, II. xxx. 49
Theodoras, a citizen of Daras, skilled in mechanics, II. xiii. 26
Theodorus, an official in the palace in Byzantium,
superintends the work of
providing burial for the victims
of the pestilence, II. xxiii. 6 ff.
Theodosiopolis, its location, I. x. 18, xv. 2, II. xxiv. 12; near the sources of the Euphrates and Tigris, I. xvii. 4; fortified by Anastasius, I. x. 19; near Bolum, I. xv. 32; distance from Doubios, II. xxv. 1; from Citharizon, II. xxiv. 13
Theodosiopolis, city near the Aborrhas River, II. xix. 29
Theodosius II., son of Arcadius, as a child is made
the ward of the
Persian king Isdigerdes, I. ii. 1 ff.; sends
Anatolius as envoy to the Persians, I. ii. 12; makes
peace with the Persians, I. ii. 15;
Arsaces’ abdication of the kingship of
Armenia in his favour, II. iii. 35
Thermopylae, attacked by the Huns, II. iv. 10
Thessaly, plundered by the Huns, II. iv. 10
Thilasamon, village near Amida, I. ix. 14
Thomas, chief priest of Apamea, displays the wood
of the cross,
II. xi. 16 ff.; goes before
Chosroes, II. xi. 20 ff.; saves the wood of the cross,
II. xi. 29, 30
Thomas, ambassador to the Persians, meets Chosroes
on the Tigris,
I. xxii. 1
Thomas Gouzes, commander in Lazica, II. xxx. 5
Thrace, Thracians in the army of Belisarius, II. xix. 32, xxi. 4; home of Coutzes and Bouzes, I. xiii. 5
Timostratus, brother of Rufinus, Roman officer, captured
by Alamoundaras,
I. xvii. 43, 44
Tigris River, its source in Armenia, I. xvii. 4; its course into Assyria, I. xvii. 5, 6; distance from Nisibis, I. xi. 27; its junction with the Euphrates, I. xvii. 22; flows between Seleucia and Ctesiphon, II. xxviii. 5
Trajan, a guardsman, sent with Arethas into Assyria, II. xix. 15 ff.; they return by another route, II. xix. 28 ff.
Trapezus, city on the Euxine, II. xxix. 22, xxx. 14
Tretum, a place near Antioch where was a temple of Michael, II. xi. 7
Tribunianus, a Pamphylian, quaestor, I. xxiv. 11; his dexterity in manipulating laws, I. xxiv. 16; dismissed from office, I. xxiv. 17; restored to office, I. xxv. 1, 2; his death, I. xxv. 2
Tribunus, a physician, beloved by Chosroes, II. xxviii. 8 ff.
Tripod, before the palace of the Persian king, where
all must
sit who fell under the
king’s displeasure, I. xxiii. 28
Tripurgia, a place at Edessa, II. xxvii. 41
Tzani, called Sani in early times, I. xv. 21; the source of the Boas River among them, II. xxix. 14; conquered by the Romans, I. xv. 19 ff.; become Christian, I. xv. 25; reduced to subjection, II. iii. 39; with the Roman army at Petra, II. xxix. 10, 41; defend the Roman camp, II. xxx. 13; return to their homes, II. xxx. 14
Valerianus, appointed general of Armenia, II. xiv. 8; receives Persian envoys, II. xxiv. 6-8; reports to Justinian, II. xxiv. 9; ordered to invade Persia with Martinus, II. xxiv. 10; encamps near Theodosiopolis, II. xxiv. 12; follows Peter in invading Persia, II. xxiv. 19; commands the left wing at the battle of Anglon, II. xxv. 17
Vandals, II. ii. 8, iii. 46
Vararanes, Persian king, invades Roman territory, I. ii. 11 ff.; concludes peace with the Romans, I. ii. 15
Varizes, title of a Persian general (lit. “victorious,”
properly a
family name), I. xii.
10
Varrames, son of Adergoudounbades, shares the secret
of the sparing
of Chosroes, I. xxiii.
10; reveals to Chosroes the true story, I. xxiii.
13; made chanaranges, I. xxiii. 22
Veneti, name of one of the factions, I. xxiv. 2-6; supported by Justinian, II. xi. 32; also called the Blue Faction, ib.
Venetian Colonnade, The, in Byzantium, I. xxiv. 49
Veredi, the government post horses, II. xx. 20
Vesta, see Hestia
Vitalianus, son of Patriciolus, an officer in the Roman army, I. viii. 3; becomes tyrant, ib. his hostility to Anastasius, I. xiii. 10; his adviser Hermogenes, ib.
Vittigis, king of the Goths, sends ambassadors to Chosroes, II. ii. 1; they address Chosroes, II. ii. 4 ff.; brought to Byzantium by Belisarius, II. iv. 13, xxi. 28; remains in Byzantium, II. xiv. 10; envoys of, one dies, the other remains in Persia, II. xiv. 11; their interpreter captured, II. xiv. 12
Zaberganes, misrepresents Mebodes to Chosroes, I. xxiii. 25, 26; reproaches Chosroes, II. viii. 30 ff.; at the bidding of Chosroes receives the envoys of Edessa, II. xxvi. 16-19
Zames, son of Cabades, disqualified from succeeding
his father, I. xi. 4;
II. ix. 12; plot to put
him in power in place of Chosroes, I. xxiii. 4, 5;
slain by Chosroes, I. xxiii. 6
Zechi, their location, II. xxix. 15
Zeno, Roman emperor at the time of the Persian king Arsaces, I. iii. 8
Zenobia, city on the Euphrates, II. v. 4; founded
by Zenobia, II. v. 5;
Chosroes refrains from attacking it, II. v.
7
Zenobia, wife of Odonathus, founder of the city of Zenobia, II. v. 5
Zeuxippus, Baths of, destroyed by fire in the Nika insurrection, I. xxiv. 9
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s Notes:
Index errata:
“Caisus” should read “Caisus”
Under Aigan “Massagete”
should read “Massagetae” Also under:
Ascan
Simmas Sunicus
Under Auxomis “Elephantina”
should be “Elephantine” Also under:
Elephantina Philae
Under Darras “Ammodius” should be “Ammodios”
“Florentinus” should be “Florentius”
Under Julian “Summas” should be “Summus”
“Orocasius” should read “Orocasias”
Under Phocus “pretorian” should read “praetorian”]