“No, not without proper information,” said Arthur.  “And as you have now graduated and intend to be a lawyer, I trust you will have consideration enough for the profession, not to advance opinions until you are sufficiently informed to enable you to do so justly.  Every country must have its poor people; you have yours at the North, for I see them—­we have ours; yours are white, ours are black.  I say yours are white; I should except your free blacks, who are the most miserable class of human beings I ever saw.  They are indolent, reckless, and impertinent.  The poorer classes of society, are proverbially improvident—­and yours, in sickness, and in old age, are often victims of want and suffering.  Ours in such circumstances, are kindly cared for, and are never considered a burden; our laws are, generally speaking, humane and faithfully administered.  We have enactments which not only protect their lives, but which compel their owners to be moderate in working them, and to ensure them proper care as regards their food.”

“But,” said Mr. Hubbard, “you have other laws, police-laws, which deprive them of the most innocent recreations, such as are not only necessary for their happiness, but also for their health.”

“And if such laws do exist,” said Arthur, “where is the cause?  You may trace it to the interference of meddling, and unprincipled men.  They excite the minds of the slaves, and render these laws necessary for the very protection of our lives.  But without this interference, there would be no such necessity.  In this Walsh’s Appeal, which is now open before me, you will find, where Abel left off reading, these remarks, which show that not only the health and comfort of the slaves, but also their feelings, are greatly considered.  ’The master who would deprive his negro of his property—­the product of his poultry-house or his little garden; who would force him to work on holidays, or at night; who would deny him common recreations, or leave him without shelter and provision, in his old age, would incur the aversion of the community, and raise obstacles to the advancement of his own interest and external aims.’”

“Then,” said Mr. Hubbard, “you mean to say, he is kind from self-interest alone.”

“No, I do not,” replied Arthur; “that undoubtedly, actuates men at the South, as it does men at the North; but I mean to say, so universal is it with us to see our slaves well treated, that when an instance of the contrary nature occurs, the author of it is subject to the dislike and odium of his acquaintances.”

“But,” said Mr. Hubbard, “that does not always protect the slaves—­which shows that your laws are sometimes ineffectual.  They are not always secure from ill-treatment.”

“But, do your laws always secure you from ill-treatment?” said Arthur.

“Of course,” said Mr. Hubbard, “the poorest person in New England is as safe from injustice and oppression, as the highest in the land.”