But perhaps the greatest element in the cheapness of colonial life is its comparative want of ‘gentility.’  The necessity to keep up appearances is not one-sixth as strong as in England.  The earthen pot cannot altogether flow down stream in company with the tin kettle, but it can more safely get within a shorter distance of its metallic rival.  Rich men live in miserable houses and wear coats which their valets would have nothing to do with at home; struggling men are less ashamed of struggling, and are not made to feel the defects of their condition so keenly.  In a society, the position of whose members is constantly changing, the style of life is of less importance.  The millionaire of to-day hadn’t a sixpence yesterday, and may not have one again to-morrow.  His brothers, sifters and cousins are impecunious, and in small communities poor relations are not easily got rid of.  Constant intercommunication is thus kept up between class and class, rich and poor; they learn better to understand each other’s position, and a clearer understanding generally leads to mutual respect.

Again, the distribution of wealth is far more equal.  To begin with, there is no poor class in the colonies.  Comfortable incomes are in the majority, millionaires few and far between.  This is especially the case in Adelaide, where the condition of the poorer class is better, and that of the richer worse than in any of the other colonies.  In Melbourne the masses seem worst off, and the display of riches, if not the actuality thereof, is most noticeable.  In Sydney the signs of wealth are not wanting to an examiner, but a superficial observer would say that there were not half as many wealthy men as in Melbourne.  Few South Australians get beyond the comfortable stage, and, on the other hand, a greater number reach it.  ‘Squatting,’ of course, supplies the largest section of the wealthy class; but, especially in Melbourne, gold-mining and commerce have contributed a large quota.

RELIGION AND MORALS.

In no country in the world is the legal freedom of conscience more firmly established than in Australia.  All Churches and sects are absolutely equal in the eyes of the State; and any attempt to upset this equality would be resented, not only by the united forces of all the other denominations, but even by a majority of the only two Churches—­the Roman and Anglican—­who would ever dream of aiming at supremacy.  But thorough as is the repudiation by the great majority of the community of the principles of State aid or control of religion, the two Churches which I have just mentioned occasionally raise their voices against secular education by the State, and make spasmodic appeals for State contributions to their denominational schools, which, however little likely to succeed, are not altogether without a rational foundation.  But this is the utmost limit which State recognition, or rather the cry for it, is ever likely to reach.