Thursday, March 15, 1917—­new style—­was one of the most fateful and momentous days in the history of mankind.  It will always be remembered as the day on which Czarism ceased to exist in Russia.  At three o’clock in the afternoon Miliukov, leader of the Constitutional Democrats, appeared in front of the Taurida Palace and announced to the waiting throngs that an agreement had been reached between the Duma and the Council of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Deputies; that it had been decided to depose the Czar, to constitute immediately a Provisional Government composed of representatives of all parties and groups, and to proceed with arrangements for the holding of a Constituent Assembly at an early date to determine the form of a permanent democratic government for Russia.

At the head of the Provisional Government, as Premier, had been placed Prince George E. Lvov, who as president of the Union of Zemstvos had proved himself to be a democrat of the most liberal school as well as an extraordinarily capable organizer.  The position of Minister of Foreign Affairs was given to Miliukov, whose strong sympathy with the Allies was well known.  The position of Minister of Justice was given to Alexander Kerensky, one of the most extraordinary men in Russia, a leader of the Group of Toil, a party of peasant Socialists, vice-president of the Council of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Deputies.  At the head of the War Department was placed Alexander Guchkov, a soldier-politician, leader of the Octobrist party, who had turned against the First Revolution in 1905, when it became an economic war of the classes, evoking thereby the hatred of the Socialists, but who as head of the War Industries Committee had achieved truly wonderful results in the present war in face of the opposition of the government.  The pressing food problem was placed in the hands of Andrei Shingarev.  As Minister of Agriculture Shingarev belonged to the radical left wing of the Cadets.

It cannot be said that the composition of the Provisional Government was received with popular satisfaction.  It was top-heavy with representatives of the bourgeoisie.  There was only one Socialist, Kerensky.  Miliukov’s selection, inevitable though it was, and great as his gifts were, was condemned by the radical working-men because he was regarded as a dangerous “imperialist” on account of his advocacy of the annexation of Constantinople.  Guchkov’s inclusion was equally unpopular on account of his record at the time of the First Revolution.  The most popular selection was undoubtedly Kerensky, because he represented more nearly than any of the others the aspirations of the masses.  As a whole, it was the fact that the Provisional Government was too fully representative of the bourgeois parties and groups which gave the Bolsheviki and other radicals a chance to condemn it.