that while he believed “it was and will remain true for some time to come, I cannot, in view of the spirit now evidently dominant in the mind of the emperor and among many who stand near him, express any belief that such assurances will remain trustworthy for any great length of time after Germany shall have developed a fleet larger than that of the United States.”  He accordingly cautioned the United States “to bear in mind probabilities and possibilities as to the future conduct of Germany, and therefore increase gradually our naval strength.”  Bismarck pronounced the Monroe Doctrine “an international impertinence,” and this has been the German view all along.

Dr. Zorn, one of the most conservative of German authorities on international affairs, concluded an article in Die Woche of September 13, 1913, with these words:  “Considered in all its phases, the Monroe Doctrine is in the end seen to be a question of might only and not of right.”

The German government’s efforts to check American influence in the Latin American states had of late years been frequent and direct.  They comprised the encouragement of German emigration to certain regions, the sending of agents to maintain close contact, presentation of German flags in behalf of the Kaiser, the placing of the German Evangelical churches in certain South American countries under the Prussian State Church, annual grants for educational purposes from the imperial treasury at Berlin, and the like.

The “Lodge resolution,” adopted by the senate in 1912, had in view the activities of certain German corporations in Latin America, as well as the episode that immediately occasioned it; nor can there be much doubt that it was the secret interference by Germany at Copenhagen that thwarted the sale of the Danish West Indies to the United States in 1903.

In view of a report that a Japanese corporation, closely connected with the Japanese government, was negotiating with the Mexican government for a territorial concession off Magdalena Bay, in lower California, the senate in 1912 adopted the following resolution, which was offered by Senator Lodge of Massachusetts: 

“That when any harbor or other place in the American continent is so situated that the occupation thereof for naval or military purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the United States, the government of the United States could not see without grave concern, the possession of such harbor or other place by any corporation or association which has such a relation to another government, not American, as to give that government practical power of control for naval or military purposes.”

All of the above documents, arguments and events were of the greatest importance in connection with the great European struggle.  America was rapidly awakening, and the role of a passive onlooker became increasingly irksome.  It was pointed out that Washington’s message said we must not implicate