John Barry, who had borne an active share in the struggle for self-government—­irrespective of the methods being constitutional or unconstitutional—­was a man of attractive personality and an indefatigable worker and organiser.  He was the Secretary of the Manchester Home Rule Association, and, seeing the want of some body in which the various associations in Great Britain would be represented, he, in the name and with the authority of his branch, issued invitations to the associations then known to exist to send delegates to a Convention to be held in Manchester.  To give importance to the occasion, and the necessary authority, Isaac Butt was invited to preside, and to attend a great demonstration in the Free Trade Hall, on the night of the Convention, January 18th, 1873.

Although I bore an active part in the organising of that first Home Rule Convention of Great Britain, it is only a short time since, after a lapse of over thirty years, that I heard from John Barry himself the difficulty he had in securing the presence of the Home Rule leader.  It was a long time since we had seen each other, but I found him the same cheery, warm-hearted, generous, and patriotic John Barry as ever.  It was in the office of his firm in London we met, and took advantage of the opportunity to fight our battles over again; and he reminded me of the sort of inner circle of the I.R.B. to which he and I, and others who have since been prominent in Irish politics, belonged.

He was always, however, a practical patriot, and would use every legitimate method to serve Ireland.  That was why he threw himself with such ardour into the Home Rule movement.

He told me of how he went over to Dublin to secure the promise of Isaac Butt to preside at the projected Convention, and to attend the demonstration in the evening.  He got the requisite promise, and the announcement was made in all good faith in Manchester.  So far all looked promising; but what was his alarm to hear, within three days of the event, that Isaac Butt’s professional engagements would prevent his being able to attend.  Added to this he had heard that Butt, who was of a somewhat irresolute temperament, was being warned that he was falling into the hands of a “Fenian gang.”

Barry spent all the money he had in sending to the Irish leader a telegram as earnest, hot, and forcible as he was capable of, beseeching him to come, and pointing out to him the serious consequences to the Cause in Great Britain of his failure to do so.  This telegraphic budget reached Butt in Court; and, as he turned over leaf after leaf of the message, he said to a friend sitting alongside of him—­“This man’s in earnest, at any rate,” and immediately wired back—­“Will go, if alive.”

Apart from the offensiveness of styling us a “gang,” those who had warned Butt of the hands into which he was falling may not, probably, have been far astray as regards some of those from whom he had received the invitation; seeing that when the organisation for Great Britain was duly formed, John Barry, John Ryan, John Walsh, and myself were elected on the Executive; but, at all events, Isaac Butt turned up.