“It seems to me a sort of infernal collection for the upsetting of people’s ideas,” said Erskine.  “You ought to label it ’A Portfolio of Paradoxes.’”

“In a rational state of society they would be paradoxes; but now the time gives them proof—­like Hamlet’s paradox.  It is, however, a collection of facts; and I will give no fanciful name to it.  You dislike figures, don’t you?”

“Unless they are by Phidias, yes.”

“Here are a few, not by Phidias.  This is the balance sheet of an attempt I made some years ago to carry out the idea of an International Association of Laborers—­commonly known as the International—­or union of all workmen throughout the world in defence of the interests of labor.  You see the result.  Expenditure, four thousand five hundred pounds.  Subscriptions received from working-men, twenty-two pounds seven and ten pence halfpenny.  The British workmen showed their sense of my efforts to emancipate them by accusing me of making a good thing out of the Association for my own pocket, and by mobbing and stoning me twice.  I now help them only when they show some disposition to help themselves.  I occupy myself partly in working out a scheme for the reorganization of industry, and partly in attacking my own class, women and all, as I am attacking you.”

“There is little use in attacking us, I fear,” said Sir Charles.

“Great use,” said Trefusis confidently.  “You have a very different opinion of our boasted civilization now from that which you held when I broke your wall down and invited those Land Nationalization zealots to march across your pleasure ground.  You have seen in my album something you had not seen an hour ago, and you are consequently not quite the same man you were an hour ago.  My pictures stick in the mind longer than your scratchy etchings, or the leaden things in which you fancy you see tender harmonies in gray.  Erskine’s next drama may be about liberty, but its Patriot Martyrs will have something better to do than spout balderdash against figure-head kings who in all their lives never secretly plotted as much dastardly meanness, greed, cruelty, and tyranny as is openly voted for in London by every half-yearly meeting of dividend-consuming vermin whose miserable wage-slaves drudge sixteen hours out of the twenty-four.”

“What is going to be the end of it all?” said Sir Charles, a little dazed.

“Socialism or Smash.  Socialism if the race has at last evolved the faculty of coordinating the functions of a society too crowded and complex to be worked any longer on the old haphazard private-property system.  Unless we reorganize our society socialistically—­humanly a most arduous and magnificent enterprise, economically a most simple and sound one—­Free Trade by itself will ruin England, and I will tell you exactly how.  When my father made his fortune we had the start of all other nations in the organization of our industry and in our access to iron and coal.