too many of them are still breathing hate and vengeance.  They have scarcely yet been sufficiently chastened even by the fiery ordeal through which they have been compelled to pass.  Every day, however, increases the bitterness of the scourge under which they suffer, and if it does not avail to humble them, it tends at least to convince them, in their hearts, of the terrible mistake into which they have been led.  We may well hope and believe that the masses of the people will soon be brought to that rational frame of mind which will incline them to acknowledge the irresistible exigencies of their situation, and to make those concessions that may be found indispensable to peace and union.  As we approach the moment of decisive action, experience will teach us the solemn duty devolving upon us.  While we may not at present anticipate fully what will then be necessary, we can nevertheless determine some few principles of a general nature which must control the adjustment.

We will be compelled to consider not only the duty which the Government owes the people, in the matter of their own permanent security, but also the obligations it has assumed, the promises it has made, and the hopes it has excited in the bondsmen of the rebellious States.  There must be good faith toward the black man.  It would be infamous to have incited him to escape from slavery only to remand him again, upon the restoration of the Union, to the tender mercies of his master.  What differences of opinion may have existed in the beginning as to the legality and policy of the Proclamation and of employing the liberated slaves as soldiers, the Government and people are too far committed in this line of action to be able now to withdraw without dishonour and foul injustice.  Many of the consequences of the war may be remedied, and even the last vestiges of them obliterated.  Cities may be rebuilt, desolated fields made to bloom again with prosperity, and commerce may return to its old channels with even increased activity and volume.  Many wounds may be healed, and may separations may be brought to an end by the renewal of friendships broken by the war; but the separation of the slave from his mater, so far as it has been caused by any action of the Government, can never be remedied.  That must be an eternal separation, resting for its security upon the humanity as well as the honor of the American people.  What!  Shall we restore the States unconditionally, and permit the fugitive slave law again to operate as it did before the rebellion?  Shall we consent to see the men whom we have invited away from the South dragged back into slavery tenfold more severe by reason of our act inducing them to escape?  This is plainly impossible.  Argument is wholly out of place; felling and conscience revolt at the very idea.  It may be admitted that this question, with its peculiar complications, presents the most difficult and dangerous of all problems; but there is no alternative:  we must meet and solve it at the close of this rebellion.  We have to combat the selfish interests of a class still powerful, aided by the great strength of a popular prejudice almost universal.  The emergency will require the exertion of all our wisdom and all our energy.