In classifying slaveholders, it is undoubtedly true that a small portion of them were Democrats in principle, and ardently attached to the National Government—­perhaps would have preferred the abolition of slavery to the subversion of its jurisdiction.  Another class, composing a majority, though distrusting the National Government, connected as it was and must be with a voting power representing twenty-six or seven millions of free labor, yet more distrusted the attempt at revolution.  This class saw more danger in the proposed revolt than from continuing in the Union.  Another class were politically ambitious; had ventured upon the revilement of the Democratic principle; had become secessionists per se, and were the instruments and plotters of the treason.  This was substantially the condition of public opinion among slaveholders at the time of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency.  These three classes, embracing the slaveholders and their families, composed about one million five hundred thousand of the white population of the South.

Of the seven millions non-slaveholding population South, a small portion was engaged in trade and commerce, and naturally inclined to oppose secession; but timid in its apprehensions as to protection, was ready to acquiesce in the most extravagant opinions; in other words, like trade and commerce every where, too much disposed to make merchandise of its politics.  The balance of the non-slaveholding population, if we except a venal pulpit and press, had not even a specious motive, pecuniary or political, moral or social, that should have drawn it into rebellion.  It was a part and portion of the great brother-hood of free labor, and could not by any possibility raise up a plausible pretense of jealousy against its natural ally—­free labor in the North.

In estimating the strength of a cause, we are obliged to take into account the actually existing reasons in favor of its support.  Delusion, founded on a fictitious cause of complaint, is but a weak basis for revolution.  It may have an apparent strength to precipitate revolt, but has no power of endurance.  There is a reflection that comes through calamity and suffering that rises superior to sophistry in the most common minds.  If not already, this will soon be the case with the whole Southern population.  The slaveholder and the man of trade and commerce who feared the tumult, and would have avoided it, will have seen their apprehensions turned into the fulfillment of prophecy.  The non-slave-holding farmer, mechanic, or laborer, will be made to see clearly that his interest did not lie on the side of treason.  The political adventurer who planned the conspiracy, is already brought to see the fallacy of his dream.  He may now consider the incongruous materials of Southern population.  He may view that population in classes.  He may contemplate it through the medium of its natural motives of fidelity to the Government on the one hand, and