As to menaces, nothing, in my opinion, can contribute more effectually to lower any sovereign in the public estimation, and to turn his defeats into disgraces, than to threaten in a moment of impotence.  The second manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick appeared, therefore, to the world to be extremely ill-timed.  However, if his menaces in that manifesto had been seasonable, they were not without an object.  Great crimes then apprehended, and great evils then impending, were to be prevented.  At this time, every act which early menaces might possibly have prevented is done.  Punishment and vengeance alone remain,—­and God forbid that they should ever be forgotten!  But the punishment of enormous offenders will not be the less severe, or the less exemplary, when it is not threatened at a moment when we have it not in our power to execute our threats.  On the other side, to pass by proceedings of such a nefarious nature, in all kinds, as have been carried on in France, without any signification of resentment, would be in effect to ratify them, and thus to become accessaries after the fact in all those enormities which it is impossible to repeat or think of without horror.  An absolute silence appears to me to be at this time the only safe course.

The second usual matter of manifestoes is composed of promises to those who cooperate with our designs.  These promises depend in a great measure, if not wholly, on the apparent power of the person who makes them to fulfil his engagements.  A time of disaster on the part of the promiser seems not to add much to the dignity of his person or to the effect of his offers.  One would hardly wish to seduce any unhappy persons to give the last provocation to a merciless tyranny, without very effectual means of protecting them.

The time, therefore, seems (as I said) not favorable to a general manifesto, on account of the unpleasant situation of our affairs.  However, I write in a changing scene, when a measure very imprudent to-day may be very proper to-morrow.  Some great victory may alter the whole state of the question, so far as it regards our power of fulfilling any engagement we may think fit to make.

But there is another consideration of far greater importance for all the purposes of this manifesto.  The public, and the parties concerned, will look somewhat to the disposition of the promiser indicated by his conduct, as well as to his power of fulfilling his engagements.

Speaking of this nation as part of a general combination of powers, are we quite sure that others can believe us to be sincere, or that we can be even fully assured of our own sincerity, in the protection of those who shall risk their lives for the restoration of monarchy in France, when the world sees that those who are the natural, legal, constitutional representatives of that monarchy, if it has any, have not had their names so much as mentioned in any one public act, that