reflection is, that by distributing duties pretty
equally over this vast mass of imported commodities
he could raise a very large revenue without greatly
enhancing the price of anything. Our present
system throws away, so to speak, the advantage of
our vast and varied importation by electing to place
the burden of duties entirely on very few articles.
As against this system the Tariff Reformer favours
the principle of a widespread tariff, of making all
foreign imports pay, but pay moderately, and he holds
that it is no more than justice to the British producer
that all articles brought to the British market should
contribute to the cost of keeping it up. It is
no answer to say that it is the British consumer who
would pay the duty, for even if this were invariably
true, which it is not, it leaves unaffected the question
of fair play between the British producer and the
foreign producer. The price of the home-made
article is enhanced by the taxes which fall upon the
home makers, and which are largely devoted to keeping
up our great open market, but the price of the foreign
article is not so enhanced, though it has the full
benefit of the open market all the same. Moreover,
the price of the home-made article is also enhanced
by the many restrictions which we place, and rightly
place, on home manufacture in the interests of the
workers—restrictions as to hours, methods
of working, sanitary conditions, and so forth—all
excellent, all laudable, but expensive, and from which
the foreign maker is often absolutely, and always
comparatively, free. The Tariff Reformer is all
for the open market, but he is for fair play as between
those who compete in it, and he holds that even cheapness
ought not to be sought at the expense of unfairness
to the British producer.
I say, then, that the Tariff Reformer starts with
the idea of a moderate all-round tariff. But
he is not going to ride his principle to death.
He is essentially practical. There are some existing
duties, like those on alcoholic liquors, the high
rate of which is justified for other than fiscal reasons.
He sees no reason to lower these duties. On the
other hand, there are some articles, such as raw cotton,
which compete with no British produce, and even a slight
enhancement of the price of which might materially
injure our export trade. The Tariff Reformer
would place these on a free list, for he feels that,
however strong may be the argument for moderate all-round
duties as a guiding rule, it is necessary to admit
exceptions even to the best of rules, and it is part
of his creed that we are bound to study the actual
effect of particular duties both upon ourselves and
upon others. No doubt that means hard work, an
intimate acquaintance with the details of our industry
and trade, an eye upon the proceedings of foreign
countries. A modern tariff, if it is to be really
suitable to the requirements of the nation adopting
it, must be the work of experts. But is that
any argument against it? Are we less competent