New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 414 pages of information about New York Times Current History.

New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 414 pages of information about New York Times Current History.

World politics, however, may mean something else; policies based upon world value, (Weltgeltung.) The policy based on world domination differs from that based on world value, in that the former denies the equal rights of other States, while the latter makes that its premise.  The State that asserts its rights to world values demands for itself what it concedes to the others:  its right to expand and develop its political and economic influence, and to have a voice in the discussion whenever the political or economical relations of the various States at any point in the inhabited globe approach a state of change....

In this sense has the German Empire heretofore engaged in world politics in contrast with Russia and England.  That it cannot be carried on successfully without overseas colonies, a strong foreign fleet, naval bases, and telegraphic connections through cable or wireless telegraph apparatus, needs no further elucidation.  For this sort of world politics also the name “Imperialism” may be used.  But such use of the word is misleading; I shall therefore hereafter avoid it.

And herein I think I have uncovered the deeper reason for an early misunderstanding of great consequence.  It seems as though in a certain—­to be sure, not a very great or very influential—­circle of our German fellow-citizens the opinion prevails that the German Empire should substitute its claims for world domination for those of England.  Such a view cannot be too soon or too sharply rebuked.

The claim for world domination would set the German Empire for many years face to face with a long series of bloody wars, the issue of which cannot be in doubt a moment to any one familiar with history.  The enforcement of this claim, moreover, would of itself be the surrender of the German spirit to the spirit of our present opponent in the war.  The idea of world domination, imperialism in the true sense of the word, is not a product grown on German soil; it is imported from abroad.  To maintain that view in all seriousness is treachery to the inmost spirit of the German soul.

Perhaps I am mistaken in taking it for granted that such thoughts are today haunting many minds.  Perhaps it is merely a matter of misapplied use of a large sounding word.  In that case, however, it is absolutely necessary to create clear thinking.  I take it for granted that I am voicing the sentiments of the souls of the vast overwhelming majority of Germans when I say:  “We shall wage the war, if need be, to the very end, against the English and Russian lust for world domination, and for Germany’s world value (Weltgeltung.”)

But forthwith there appears a further difference of opinion, to be taken not quite so seriously, which I shall endeavor to define as objectively as possible.  The German conservative press seems to be of the opinion that the goal for the winning of which we are waging the great war, and concerning which we are all of one mind, will be definitely attained immediately upon the conclusion of the war.

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.