of Parliament; when you look at the division of opinion which prevails in every family of this kingdom, and of Ireland—­in every family, I say, from the most eminent in station, down to the lowest in this country;—­when you look at the division of opinion that prevails among the Protestants of Ireland on this subject; I am convinced you will see that there would be a vast difference in a contest carried on now, and that which was carried on on former occasions.

April 2, 1829.

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No Remedy for the State of Ireland but Emancipation.

Neither the law, nor the means in the possession of Government, enabled Government to put an end to the state of things in Ireland.  Therefore, we come to Parliament.  Now let us see what chance there was of providing a remedy for this state of things by coming to Parliament.  My Lords, we all recollect perfectly well, that the opinion of the majority in another place is, that the remedy for this state of things in Ireland is a repeal of the disabilities affecting his Majesty’s Roman Catholic subjects.  We might have gone and asked Parliament to enable us to put down the Roman Catholic Association; but what chance had we of prevailing upon Parliament to pass such a bill, without being prepared to come forward and state that we were ready to consider the whole condition of Ireland, with a view to apply a remedy to that which Parliament had stated to be the cause of the disease?  Suppose that Parliament had given us a bill to put down the Roman Catholic Association, would such a law as that be a remedy for the state of things which I have already described to your Lordships as existing in Ireland?  Would it do any one thing towards putting an end to the organization, which I have stated to your Lordships exists—­towards putting down the mischiefs which are the consequences of that organization—­towards giving you the means of getting the better of the state of things existing in Ireland, unless some further measure were adopted?  But, my Lords, it is said, if that will not do, let us proceed to blows.  What is meant by proceeding to “blows,” is civil war.  Now, I believe that every Government must be prepared to carry into execution the laws of the country by the force placed at its disposition, not by the military force, unless it should be absolutely necessary, but by the military force in case that should be necessary; and, above all things, oppose resistance to the law, in case the disaffected, or ill-disposed, are inclined to resist the authority, or sentence of the law; but, in this case, as I have already stated to your Lordships, there was no resistance of the law—­nay, I will go further, and will say that I am positively certain that this state of things existing in Ireland, for the last year and a half, bordering upon civil war (being attended by nearly all the evils of civil war), might have continued a considerable time longer,