my opinion is that the threat of carrying this measure of creation into execution, if it should have the effect of inducing noble Lords to absent themselves from the House, or to adopt any particular line of conduct, is just as bad as its execution; for, my Lords, it does by violence force a decision on this House—­and on a subject, my Lords, on which this House is not disposed to give such a decision.  It is true, my Lords, men may be led to adopt such a course, by reflecting, that if they do not adopt it, some 50 or 100 peers will be introduced, and thus deliberation and decision in this House be rendered impracticable; or men may be led to adopt it with the view of saving the Sovereign from the indignity of having so gross an alternative imposed upon him.  But I say, my Lords, that the effect of any body of men agreeing publicly to such a course, will be to make themselves parties to this very proceeding, of which I say, we have so much reason to complain.  The only course of proceeding at this eventful crisis, worthy of the men with whom I have the honour to be connected, was to advise his Majesty—­was to counsel his Majesty—­to resist the advice which had been given him, if he could find means of carrying on the government of the country without acceding to it.  But this part of the transaction, my Lords, requires particular explanation upon my part—­his Majesty insisted that some “extensive measure of reform” (I use his own words) “in the representation of the people” should be carried.  I always was of opinion, and am still of opinion, that the measure of reform is unnecessary, and will prove most injurious to the country.  But on the last occasion when I addressed your Lordships,—­in the committee on Monday se’nnight,—­I stated my intention to endeavour to amend the bill in committee, and to do it honestly and fairly.  Still, however, I thought that, amend it as we might in committee, it was not a measure which would enable the country to have a government capable of encountering the critical circumstances and serious difficulties to which every man must expect this country to be exposed.  This was, my Lords,—­this is, my opinion.  I do not think that, under the influence of this measure, it is possible that any government can expect to overcome the dangers to which this country must be exposed.  But my Lords, this was not the question before me; I was called on to assist my Sovereign in resisting a measure which would lead to the immediate overthrow of one branch of the legislature—­a measure which would enable the ministry to carry through this house the whole bill unmodified, unimproved, and unmitigated.  I had then, my Lords, only the choice of adopting such part of that bill as this house might please to send down to the House of Commons, suffering the government hereafter to depend upon the operation of that part of the bill rather than upon the whole bill, or else of suffering the whole bill to be carried, and the House of Lords to be destroyed.  My Lords, my