October 4, 1831.

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The popular Will no ground for conceding Reform.

But we are told that the people wish for this measure; and when we express our sense of the danger which attends it, on account of the democratical power which it tends to establish, an endeavour is made to calm our apprehensions, by the assurance that the people are attached to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons.

If we are to rely upon that feeling of the people—­if we are to adopt this measure because it is the pleasure of the people, and because they are attached to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, why do we not, at once, adopt the measure which we know the people prefer—­I mean radical reform; that is to say, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and annual parliaments?  If we are to make a change, there can be no reason for not going the full length that the people wish, if we can be sure that the measure will not injure the Government—­that to which they are attached—­of King, Lords, and Commons.

October 4, 1831.

Necessity of the Influence of Property in the House of Commons.

But before we go further, it is desirable that we should examine what is the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, as established in this kingdom.  In this Government the King is at the head of everything.  All the power is in his hands.  He is the head of the Church, the head of the law.  Justice is administered in his name.  He is the protector of the peace of the country, the head of its political negociations, and of its armed force—­not a shilling of public money can be expended without his order and signature.  But, notwithstanding these immense powers, the King can do nothing that is contrary to law, or to the engagements of himself or his predecessors.

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Every act of the Government, or of the King, is liable to be brought under discussion in, and is in fact controlled by, the House of Commons; and for this reason alone, it is important that we should consider of what description of men the House of Commons is likely to be composed, when we are discussing a question of Parliamentary Reform, in order that we may be quite certain that they will exercise their high function with wisdom and discretion.

It was on these grounds, that I, some time ago, called upon the noble Earl (Grey) to state by what influence he intended to carry on the King’s Government in Parliament, according to the principles fixed at the period of the Revolution, and in practice from that period to this, when this Reform Bill should be passed.  The noble Lord answered immediately—­not by means of corruption.  I am aware of that, my Lords.  I am convinced that the noble Lord is incapable of resorting to such means, as I hope he believes that I am incapable of resorting to them.  I did not consider this any answer to my question, which I repeated in a subsequent discussion, on the motion of my noble friend, the noble Baron behind me (Lord Wharncliffe).  The noble Earl said, that the Government had nothing to do with such questions; that Parliament was to decide for itself; and that there was no necessity for the interference of Government.