This address has enjoyed great popularity, and will deservedly take place among the most characteristic and valuable pamphlets of the war.

AMERICA, THE LAND OF EMANUEL; or, CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY A REFUGE FOR THE GATHERING TO SHILOH.  By Lorenzo D. Grosvenor, of Shaker Community, South Groton, Mass.  A. Williams & Co., 100 Washington St., Boston. 1861.

SPEECH DELIVERED BY HON.  J.M.  ASHLEY, OF OHIO, ON THE REBELLION, ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES, at the College Hall, in the City of Toledo, Nov. 26, 1861, Towers & Co., Washington, D.C. 1861.

An excellent pamphlet, which has been extensively and favorably noticed by the press, and been several times reprinted.

THE AMERICAN CRISIS, its Cause, Significance and Solution.  By Americus.  Chicago, Ill.:  John R. Walsh. 1861.

A vigorous and able document.

WAR AND EMANCIPATION.  A Thanksgiving Sermon preached in the Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, N.Y., on Thursday, Nov. 21, 1861.  By Rev. Henry Ward Beecher.  Philadelphia:  W. Peterson & Brothers. 1861.

Concise, spirited, and full of sound ideas.

* * * * *

EDITOR’S TABLE.

On the ninth of March President LINCOLN made the first announcement of an official endorsement of the great principle of gradual Emancipation, by transmitting to Congress a message recommending that the United States ought to cooeperate with any State which may adopt a gradual emancipation of slavery, by giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used at its discretion, to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, which may be produced by any such change of system.

Any member of Congress, with the census tables and the treasury notes before him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State.  Such a position on the part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject, in each case, to the State and its people immediately interested.

It is almost needless to point out to the reader that the views, both direct and implied, which are urged in this message, are in every respect identical with those to advance which the CONTINENTAL was founded, and for which it has strenuously labored from the beginning.  There is nothing in them of the ‘Abolitionism’ which advocates ‘immediate and unconditional’ freeing of the blacks; while, on the other hand, the only persons who can object to them are those who hold that slavery is a good thing in itself, never to be disturbed.  It is, in short, all that the rational friends of progress can at present desire—­an official recognition of the great truth that slavery ought to be abolished, but in such a manner as to cause the least possible trouble.