as in wretched taste, but the politicians of both parties could not help being amused.  They admitted behind their hands that the taunt was not altogether groundless, and that Lyons certainly was on extremely pleasant terms with prosperity for an out and out champion of popular rights.  Nevertheless the leading party newspapers termed Stringer a demagogue, and accused him of endeavoring to foment discord in the ranks of the Democracy by questioning the loyalty of a man who had led them to notable victory twice in the last three years.  He was invited to step down, and to season his aspirations until he could present a more significant public record.  What had he done that entitled him to the senatorship?  He had gifts undeniably, but he was young and could wait.  This was a taking argument with the legislators, many of whom had grown gray in the party service, and Lyons’s managers felt confident that the support accorded to this tribune of the people would dwindle to very small proportions when the time came to count noses.

Suddenly there loomed into sight on the political horizon, and came bearing down on Lyons under full sail, Elton’s bill for the consolidation of the gas companies.  The Benham Sentinel had not been one of the promoters of Lyons’s senatorial canvass, but it had not espoused the cause of any of his competitors, and latterly had referred in acquiescent terms to his election as a foregone conclusion.  He had not happened to run across Elton during these intervening weeks, and preferred not to encounter him.  He cherished an ostrich-like hope that Elton was in no haste regarding the bill, and that consequently it might not pass the legislature until after his election as Senator.  If he were to come in contact with Elton, the meeting might jog the busy magnate’s memory.  It was a barren hope.  Immediately after the Sentinel announced that Governor Lyons was practically sure to be the next United States Senator, the gas bill was reported favorably by the committee which had it in charge, and was advanced rapidly in the House.  Debate on its provisions developed that it was not to have entirely plain sailing, though the majority recorded in its favor on the first and second readings was large.  It was not at first regarded as a party measure.  Its supporters included most of the Republicans and more than half of the Democrats.  Yet the opposition to it proceeded from the wing of the Democracy with which Stringer was affiliated.  Elton’s interest in the bill was well understood, and the work of pledging members in advance, irrespective of party, had been so thoroughly done, that but for the exigencies of the senatorial contest it would probably have slipped through without notice as a harmless measure.  As it was, the opposition to it in the lower branch was brief and seemed unimportant.  The bill passed the House of Representatives by a nearly two-thirds vote and went promptly to the Senate calendar.  Then suddenly it became obvious to