and to feel itself socially rather English than Irish.  Thus the chasm between the immigrants and the aborigines has grown deeper.  The upper class has not that Irish patriotism which it showed in the days of the National Irish Parliament (1782-1800), and while there is thus less of a common national feeling to draw rich and poor together, the strife of landlords and tenants has continued, irritating the minds of both parties, and gathering them into two hostile camps.  As everybody knows, the Nationalist agitation has been intimately associated with the Land agitation—­has, in fact, found a strong motive-force in the desire of the tenants to have their rents reduced, and themselves secured against eviction.  Now, many people in England assumed that an Irish Parliament would be under the control of the tenants and the humbler class generally, and would therefore be hostile to the landlords.  They went farther, and made the much bolder assumption that as such a Parliament would be chosen by electors, most of whom were Roman Catholics, it would be under the control of the Catholic priesthood, and hostile to Protestants.  Thus they supposed that the grant of self-government to Ireland would mean the abandonment of the upper and wealthier class, the landlords and the Protestants, to the tender mercies of their enemies.  Such abandonment, it was proclaimed on a thousand platforms, would be disgraceful in itself, dishonouring to England, a betrayal of the very men who had stood by her in the past, and were prepared to stand by her in the future, if only she would stand by them.  It was, of course, replied by the defenders of the Home Rule Bill, that what the so-called English party in Ireland really stood by was their own ascendency over the Irish masses—­an oppressive ascendency, which had caused most of the disorders of the country.  As to religion, there were many Protestants besides Mr. Parnell himself among the Nationalist leaders.  There was no ill-feeling (except in Ulster) between Protestants and Roman Catholics in Ireland.  There was no reason to expect that either the Catholic hierarchy or the priesthood generally would be supreme in an Irish Parliament, and much reason to expect the contrary.  As regards Ulster, where, no doubt, there were special difficulties, due to the bitter antagonism of the Orangemen (not of the Protestants generally) and Catholics, Mr. Gladstone had undertaken to consider any special provisions which could be suggested as proper to meet those difficulties.  These replies, however, made little impression.  They were pronounced, and pronounced all the more confidently the more ignorant of Ireland the speaker was, to be too hypothetical.  To many Englishmen the case seemed to be one of two hostile factions contending in Ireland for the last sixty years, and that the gift of self-government might enable one of them to tyrannize over the other.  True, that party was the majority, and, according to the principles of democratic government, therefore