and freight rates, but incidentally it dealt also with wages.  The strike soon spread over an enormous territory.  Many of the members of the brotherhoods joined in, although their organizations were opposed to the strike.  The lawless element in Chicago took advantage of the opportunity to rob, burn, and plunder, so that the scenes of the great railway strike of 1877 were now repeated.  The damages in losses of property and business to the country have been estimated at $80,000,000.  On July 7, E.V.  Debs, president, and other principal officers of the American Railway Union were indicted, arrested, and held under $10,000 bail.  On July 13 they were charged with contempt of the United States Court in disobeying an injunction which enjoined them, among other things, from compelling or inducing by threats railway employes to strike.  The strike had already been weakening for some days.  On July 12, at the request of the American Railway Union, about twenty-five of the executive officers of national and international labor unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor met in conference in Chicago to discuss the situation.  Debs appeared and urged a general strike by all labor organizations.  But the conference decided that “it would be unwise and disastrous to the interests of labor to extend the strike any further than it had already gone,” and advised the strikers to return to work.  On July 13, the American Railway Union, through the Mayor of Chicago, offered the General Managers’ Association to declare the strike off, provided the men should be restored to their former positions without prejudice, except in cases where they had been convicted of crime.  But the Association refused to deal with the union.  The strike was already virtually beaten by the combined moral effect of the indictment of the leaders and of the arrival in Chicago of United States troops, which President Cleveland sent in spite of the protest of Governor Altgeld of Illinois.

The labor organizations were taught two important lessons.  First, that nothing can be gained through revolutionary striking, for the government was sufficiently strong to cope with it; and second, that the employers had obtained a formidable ally in the courts.[28]

Defeats in strikes, depression in trade, a rapidly falling labor market and court prosecutions were powerful allies of those socialistic and radical leaders inside the Federation who aspired to convert it from a mere economic organization into an economic-political one and make it embark upon the sea of independent politics.

The convention of 1893 is memorable in that it submitted to the consideration of affiliated unions a “political programme.”  The preamble to the “programme” recited that the English trade unions had recently launched upon independent politics “as auxiliary to their economic action.”  The eleven planks of the program demanded:  compulsory education; the right of popular initiative in legislation; a legal